Regional Integration in South
ern Africa Development Com
-municty
P o l i t i c s V e r s u s E c o n o m i c s
BACHELOR THESIS POLITICAL SCIENCES Author: ANNICK HERMANSSON
Tutor: Prof. BENNY HJERN (Supervisor) MIKAEL SANDBERG (Assistant Supervisor)
ABSTRACT
Regional integration has gained keen drive since the 1980s throughout the world. Po-litical and economic considerations complement each other in any kind of process; yet classical economic integration theory would advocate that regional integration is an economic process occurring largely as a result of greater interaction between neigh-boring states, functioning almost like a kind of invisible hand. This theory is based on the historical example of the development of the European Union, yet it completely discounts the fact that the European Union was first and foremost a political project. Such also has been the case with the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), the world’s oldest customs union, and with the Southern African Development Coopera-tion Conference (SADCC) and its successor, the Southern African Development Community (SADC).
Using the new regionalisms approach, with focus on SADC as a representative re-gional economic community, the purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the extent to which politics rather than economic considerations, has determined the establishment and functioning of SADCC (1980-1992) and thereafter of SADC (from August 17, 1992) and to point out the impact, that these political-driven processes has had on the development of the southern African region integration. A qualitative con-tent analysis is used for data collection while policy analysis is brought out using the Institutional Analysis and Development framework. The results of this study reveal divergence between policy formulation (political) and policy implementation (eco-nomic) when it comes to enhancing the developmental aspects in the unfolding re-gional integration process, yet both equally influential. Moreover, policy formulation at the collective-action level still lacks concrete strategies and plans for the harmo-nization and implementation of regional initiatives. Some of the strategies for deepen-ing the regional integration process would include prioritizdeepen-ing regional commitments to external ones and improving policy formulation as well as establishing linkages be-tween different regional policies and strategies.
Keywords: Regional integration; regionalism, political economic development;
LIST OF ACRONYMES
ACP African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of Countries AU African Union
DRC Democratic Republic of Congo EC European Community
EPA Economic Partnership Agreement EU European Union
FDI Foreign Direct Investment FTA Free Trade Agreement
GATS General Agreement on Trade in Services GDP Gross Domestic Product
HIV/AIDS Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immune DeficiencySyn-drome
IGAD Intergovernmental Authority on Development IMF International Monetary Fund
MISA Media Institute of Southern Africa
NEPAD New Partnership for Africa’s Development OAU Organization for African Unity
RECS Regional Economic Communities RIAs Regional Integration Agreements SA/RSA South Africa/Republic of South Africa SADC Southern African Development Community
SADCC Southern African Development Coordination Conference SA-TDCA South African Trade and Development Cooperation Agreement SACU Southern African Customs Union
SIPO Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ on Politics, Defense and Security Cooperation
UN United Nations
UNECA United Nations Economic Commission for Africa UNDP United Nations Development Program
UNU/WIDER United Nations University/World Institute for Development Eco-nomic Research
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. INTRODUCTION...5
1.1. DEFINTION OF CONCEPTS...5
1.2. PURPOSE OF THE STUDY AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS...7
1.3. PLAN OF THE STUDY...8
1.4. DEMARCATION OF THE STUDY...8
II. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY...9
2.1. RESEARH DESIGN...9
2.2. DATA COLLECTION...9
III. THEORETICAL ORIENTATION AND
METHODOL-OGY...9
3.1. DEFINITION OF CLASSICAL THEORIES IN REGIONAL IN-TEGRATION...10
3.2. THE NEW REGIONALISMS APPROACH...12
3.2.1. POLITICAL STRUCTURES...14
3.2.2. ECONOMIC DYNIMICS...14
3.2.3. SECURITY ARRANGEMENT...15
3.2.4. REGIONAL GOVERNANCE...15
IV. OVERVIEW OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF
RE-GIONAL ECONOMIC COMMUNITY IN SOUTHERN
AFRICA...17
4.1. FROM SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COORDINA-TION CONFERENCE TO SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY AND FROM HIGH POLITICS TO LOW POLITICS: THE RESPOND TO SOUTH AFRICA...17
4.1.1. SADCC: FROM REGIONAL COORDINATION TO RE-GIONAL INTEGRATION – SADC -...20
V. DATA ANALYSIS...22
5.1. THE POLITICAL STRUCTURES WITHIN THE SADC RE-GION 22 5.2. THE ECONOMIC DYNIMIC...25
5.3. THE SECURITY ARRANGEMENTS...26
5.4. THE REGIONAL GOVERNANCE...28
5.5. THE COLLECTIVE IDENTITY FORMATION...29
VI. SUMMERY: ACTUAL LEVELS TO WHICH
POLI-TICS CONSIDERATIONS HAS PLAYED IN SADC
RE-GIONAL INTEGRATION...31
6.2.1. GENERAL PERFORMANCE TOWARDS ACHIEVING RE-GIONAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT...31
6.2.2. IMPACT OF EXTERNAL AGREEMENTS ON THE RE-GIONAL INTEGRETION PROCESS...32
VIII. REFERENCES...i
8.1. LITTERATURE...i 8.2. INTERNET SOURCES...iii
1 INTRODUCTION
One of the characteristics of the international economic relations of these past twenty years is the increase of regional agreements, in other words the rise in power of re-gionalism.
The declaration and the Treaty establishing the Southern African Development Com-munity (SADC), which substituted the conference of coordination were signed in July 17, 1992, in Windhoek, Namibia.1 This economic community is devoted to the ideals
The vision of SADC is one of a common future, a future within a regional community that will ensure economic well-being, free trade, freedom of movement of the people, democracy, , improvement of the standards of living and quality of life, freedom and social justice, respect for the human rights and also peace and security for the people of Southern Africa. This shared vision is secured by common values and principles and the historical and cultural affinities that exist between the peoples of Southern Africa2.
The Member States are: Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
1.1. DEFINTION OF CONCEPTS
Region
A region, from the Latin word “region” is a geographic part or segment of the world that consists of more than two states in physical proximity which consciously inter-acte with oneanother and share common values such as culture, economy and political administration.
Regionalism
1 SADC home page, http://www.sadc.int/ 2 SADC Review 2007/2008:SADC Profil
In the Dictionary of Trade Policy Terms, regionalism is defined as the measurements taken by the governments to liberalize or facilitate the trade with the regional scales, sometimes by means of free exchange zones or of customs unions.
Regionalism is also defined as an institutional process initiated by the States in order to support the co-operation and the coordination of their policies in certain fields. This definition is less restrictive than that proposed by the World Trade Organization (WTO), according to which regionalism is only considered under its commercial as-pect.
Regionalization
It refers to a “block” of countries, in general, close relations geographically, between whom, the economic links are privileged. A mutual development is required there. Regionalization implies also a transfer to the “economic grouping” of certain compe-tences which belonged exclusively to the States.
Though frequently used as identical with regionalism, regionalization refers to the process through which “regioness”3 is improved. The idea does not state an
evolution-ary logic, but a logic that depends on what the aims and goals of regionalization are and one that indicates levels of complexity in terms of regional interaction. Regional-ization is often treated as largely a political phenomenon, meaning a process initiated by states, stimulated and driven by the global economic demands and challenges of the spread of economic liberalism. This observation is based on the influential market integration theory expressed by authors such as Viner and Balassa4. Regionalization is
often completely presented as being a mainly cooperative process, that is states in var-ious regions “band” together for their mutual benefit and in this way formulate and execute a suitable, efficient and profitable reaction to global economic demands and trends.
3 The term regionness is borrowed from the authors of the UNU/WIDER - New Regionalism series and means the degree of coherence and homogeneity in a particular region, with regard to certain as-pects of the political, social and economic dimensions.
4 Balassa, B, 1961, The Theory of Economic Integration, Hornwood Ill: Irwin; Viner, J, 1953, The Customs Union Issue, New York: Carnegie Endowment of International Peace.
1.2. PURPOSE OF THE STUDY AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS
Faced with the rapid groth of globalization, the formation of regional entities is pre-sented as a solution of reinforcement for the countries in the process of development. But what is it really?
The literatures used in this thesis suggests that the present African political economy calls for a regional integration process if the continent is to make progress from its economic crises and restore the marginalization process it is faced within the global-ization. In this regard, regional integration is implemented by both the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) as an optional way to the development of the African continent. This study is concerned with an in-vestigation on how politics, relatively to economic are reflected in the establishment of regional integration process on the African continent. When estimating the achieved levels of regional integration through the cooperation of the NEPAD’s and the AU and international actors such as the EU, theoretical reflections on the interac-tion of respective actors, policy formulainterac-tion, and policy implementainterac-tion can then offer significant insights for a more efficient implementation of the integration process. This study should help to understanding how theories and practices are managed in the ongoing integration process in SADC, therefore the current research will be guided by the following questions:
1. What levels of politics have been engage in the implementation to the SADC regional integration process?
2. How much of these regional integrations have helped prosper economics-secu-rity-political stability development in (SADC) communities?
3. How does negotiating with a third party (the EU) complicate regional integra-tion?
1.3. PLAN OF THE STUDY
Through mainly the fourth section and upward, the purpose of this thesis is outlined as going to an estimation of the actual levels to which political considerations plays a
strong role on the regional integration process in SADC. A number of concepts are briefly defined as to give a better understanding of the subject chosen, though already in the discussion of concepts such as “regionalization” the political nature of regional integration projects will become evident. Section three is an overview section and will discuss the theoretical concerns relating to regional integration and help choose rele-vant theoretical frameworks for the data collection and then the analysis. The most important theoretical orientations will be those allowing an understanding of regional integration as a developmental strategy in regions. Parameters to guide the collection of information as well as methods for data collection and analysis will be specified. Section four pays attention to the empirical information and history of the develop-ment of SADC, while dealing with the transformation of SADCC into SADC and also the way South Africa has influenced the functioning of the organization since 1994. Section five discuss the analysis of the data concentrating on asserting the actual lev-els and performance of the regional integration in SADC. Further on the challenges it faces in the different sectors of cooperation and with external actors. At last section six assert the conclusion.
1.4. DEMARCATION OF THE STUDY
First, the study will be restricted on the geographical scale as there is seven regional economic communities in Africa. The research will therefore focus on only one repre-sentative regional economic community which is the Southern African Development Communities. Such a limitation is imposed by the complexity of the area of study and the time frame accorded to this study. The second limitation relates to the depth of the areas of analysis. four main parameters will be dealt with, which of political struc-tures, security arrangements, economic dynamics, and regional governance. Giving a focus around these parameters will allow an appreciation of their impact on the re-gional integration process in SADC.
.
2 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 2.1. RESEARH DESIGN
This study is considered as an evaluation research since it appreciate the levels of po-litical and economical impact in the integration process in SADC. The significant of research questions and research parameters are denoted as gradual approach. Enter-prizing orientation will be adopted within this research in order to account for the in-teractions of regional actors and the resulting variations. To make it more reliable, press releases, articles, the internet, old thesis in the same area of study and specially the SADC homepage will be use as sources in this thesis. As such, A comparative re-search design is found more suitable in order to bring out significant contrasts permit-ting a reasonable understanding and a fair appreciation of the integration process.
2.2. DATA COLLECTION
Through a qualitative content analysis, the relevant information will be collected from documented material relating to the research parameters outlined under with an effort of ensuring a perspective representation. This material will be comprised with official documents from states, regional organizations and private sources such as annual and other official reports, mission statements, protocols, press releases, newsletters, re-search papers and other relevant publications in regard to the issues dealt with here. The majority of the documentations will be accessed through the internet, so good in-dications of the sources will be assured for their credibility and validity (which de-pends also on the original documents). since the study is concerned with the actual levels of regional integration along with politics, information from earlier publications ranging from the 1990’s up till now will be considered relevant in this thesis.
3
THEORETICAL ORIENTATION AND METHODOLOGYRegional integration has been recommended as the way of achieving peace, security, unity, and development of the African continent. From this point of view, it is relevant to grasp into the situation for an empirically supported understanding before exploring the ways forward in this study. Indicator to appreciate different levels of integration in SADC will be identified through a review of previous publications on regional inte-gration. The achieved levels of integration will then serve as a basis for understanding what factors has had the most impact in the integration initiatives. Furthermore to point out which planed strategies for improving the regional integration process
through politics in enhancing the potential to meeting the national and regional chal-lenges in terms of development. This thesis will however focus solely on SADC due to limitations imposed by time and resources allocated to this work.
3.1. DEFINITION OF CLASSICAL THEORIES IN REGIONAL INTEGRA-TION
From a common recognition of the constant interaction and complementarities be-tween politics and economics, a variety of theories have been developed to explain the process and outcomes of regional integration. The basis of their differentiation seems to be located in the respective importance attributed to economic and political factors in the process, as well as the level of institutionalization in the regions. Among the classical integration theories, the following can be outlined: functionalism, neo-func-tionalism, intergovernmentalism, and realism.
Functionalism
Functionalism is a theory of international relations. It looks at organizations in term of their function and is also concerned with the ways groups and individuals work together and interact with one another. Common interests and needs are seen to create connections and promote co-operation pretty similar to constructivism.5 Functionalists
assume that international co-operation fosters links that temper state sovereignty, and that these effects reduce global conflict and reduce poverty.
Neofunctionalism
James J. Hentz: Neofunctionalism explains the process of regional economic integration by movement along a linear path from a customs union to an economic union. This ar-gues that development is propelled by demandes inherent in the relationship between the desire to cooprerate and the original institutional arrangement in pursuit of that goal. Neofunctionalism was a domiant theory of integration in the early periods of integration theorizing. Set between the rationalist and revolutionist tradition of international
rela-5 Constructivism is a psychological theory of knowledge. It appears in numbers of work which takes into consideration the concept of construction.
tions, neofunctionalism, was grounded on the assumptions that “the deliberate merger of economic activity in particular economic sectors across borders generates wider economic integration that would spill over into political integration; the two processes being accelerated by the creation of supranational institutions”6.
This is built on the work of Ernst B. Haas an American political Scientist who as-sumed that “once an integration effort had been launched, there would be pressures for further integration as social and economic groups would demand additional eco-nomic integration, and that would create new political actors interested in and ready to promote further integration.
In the eyes of many neofunctionalists, the purpose of integration is still unclear but may lead to the establishment of an alliance where national sub-systems consent function by function, their authority to a central federal body (Leonardi, 1993, 5, Cameron, 1992, 28).
Intergovernmentalism
Intergovernmentalism is an integration approach that is concerned with states, and na-tional Governments in particular, as the primary actors in the integration process. In-tergovernmentalism has two main basis assumptions7:
States(governments) are the relevant actors who rationally initiate, steer and control the process of integration on the basis of exogenous, predominantly material preferences.
The scope, form and substance of political integration are negotiated between governments and reflect intergovernmental constellations of preferences and power.
Intergovermentalism is distinguishable from realism and neorealism because of its recognition of both the significance of institutionalisation in international politics and the impact of processes of domestic politics upon governmental preferences. It is not either to be confused with he supranational bodies that are set in place to ensure the execution and management of the regional organization.
6 Rosamond, op. cit., p. 2.
7 Frank Schimmelfenning & Berthold Rittberger (2005). European Union, Power and policy-making,
Realism (Neo-realism)
Neorealism was introduced at the end of the 1970’s by Professor Kenneth Waltz. Ac-cording to Waltz, the international system consists of partly integrated units, in the form of states, and partly the structure which shows how they are related to one an-other. The arrangements of the units and the structure define the system (Waltz 1979: 79f). Neorealism has naturally, developed from realism, it is a conception of regional integration and is a political occurrence pursued by states for national political and economic motives. The realism approach emphasizes on the need for peaceful rela-tions among regional members for the development of a regional arrangement. In spite of differences in theorizing regional integration, the fact that regional arrange-ments are built upon cooperative efforts of individual states is a fundamental ground to the different approaches.
The new regionalisms approach presented below is used as theoretical framework for this study. It is also used to illustrate changes occurring over time in the regional inte-gration process concerned with different factors and also actors.
3.2. THE NEW REGIONALISMS APPROACH
The New Regionalisms Approach, which appeared in the 1980s, is more comprehen-sive in seeking a balance between the different factors affecting security and develop-ment. According to Björn Hettne, one of the prominent figures of the New Regional-ism Approach, regionalRegional-ism is a phenomenon heterogeneous, multidimensional, driven by a variety of States, markets, of nonofficial company and actors. It is a variety of re-gional subsystems, with various degrees of “regionness”. Söderbaum tries to take into account the heterogeneity and the multi-dimensionnality of regionalism by proposing the concept “regionness”. This concept is an analytical tool, to include/understand the emergence and the construction of areas and to try to determine the origin of regional coherence. According to Söderbaum (2002), two principal approaches allow to appre-hend new regionalism within the international political Economy.8 The first, formed
by the mainstream, perceived as a means of solving problems of collective action; It
8Fredrik Söderbaum, «Rethinking the new regionalism», 13th Nordic Political Science Association Meeting, 15-17 août 2002.
gathers three main frameworksof theories: neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and liberal regional economic integration. The second approach, gives an account for a more critical and broader perception of regionalism.
Regional integration goes beyond the traditional approach, by not regarding the State as the unit and central actor. Three theories are indexed here also: approach of a world nature, approach of the new regionalism and the new regionalism/new realistic ap-proach (NR/NRA). According to Söderbaum, these critical apap-proaches must become the heart of the international political economy and they must continue to be devel-oped.
Political structure, economic dynamics, the central dimensions of peace and security and democracy are considered as basics in the process of regionalization. conse-quently, the above stated parameters are identified as relevant for an appreciation of the degrees of regionness. The political ambition in the SADC case was manifested already from the beginning of the Organization for African Unity (OAU), African Union (AU), New Partnership for Africa’s Development ( NEPAD), thereby guaran-tying the existence of a regionalist project to be carried out by committed actors. Given the global nature and the rapid speed of new regionalism, it is important to un-derstand the reasons behind it. Several reasons have been advanced which are not only quantitative meaning the increase in the number of agreements, but also qualita-tive, which of the increase in the fields of application:
The emergence of new regroupings of country, but also the reactivation of old agreements.
gains from trade and factor flows and greater competition in markets
the implementation of regional agreements starting from strategic sectors. ease of negotiations with fewer parties
The increasingly important participation of country in the process of develop-ment in regional agreedevelop-ments. Arrangedevelop-ments are no longer only carried out be-tween the countries of same level of development, but they associate also de-veloped countries and countries in the process of development.
regional security
3.1.1 POLITICAL STRUCTURES
The political situation within a regional structure is one of the two extent that influ-ence structural change in the sense that political turbulinflu-ence raise the marginal status oh integration, while relative political stability increases the regionness level. An ap-preciation of the established political situation can be obtained through indicators such as democratic or repressive regimes, cultural and ethnic patterns that cause national ri-valries or cross-border alliances, domestic political tensions, existence of a regional power that sustains the regionalization process or hinders it.
3.1.2 ECONOMIC DYNIMICS
A structural aspect within the new regionalisms approach is persistent economic de-velopment. The objectives set during the treaty and the declaration of the integration was to carry out development and economic growth, reduce poverty, emphasize the level and the quality of the life of the people of Southern Africa. Common Market is a customs union which extends to liberalization from the factors of production. This is accompanied by a harmonization of a coordination of the economic policies such as financial and monetary policies, with social and culture of the Member States. It sug-gest that budgetary and monetary policies are common in the Member States of the Union.
An appraisal of the process of regionalization with regard to economic cooperation can be evaluated through looking at indicators like the exchanges of the growth rate. Also designed economic plan at the regional level, such as the administration of pro-duction and market for similar assets, enhancement of regional infrastructure, regional trade and other potential regional economic policies to determine if a concentration of economic flows is attained within the area.
3.1.3 SECURITY ARRANGEMENT
The SADC regional security frameworks since the 1970s, had been manifest by deep-rooted conflicts, mostly of inter-states characters, drove by numbers of internal and
external factors (Klotz, 1995, Matlosa, 2001, chapter 5). This further leads to regional challenges through difficulties in regional initiatives and refugee movements.
As peace and security stand as fundamentals in the regionalization process Develop-ment Regionalism suggest a conflict manageDevelop-ment component, meaning that arrange-ments at the regional level are necessary to respond to the security needs. “the re-gional level can open up through previously attempt and possibilities, solve conflicts built into the state formation”9. Consequently, the existence or none existence of a
re-gional security organization and its respective capacity to resolve rere-gional conflicts is a good regionness indicator in terms of evaluating regional security.
3.1.4 REGIONAL GOVERNANCE
Further objectives set during the SADC regional integration, was to develop the polit-ical values, the common systems and establishments meaning to support and defend peace and safety. Also to support the self-sustained development on the basis of the collective independence, and of the interdependence of the Member States in order to carry out the complementarity regional strategies and national plans. As political en-gagement is vital in the regionalization process, states are making effort in inter-gov-ermental interactions and the massive task of regionalization. Other important actors in the development are transnational corporations and other business companies, inter-national organizations, interest groups such as nongovernmental organizations, ethno-nationalist leaders, micro-regional and any other existing regional initiatives within the geographical area. Attaining adequate regional governance to bring together all stakeholders is more than obvious referring to Mittelman’s view: “at the end of the day, the possibilities and limitations of transformative regionalism rest on the strength of its links to civil society”10. Consultative networks between government
depart-ments, businesses, academia and representatives of civil society constitute important relations for information, distribution and input generation while stabilizing an ade-quate stage of legitimacy. To appreciate regional governance in SADC, this thesis
9 Dunn & Hentz, op. cit., p. 182.
take a look at information of the represention and participation of pertinent stakehold-ers in the regionalist teamwork project.
As stated in the beginning of the thesis, It is assumed that through the above four pa-rameters adequate knowledge will be obtained to allocate a reliable appreciation of in-tegration (regionness) levels existing within SADC.
4
OVERVIEW OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF REGIONAL ECONOMIC COMMUNITY IN SOUTHERN AFRICA4.1. FROM SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COORDINATION CONFERENCE TO SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COMMU-NITY AND FROM HIGH POLITICS TO LOW POLITICS: THE RE-SPOND TO SOUTH AFRICA
“Treating Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) only as an attempt at economic regionalism or development coordination and cooperation would be to neglect much about the original driving forces behind the establishment of the organization, even though the European Economic Community (EEC), (as it was then) encouraged the concept of economic liberation, taking part in the initial de-liberations and meetings prior to the launch of SADCC”11.
However SADCC was, in essence, a politically motivated response and “defensive mechanism”12 by the Front line States (FLS) to the PW Botha13 government in South
Africa’s idea of a “constellation of states” in the region14. SADCC’s main objective
was to decrease economic dependence on South Africa through building economic and particularly infrastructural security in the region. In that way a basis for develop-ment of the various states of southern Africa would be arranged. Although influenced by continental moves towards intensified regionalization, SADCC was first and fore-most the invention of the leaders of the FLS who established SADCC as the ”eco-nomic pillar” of the anti-colonial and anti apartheid struggle in the region. As Clapham15 points out, since independence Africa have been inclined to strive for re-11 Anglin, D, 1983, Economic liberation and regional cooperation in Southern Africa: SADCC and PTA’, International Organization, 37 (4), Autumn, p68.
12 Baregu, M, 1993, ‘From confrontation to cooperation? Revisioning Southern Africa’, SAPEM, 6 (7), April, p33).
13 Adam Bernstein, November 1, 2006, Washington post, page B07: P.W. Botha, 90, the unapologetic
leader of apartheid-era South Africa who led his country into deepening political crisis and racial vio-lence as head of state from 1978 to 1989
14 See Geldenhuys, D, 1984, The Diplomacy of Isolation: South African Foreign Policy Making, Jo-hannesburg: Macmillan, pp39; 41-42 and Baynham, S, 1989, ‘SADCC security issues’, Africa Insight, 19 (2).
gional cooperation for the sake of safeguarding and strengthening individual state-hood and the FLS would set the pattern for the way in which post-colonial regional cooperation in southern Africa would develop:
Each state cooperated and contributed according to its means and needs in terms of its own definition.
There was constant and explicit recognition of each other’s independent sovereignty and that this was not to be compromised through cooperation. To emphasize that the whole purpose of regional cooperation served to
strengthen the state and to ensure that independent statehood would come to the rest of the region (Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa) meaning the minimum level of institutionalization was allowed and supplyed for. This would later, in the case of SADCC result in a highly decentralized organiza-tional structure that lacked”a regional point to make coordination more effec-tive”16.
No formal agreements supported the establishment of the FLS and in the case of SADCC there would be no Treaty.
Cooperation was largely characterized by crisis, due to the way in which it was managed.
The way in which the FLS operated would in later years create massive prob-lems in terms of leadership and the institutionalization of security relations in the region.
SADCC took on a Programme of Action that identified distinct economic activities and development projects to be pursued. Cooperation in the field of transport infra-structure was the prime concern of the organization in order to diminish dependence on South Africa. Despite, or conceivably because of the success achieved in this sec-tors, it also became one of the main targets of South Africa’s destabilization policy during the 1980s. Conversely, member states were expected to provide finance for their coordinating activities on behalf of SADCC. Unavoidably, due to the general
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p120.
16 Mudenda, G, 1994, ‘Institutional capacity for regional cooperation and economic integration’, Pro-ceedings of a Conference on Regional Cooperation, Lusaka, October, p91.
poverty and limited financial resources of several SADCC states, certain sectors were neglected, particularly the critically importance of human resources development a sector under the responsibility of Swaziland. The sectoral responsibility approach re-sulted in an extremely decentralized organizational structure with an undersized secre-tariat in Gaborone ( South-East Botswana) and in a highly uneven distribution of effi-ciency and effectiveness within the different sectors. Politically, though, such an ap-proach had its benefits.
In result of the weight of under-development and general lack of resources and finan-cial capacity of SADCC member states, the organization was heavily dependent on donor funding. Each sector were now acquiring funds for projects in its own area. Such an approach, apart from the obvious level of inequality and differences in ap-proach and commitment built in it, also opened up the possibility that donors might have excessive influence on certain sectors as they were dealing, by inference, with SADCC on a bilateral basis, which emerged preferences from the part of the donors. Problems related to the decentralized structure and approach of SADCC was also that donors often abstained from actually providing the financial assistance that they had guaranteed, because the relevant sectors did not have the capacity to utilize such aid, (which is a problem that is also affecting SADC today). Accordingly changes and clashes leaned to an early awareness by SADCC members of the importance of the need to respond to internal and regional changes caused by global forces, as would later be illustrated in the SADC Declaration of 1992.
These changes within SADCC point to the evolution of a regionalism characterized by a sense of a shared destiny; member states increasingly expressed their needs, pref-erences and objectives in terms of their being part of the region and these aspects as being inseparable. Indeed, this news dynamic, is moving from a “software tion” or “shallow integration” to a more control of policies supporting a major integra-tion “deep integraintegra-tion”.
4.1.1 SADCC: FROM REGIONAL COORDINATION TO REGIONAL INTE-GRATION – SADC -
The transformation of SADCC into SADC through the 1992 Windhoek Treaty is a prime example of the extent to which the southern African region has taken cog-nizance of change at different levels and has moved towards and regulation to such change. This was used in a positive way to promote and develop the well-being of the region. The Declaration that headed the Treaty of the new organization (SADC) con-tained a brief overview and analysis of the new opportunities rose by changes in the region and the use of these changes as a good reason and motivation for closer coop-eration and community building purposes. The new structure of economic integration translated the passage of a mechanism of integration by projects, which made its orig-inality up to now, with the traditional device of integration of the markets. It was also a manner of preparing the accession of the Republic of South Africa post-apartheid, two years afterwards. Economic globalization with its emphasis on economic liberal-ization, increased bloc formation and the globalization of finance and production played a key part in the decision to convert the organization into one that would, at least in theory, concentrate on deeper integration, rather than regional cooperation for the sake of intensifying and protecting individual member states.
Transforming SADCC into SADC represented and increased emphasis on responding to international trends through mobilization of the region’s own resources, potential and capacity17. Moreover, the changed international political landscape at the end of
the Cold War, together with the end of apartheid in South Africa, shifted international emphasis on traditional military political security to a concentration on a much wider definition of security that included economic, environmental and societal security. Demands for increased liberalization were met by the SADC Protocol on Free Trade in 1996, an agreement that enclosed a detailed strategy for achieving a free trade area in the region within eight years, a project which eventually took much longer to ap-prove than had been expected. The main reason for the prolonged negotiations that followed upon the signing of the Protocol, had to do with South Africa’s economic strength in the region. Thus this troubled more economic considerations than merely political concerns, indicating the extent to which the region’s relations are
progres-17 SADC, 1995, 1995 Theme Document SADC: Resources, Institutions and Capacity for Integration, Lilongwe: SADC, 1-3 February, p9.
sively more determined by economic considerations18. Because of the structure of the
majority of economies that make up SADC (low levels of industrialization, heavy re-liance on primary commodities), trade liberalization in the form of intra-regional trade will have small benefit for most countries as they basically do not produce merchan-dise that are tradable intra-regionally. Certainly, it was estimated that the implementa-tion of the trade protocol will expand regional income by only 0, 33%19, at the same
time as other estimations state that employment and GDP will increase by 1%20.
Member countries were predominantly sensitive to the possibilities of jeopardizing lo-cal industries: if they should open up their markets to bigger regional producers that could take away their markets with cheaper products.
Tension between South Africa and it neighbors in SADC also came to the forefront once South Africa started negotiating a free trade agreement with the European Union, not initially taking into consideration of other SADC members into account, even though the fact that the SADC Free Trade Protocol effectively ruled out the pos-sibility of individual SADC countries choosing their own options for future trade rela-tions with the EU21. What concerned its neighbors most, were the trade-diversion
ef-fects of an agreement between South Africa and the EU. After its initial own orienta-tion towards the EU South Africans did, however, include the concerns of their neigh-bors in their negotiations with the Europeans, although it was in no certain way that the eventual agreement reached in 2000 will not hinder regional efforts at integration or access to South African markets for products from its neighbors in the appearance of European produce that might power them out22.
18 Politics still plays an important role, as is clearly illustrated in the way in which the region has been dealing with the complex situation in Zimbabwe since early 2000. See Report of the Africa Institute of SA Factfinding Mission to Zimbabwe, Pretoria: Africa Institute, April 2001.
19 SADC 2000, SADC Regional human Development Report 2000, Harare: SADC and UNDP, p163.
20 Evans, D, R Holmes and I Mandaza, 1999, SADC: The Cost of Non-integration, Harare: SAPES Books, p34.
21 Goodison, P, 2000, ‘SADC and the future of the Lomé Trade Arrangements’ in Hartzenberg, T (ed), SADC-EU Trade Relations, Harare: SAPES Books, p33.
22 Kitikiti, N, 2000, ‘The EU-SA FTA – Implications for the SADC’ in Hartzenberg, op.cit. pp69-78.
SADC was therefore not only a result of or response to changing international trends and demands, but also a response to a changed political climate within the region. It was established in order to create the environment that would allow for such ”deep in-tegration”23. SADCC had to be transformed to accommodate new trends in the global
economy and new political (and economic) realities within the region. It needed a new approach to development and a new institution to implement development strategies.
5 DATA ANALYSIS
The data will be analyzed using the theoretical understood from the new regionalism discourse. The theory analysis is expected to provide a broader understanding of the unfolding regional integration process based on the information relating to the four parameters which of political structure, economic dynamic, security arrangement, re-gional governance and also at common identity creation as respond to these parame-ters. Consideration of policy formulation and policy implementation in the analysis of a regional integration process look at variables developed within this framework be-cause it suit best the treatment of the information at hand in the regional integration process while its capacity covering all policy stages permit to account for interactions and linkages among them.
5.1. THE POLITICAL STRUCTURES WITHIN THE SADC REGION
In the political matters all States of the SADC, with exception of the traditional monarchy of Swaziland, affirm to encourage and protect democracy. Actually, only South Africa has for the moment a relatively “democratic” behavior, and that explains also why it already entered several times in collision with the rather “dictatorial” gov-ernments of Zambia and Zimbabwe. Although justified on the bottom, and integrated in the aply of the South-African presidency to the head of the SADC, South-African initiatives in favour of the democracy and human rights did not reinforce within the SADC the feeling of the domination and South-African arrogance.
23 See the Declaration in the Declaration, Treaty and Protocol of Southern African Development Community, Gaborone, 1993.
Criticisms formulated by South Africa on state of the democratization and the situa-tion of human rights concerning the neighboring countries as they do not maintain a convincing democratic legitimation. Only Botswana, Maurice and Zimbabwe were in the past with protection of the system of sole party; until now democratic alternation was not the fact that countries, having been the only State to know a change of being able operated within the framework of democratic system.. Beyond the economic domination, the political domination of South Africa threatens it also the harmony of SADC. With a president as charismatic as Mandela, South Africa could not resist temptation to play the “master” regarding “democracy. Multiparty system has been applied smoothly permiting peaceful change of governments within the SADC region except from Zimbabwe, Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Political con-flicts derived from land reforms have also been obscuring the Zimbabwean political scene since 2001.
Despite some laws limiting the media freedom particularly in Zimbabwe, a remark-able decrease in violations of freedom of expression was reported by the Media Insti-tute of Southern Africa (MISA) for the period between 2006 and 2007. But generally, “SADC countries hold regular democratic elections and conduct consultations aimed at enhancing and deepening a democratic culture”24, which upholds the adoption of
political pluralism. In relation to that the presidential in November 2004 elections went smoothly in changing of the government in Namibia, thought opposed to to the case of the presidential election in Zimbabwe 29th of March 2008 which lacked of a democratic reform. In spite of the difficulties in adopting democratic practices, most of the member states in SADC undertake however a majoritarian system in which a single party is usually in control of the government and politics.
In addition to the theory of sovereignty that is obtained in the modern system of state, “a government’s claim to exercise power over its territory is explicit by its acceptance into the club of nations”25, and such a situation emphasize the links between the
na-tional and the internana-tional magnitude. As an intergovernmental organization, the SADC’s political weight on its member states has been recognized and formalized
24 SADC’s Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation
(SIPO), p. 15.
25 Hague, Rod & Harrop, Martin (2001), Comparative Government and Politics; 5
th Edition. Palgrave
through the protocol on politics, defense and security cooperation signed in August 2001. Subsequent to the increased interdependence in the world system, intergovern-mental organizations have become a requisite to all states especially small and weak ones for enhancing their collective power towards the achievement of shared goals and common interests. Policies and strategies for the accomplishment of this proce-dure have been stated in the Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ on Politics, De-fense and Security Cooperation (SIPO), approved in August 2003.
The elaboration of a specific regional strategic plan in the domain of political, defense and security cooperation underlines the importance attributed to cooperation in this area, which is predetermined as “the creation of a peaceful and stable political and se-curity environment through which the region will endeavor to realize its socioeco-nomic objectives”26. It is important to accentuate on the complementarities between
the Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ on Politics, Defense and Security Coopera-tion and the SADC’s Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan as the two in-struments translate the persistent interplay between politics and economics as well as the need of ensuring peace and security as prerequisites to socio-economic develop-ment in the regional integration process. Another operationalizing instance of this pro-tocol is the Mutual Defense Pact concluded by member states in accordance with arti-cle 2 of the same protocol and also in compliance with the Constitutive Act of the African Union and the United Nations’ Charter.
In SADC cooperation efforts in the political area focus instead on the consolidation of democratic values, the rule of law, good governance and respect of the human rights. In spite of creditable achievements in the political organization and cooperation, the SADC region still has a long way to go in strengthening the democratic practices for-good governance.
5.2. THE ECONOMIC DYNIMIC
Economic regionalism is not a recent phenomenon since the States always endeav-oured to reduce, to even eliminate, on a mutual basis, the obstacles which blocked
26 SADC’s Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation
their exchanges.27 In the current context of globalization, the model of integration
rec-ommended within the African countries was the integration of markets. In fact, the first African experiments of economic integration were inspired by the European model. But this step had been the subject of critical sharp on behalf of some African economists who considered it inappropriate with the situation of Africa where the physical integration of the countries (infrastructures of communication) was not car-ried out. They meant that this model was just tailored for only the European integra-tion.Today, this objection, however completely founded, firmly and it is confirmed that it was a strategy which up to now led only to the failure. (the following number are taking for the SADC home page)
The average volume of the intra-Community trade remains relatively low, even if one includes the strong share of South-African exports towards Zambia, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Malawi and the countries of the SACU. In 1995 the quantity of exports of the States of SADC towards other countries of SADC amounted to 7,8% and the quantum of imports to 7,4%. To build on such weak commercial relations a supposed free exchange zone to serve as a tool with a deepening of regional integration thus seems very dared. Apart from Zimbabwe and South Africa no other State in SADC so to speak has of goods and competitive services for the regional market. These com-mercial imbalances already caused sharp tensions, between Zimbabwe and South Africa and also between Zambia and South Africa. Zambia and Zimbabwe blame South Africa to close its markets with their rare competing products with high tariff barriers and non-tariff obstacles. Under the pressure of its textile and agricultural lobby, South Africa had still not renewed the customs preferences which existed since the apartheid before it expire in 1992. The commercial relations between Zambia and Zimbabwe are not either free from tensions. Although Zambia strongly lowered its customs duties these last years, Zambian market had not become more accessible. The Zambian authorities have at their disposal a whole armory of non-tariff obstacles to prevent the imports in Zambia. These commercial obstacles result from the lack of di-alogue between various ministries, corruption of senior officials and politicians. They affect in priority Zimbabwe whose commercial balance with Zambia is by strongly surplus tradition; in 1995 its exportations of goods and services towards Zambia
27 Mansfield & Milner (Edward D. Mansfield / Helen V. Milner, «The new wave of regionalism», In-ternational Organization, vol. LIII, n° 3, 1999, pp. 589-627)
reached a value of 807 million ZWD (SADC 1997). On its side Zimbabwe blocked the imports coming from Zambia by a mixture of tariff barriers and directives which complicate the establishment of the Zambian exporters on the Zimbabwean market. In the economic sector, the main instrument of cooperation is the 1996 SADC’s trade protocol which entered into force in September 2000.
5.3. THE SECURITY ARRANGEMENTS
In complement of the Protocol on the co-operation as regarding policies, from defense and safety, the Member States of SADC concluded, on August 26, 2003, in Dar Es-Salaam (Tanzania), a Pact of mutual defense and approved the indicative Organ of Strategic Planning (SIPO). The SIPO relates to the fields of policy, defense, safety of the State and public safety. It provides guidelines for the operational implementation of the Protocol and draws up an institutional framework necessary for the continua-tion of the objectives of co-operacontinua-tion as regarding policy, defense and safety. In other words, it indicates the specific activities which will give effect to the objectives of the Protocol as well as the strategies to adopt for their realization.
Security, stability and development are entwined in Africa and it is suggested that these issues have to be resolved concurrently. The focus of this approach should re-main definitely on conflict resolution and deterrence. Similar to this are the challenges of rethinking norms of interference and state sovereignty, which are still necessary as a form of protective diplomacy. In SADC such diplomacy can be fostered through emphasis on the security concerns of states, and could act as a method for wider inte-grative co-operation. However, due to the partial ability of several SADC states to contribute effectively to institutionalized co-operation, this process will have to pro-ceed at an appropriate level and pace.
On the 28th June 1996 in Gaborone, Botswana, the SADC Heads of states and
Govern-ment established the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Securty (OPDS).
Having a look at the political secutity mechanisms of SADC, with a special focus on its Organ, conflict management in the DRC(1998-2004), and at the emergence of its Mutual Defence Pact in 2003, we can see that still much remain to be improved.the Inter-State Defense and Security Committee was maintained in Zimbabwe. Another
committee of the Organ is the Inter- State Politics and Diplomacy Committee, which focuses on deepening cooperation and mutual trust among member states28.
Assis-tance in this regard has also been provided by international institutions, especially the EU and UNDP, to support the implementation of different post conflict recovery pro-grammes.
Within the framework of its security policy, the under-area set up an interregional committee in September 1995. This committee chaired by South Africa aims at de-creasing: drug traffickings, weapons, criminality, migrations clandestine but also the possibility to create a gripping force of peace. In fact these objectives included the whole questions of security of the area. The SADC is at the origin of the installation of a Body on the questions of policy, defense and safety, of which the goal is to de-velop a regional capacity in terms of maintenance of peace. This initiative, derive from June 28, 1996 at a meeting of the Foreign Ministers and defense of the organiza-tion with Gaborone (Botswana), illustrating the ambiorganiza-tion and the importance on be-half of the SADC to imply itself in the regional co-operation as regard to safety, of mediation in the conflicts and military cooperation.
This project, finalized in August 2000 by the adoption of the Protocol on the co-oper-ation concerning policy, of defense and safety at the time of the Summit of Windhoek, was ratified by the heads of state and government of the organization in August 2001 in Blantyre (Malawi). This protocol came into effect in March 2004 after obtaining the nine necessary ratifications (Internet site of French Documentation of Interna-tional Relations). The organ envisaged in articles 9 and 10A of the Treaty of Wind-hoek establishment of the Community in 1992 was tansformed in 2001 during the re-casting of the institutions of the Community and is from now on, integrated into the organization as its political wing and of safety.
In spite of the above tremendous achievements in security arrangements, the SADC region still faces some security challenges ranging from armed conflicts especially in the DRC; preventing of landmines, demobilization and disarmament of former armed groups in Angola and DRC; reintegration of former military members in the society; the proliferation of illegal arms and cross border criminal activities, etc.
5.4. THE REGIONAL GOVERNANCE
In order to succeed a regional integration process, it requires the recognition and will-ingness of member states to hold up commitments they agreed to at all different level. Long-term and cooperative partnerships permitting an agreement building between different partners and stakeholders are a key fundamental to the successful perfor-mance of integrative initiatives. The above mentioned requirements can only be guar-anteed when a peaceful environment and security are prevalent.
Beside member states summits, that provide the general political direction to the com-munity, the regional institutional setting in SADC is that policy direction and supervi-sion of overall implementation are guaranteed by the Council of ministers. With re-gard to the institutionalization of private sector participation in the regionalism project, some effort in this area have been materialized through the establishment of a private sector unit within the SADC Secretariat. The adoption of a white paper elabo-rated by the Association of SADC Chambers of Commerce and Industry as the re-gional agenda for dialogue between member states and the private sector. Strategies for the implementation of that white paper still however, have to be worked out as in spite of plans to complete the institutionalization of the public-private sector dialogue which was set to be attained by 2004. However “no regional policies have been put in place to ensure the development of a responsible private sector through nationally and internationally acceptable codes of good corporate governance”29 nor strategies and
approaches leading to the mutual benefit of both state and private sector.
Failure by member states to incorporate the provisions of regional instruments into domestic laws and policies undermines regional efforts at policy harmonization.
5.5. THE COLLECTIVE IDENTITY FORMATION
Alexander Wendt, regarding identity formation and structural change claims that, identities and interests are acquired through “cultural selection” which can proceed ei-ther by “imitation, social learning or some oei-ther similar process30. The European
ex-ample has shown, that integration can work, both economically and politically, even if
29 SADC’s Regional Indicative Strategic Plan, chapter 3, p. 32. 30 Wendt, A. op. cit., p. 324.
the countries participating have very different economic and political histories and backgrounds. Today there are countless studies and publications about regional gration, looking at various aspects of economic, social and cultural and political inte-gration. Regional integration being realized through collective and cooperative actions at regional level, its success depends heavily on the willingness and cooperation of the different stakeholders. As such, an assessment of the levels of regionness also reflects on the organization of that cooperation and the succeeding formation of a united iden-tity. The external action of the territorial collectivities as regards to co-operation was partly framed by the law of 1992 which legitimated it. The intervention of the territo-rial collectivities lies within a scope limited by the extent of their competences and the respect of international engagements.
Despite difficulties of generalization over answers in regional integration from one re-gional bloc to another as every region disposes of its own historical characteristics that impact on its integration, economic, political, and security motivations are com-mon issues although differences in levels are significance. The idea of concentric cir-cles of identification is similar to the degree of regionness defined by Björn Hettne in the differentiation of core, intermediate and minor zones. Wendt’s theorizing com-pletes in many ways the regional integration dynamics developed in the regionalism discourse. The most significant being the multifaceted learning model which can be applied as a way of creating a common understanding over the regional challenges, whereby the need of deepening regional integration.
The basis of a collective identity in regional integration goes beyond cultural similari-ties and it also includes all measures necessary to increase knowledge about the com-mon regional challenges requiring regional collaboration for the interest of the re-gional community as a whole. In August 2001 the SADC Protocol on Culture, Infor-mation was signed to promote self-sustaining development in SADC and Following to that measures to promote collective identity were covered by strategies used in this re-gard, like policy harmonization focusing on training, capacity building and research, exchange, use of information products and youth activities. With the effort of promot-ing cultural similarities, a SADC multi disciplinary Arts and Culture Festival was or-ganized in May 2003 and since, prompted to be held every two years. July 2003
re-gional workshop was specifically designed “to review and refine guidelines for the es-tablishment and operation of SADC National Committees and to identify best prac-tices for them to be effective vehicles for regional integration”.31
Beside positive developments in collective identity formation, there is still behaviors impacting negatively on the integration process by sabotaging the regional unity. Hin-ders still arose form regional tensions resulting from South African biased trade rela-tions with other SADC members and also oppression against economic refugees and foreign workers from diffent part of the region.
6
SUMMERY: ACTUAL LEVELS TO WHICH POLITICS CONSIDERA-TIONS HAS PLAYED IN SADC REGIONAL INTEGRATION6.1.1 GENERAL PERFORMANCE TOWARDS ACHIEVING REGIONAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Nobody doubts that economic integration can be an effective factor of development. But the conditions for this, is that it is carried out in a suitable way. Thus there is a paradox of southern African countries which lasts for ever in underdevelopment while holding the world records of the number of organizations intra-regional charged to promote economic integration. This is the reason lying befind the origin of the many reflexions (studies, seminars, conferences) carried out during the 1980s, on the obsta-cles of African integration and the ways and means of attaining effectiveness. Debates were articulated around two essentially points: to reduce the number of economic communities; and to promote the physical integration of the African countries before speaking about integration of the markets. The current programs of economic
tion took an opposite path: proliferation of the economic communities and their use for structural adjustment; reinforcement of the integration of the markets.
Notable efforts have been dedicated particularly in strengthening the Community’s in-stitutional setting and strategic planning. At diverse levels, all member states apply the regional protocols and agreements into force, except from the RDC due to its con-stant ongoing conflicts. All SADC members employ trade policy reforms leading to significant removal of non-tariff barriers and lowering of tariffs with the aim of liber-alizing 75%32 of the intra regional market which was set for 2005. SADC shows
ex-pansive cooperation in most aspects and sectors, but its biggest challenges remain in inequality in resources distribution which generates high levels of poverty, poor re-gional infrastructure, spread of HIV/AIDS, and ineffective translation of strategies into specific activities for their implementation and progress.
The implementation of the SADC trade protocol is slowed down by fears over rev-enue loss and distribution inequalities, differences in economic capacities whining the region with dominance of South Africa over the rest of the members, tariff asymme-tries and difficulties resulting from the multiplicity of both bilateral and multilateral trade arrangements within the region. While enhancement in administrative and tech-nical structures would guarantee a fair distribution of tariff revenues, an increased co-ordination of external trade policy, it is also perceptible that it will diminishing factor of member countries’ sovereignty.
With regard to financial strategies and the aim of facilitating investment, access to credit and capital remains an area of concern for small and medium enterprises and also for the oppressed groups such as the disables and women. With the general view over harmonization of financial issues it is argued that “there is still need to coordi-nate and to some extent harmonize monetary policies in order to achieve a balanced development of the region”33. Consequently there are constant challenge for
increas-ing cooperation and harmonization in this sector, as well as increasincreas-ing domestic sav-ings and investment in the region. While trade development is set to increase the re-gional economic growth, SADC as a community is faced with the challenge of
“de-32 Trade policies on SADC required by the Wolrd Trade Organization. 33 SADC’s Regional Indicative Strategic Plan, chapter 3, p.6.
veloping new policies and strategies that would target vulnerable groups such as the rural and urban poor, small businesses, informal operators to ensure that they also take advantage of the trade policies”.34
Given the past regional extremes and the difficulty in prioritizing domestic needs, SADC member states are reasonably vigilant about the effects of agreements that might hinder freedom of policy and deplete severely limited resources.
6.1.2 IMPACT OF EXTERNAL AGREEMENTS ON THE REGIONAL IN-TEGRETION PROCESS
The 2001 institutional reorganization and the following the strategic planning of re-gional integration process was deepened in SADC. This made possible to tackle chal-lenges rising from external partnerships and the multilateral trading system which risk to endanger the existing integration levels and could also demolish the Community. Among those partnerships and free trade agreements, we see the SACU – US negotia-tions of a free trade agreement, the EU – South Africa Trade Development and Coop-eration Agreement (TDCA), and the EU – SADC negotiations of an Economic Part-nership Agreement (EPAs).
Actually the EPAs were intended by the African Caraibbean Pacific (ACP) members and the EU as regional agreements. The fact that not all SADC countries decided to negotiate together as a region showed to be the result of overlapping geographical configuration as well as intra SADC relations, which was “not” of the EU's “responsi-bility”. The member state in SADC negotiating an EPA with the EU comprises An-gola, Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia, Swaziland and Tanzania. Though EPA negotiations with the SADC have not accomplish any formative stage, the prospect of signing an EPA with similar tariff reduction schedules as those agreed upon by South Africa under the EC-South Africa TDCA is very high. For diverse rea-sons, South Africa and the other SADC/SACU countries disjointedly agreed to differ-ent trade arrangemdiffer-ents with the EU. Undeniably, while SADC/SACU countries signed with the EU a preferential trade regime under the Cotonou Agreement requir-ing a WTO waiver, South Africa separately signed a TDCA with the EU, which
lishes a matured free trade area. Presently, the EU has agreed to include South Africa in the EPA negotiations, which were originally only intended for ACP Cotonou coun-tries, aiming at minimizing existing differences on the basis of the currently applica-ble trade regimes. This prospect is reinforced by the South African economic domi-nance in both SACU and SADC, as well as the resulting revenue dependence of SACU members.
Meanwhile Such a move would strengthen SACU as a unified trading block and par-ticularly as a potential “core to a larger regional customs union that could gradually include other SADC members”35, the same might slow down on integration efforts
within the SADC region as a whole due to the South African political and economic dominance transpiring from those external agreements. External agreements threat the speedness of the regional integration process with the consequences of complete im-balances in the region and weak regional unity and harmonization. In addition, the EPA negotiations as expressed through the Cotonou Agreement underlines “the devel-opment objectives of the ACP countries namely poverty reduction, incomes growth, increased participation in the global economy as well as the support of regional inte-gration efforts while providing flexibility to ACP countries in adjusting to more com-petitive trade regimes under these agreements”36. Its developmental features and its
contribution to regional integration efforts in Africa have brought large debates about its irregularity on dealing with these objectives. However, the success of the New SACU agreement accessed in 2002 and its emergence as a central part opened reac-tions of reproduction among the rest of SADC, accordingly impacting positively on collective identity within the region and reducing the fear of being exploited by the “great” South Africa.
7 CONCLUSION
To the extent that one can compare the fundamental dynamics of the establishment of SADCC and later its transformation into SADC, the most outstanding aspects of the
35 Kirk & Stern op. cit., p. 16.
36 Tekere, Moses & Ndlela, Dan (2002), The Compatibility of Trade policies in the Context of Current Regional
development are the impact of the globalization of liberal economic consideration and performance on the region and also the impact of the end of apartheid in South Africa. Whereas SADCC was recognized by the FLS to promote economic freedom from South Africa and to reinforce individual states in the region through development co-operation, SADC stare to increasing economic integration of the whole southern African region in order to promote development and as a response to the demands of economic liberalism. The process of regionalization remains a politically-driven, top down approach, consequently, there are often fraught with political tensions between the region’s different members. RIAs (Regional Integration Agreements) are far more than just economic policies. It is argued that the commitment that stemmed from a po-litical ideal was important in building an integrated Europe. RIAS in SADC have failed partly because of the lack of administrative capacity, political immaturity and instability, vulnerability to external trade and financial shocks, etc.
Politics support many other RIAs and the economics profession is not mainly well equipped to analyze the origins of such political motives and certainly is not fit to comment on their legitimacy. It should, however, take into consideration their eco-nomic implications and examine whether the tools adopted for political purposes are efficient. At the end of the day, the effectiveness of any regional institutions being formed within SADC will be dependent on the consistency and legitimacy of emer-gent state formations in Southern Africa.
Further, regionalism remain in “fashion”, even if it is far from being a new phenome-non in Africa. The governments fell into a trap in the transposition by supposing that the examples of regional integration between the industrialized countries could also apply to the less developed countries. The creation of such economic spaces is neces-sarily based on an integration of the markets of the goods, services, capitals, labour, on harmonization of laws and payments governing the operation of the private sector. Unfortunately in these fields, the countries of SADC do not succede. The limited im-pact of the various cooperative projects and economic integration is bound, on the one hand, with the difficulties of the African countries of applying the common tariff ductions and to remove the non-tariff barriers and, on the other hand, with those lated to the cautious distribution of the costs and the advantages of the projects of
