The Syrian Refugees Crisis as Human Rights Issue
A Case Study of the Exclusion of the Syrian Refugees in Lebanon
and the Political Rhetoric
Mohamad Kouider
Human Rights III Bachelor Thesis 15 Credits
Spring Semester 2019 Supervisor: Jon Wittrock
Abstract
This paper investigates the various aspects of the Syrian refugees’ exclusion in Lebanon which contradicts with the basic standards of human rights. Additionally, it investigates the stated motives of the Lebanese politicians that have legitimized the exclusion of Syrian refugees in Lebanon. This paper uses the social exclusion-inclusion theory in order to analyse the aspects of Syrian refugees’ exclusion in Lebanon. Further, this paper uses qualitative research methods of semi-structured interviews and content analysis. The findings of this paper show that the Syrian refugees are experiencing social, economic and political exclusion. More specifically, the exclusion consists of unemployment, the lack of social security system, healthcare system, education and housing. Furthermore, this paper concludes that Lebanese politicians have legitimized and justified the aspects of the Syrian refugees’ exclusion from various angles which led to deprive them of basic refugees’ rights.
Keywords: Syrian refugees, Lebanon, exclusion-inclusion, political rhetoric Word Count: 13 104
Table of Contents
List of abbreviations ... 5
CHAPTER 1 ... 6
1.1 Introduction ... 6
1.2 Research Problem ... 6
1.3 Aim and research questions ... 7
1.4 Delimitations ... 7
1.5 Relevance to Human Rights ... 8
1.6 Methods and Materials ... 9
1.7 Ethical considerations ... 9 1.8 Chapters Outline ... 10 CHAPTER 2 ... 11 2.1 Historical background ... 11 2.2 Previous Research ... 12 CHAPTER 3 ... 14 3. Theory ... 14
3.1 Social exclusion-inclusion theory ... 14
3.2 The socio-economic and political exclusion ... 15
3.3 The social exclusion-inclusion domains ... 16
CHAPTER 4 ... 18
4. Methodology ... 18
4.1 Case study ... 18
4.2 Semi-structured interviews ... 19
4.3 Qualitative content analysis ... 21
4.4 Reliability and validity ... 22
CHAPTER 5 ... 22
5. Analysis ... 22
5.1.1 Economic aspects of Syrians exclusion ... 23
5.1.2 The low income of the Syrian workers in Lebanon ... 23
5.2 Aspects of the Syrian refugees social and political exclusion ... 27
5.2.1 Healthcare system ... 28
5.2.2 Housing ... 29
5.2.3 Education... 30
5.2.4 The political representation ... 30
5.2.5 Semi-structured interviews ... 31
CHAPTER 6 ... 34
6. The Lebanese political rhetoric ... 34
6.1 The stated motives of the Lebanese Christians ... 35
6.2 The stated motives of the Lebanese Muslim-Sunni ... 37
6.3 The stated motives of the Lebanese Muslim- Shiite ... 38
CHAPTER 7 ... 41
7. Conclusion ... 41
7.1 Appendix ... 42
List of abbreviations
HRW Human Rights Watch
ILO International Labour Organization ICG International Crisis Group
LCRP Lebanon Crisis Response Plan NRC Norwegian Refugee Council NGO Non-Governmental Organization
OCHA Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
UN United Nations
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNRWA United Nations Relief and Works Agency
WB World Bank
WFB World Food Programme
CHAPTER 1
1.1 Introduction
The ongoing war in Syria has created the refugees’ crisis that has affected them and the hosting countries. Lebanon is one of the countries that hosted more than one million officially registered refugees; however, there are approximately 500,000 unregistered Syrian refugees in Lebanon (HRW, 2017). This paper will investigate the aspects of the Syrian refugees’ exclusion in Lebanon. Lebanon as a neighbouring country to Syria has historical connections with Syria represented by strong social, political, economic, geographical and cultural ties. However, the exclusion of Syrian refugees in Lebanon is considered controversial to human rights. This is due to the sectarian composition of Lebanon and the opposition of the political ruling parties in Lebanon to the Syrian refugees’ presence (Nelson, 2013). Therefore, the Syrian refugees are encountering exclusion represented by social, economic and political exclusion.
Moreover, the presence of Syrian refugees in Lebanon is considered controversial by several Lebanese politicians. It is not possible for the Syrian refugees to return to Syria because of the ongoing war in their home country. However, the Lebanese government is deporting thousands of refugees to Syria despite the disastrous situation there (HRW, 2018). Therefore, the current situation of the Syrian refugees needs to be investigated because they are experiencing dissatisfaction and deprived of gaining basic rights. This is due to the fragile characteristics of Lebanon as a weak state with a severe economic crisis (Cherri, Arcos gonzález, & Castro Delgado, 2016). In addition, it is crucial to indicate in the beginning that Lebanon has not ratified the refugee convention of 1951; neither has a national legislative dealing with refugees (UNHCR, 2015). However, the Syrian refugees’ status is categorized according to the Lebanese authorities as displaced persons or so-called in Arabic “Nazihoun”.
1.2 Research Problem
It is crucial to indicate that ongoing conflict in Syria has created the Syrian refugees’ crisis worldwide particularly in Lebanon. It is noteworthy to mention that the Lebanese authorities have treated the Syrians differently after their influx to the Lebanese territories. There are different reasons that have participated in excluding the Syrian refugees such as the sectarian political structure of Lebanon. Also, the Lebanese authorities have formulated new policies and regulations
that have intensified the exclusion of Syrians in Lebanon. Further, the Lebanese authorities have denied the Syrians of gaining the legal status to be recognized as refugees. Therefore, the refugees’ situation is classified as a multidimensional issue that needs to be investigated. The Syrian refugees’ life in the camps is considered a critical humanitarian issue because they are excluded economically, socially and politically. Additionally, the refugees’ life outside the camps is considered problematic due to the exclusion and deprivation of basic rights. The exclusion of Syrians is connected to various important aspects such as employment, education, housing, social security system and the healthcare system.
1.3 Aim and research questions
The aim of this paper is to investigate and analyse the aspects of the Syrians exclusion in Lebanon. In this sense, this paper will investigate the stated motives of the Lebanese politicians that have legitimized and justified the exclusion of Syrians. Further, this requires investigating and scrutinizing the impact of the Lebanese policies, strategies and regulations that have affected them negatively. Moreover, the aim of this paper will focus on the outcome of the aspects of the Syrians’ exclusion. These aspects will handle different issues such as their sufferings in the camps and outside the camps, healthcare system, unemployment, the lack of access to the labour market and the denial of recognizing their legal status by the Lebanese authorities. These aspects are highly connected to exclusion. With this in mind, the research questions will be:
1. What aspects of exclusion have the Syrian refugees experienced in Lebanon?
2. What are the stated motives of the Lebanese politicians that legitimized the exclusion of the Syrian refugees in Lebanon?
1.4 Delimitations
The main goal of this paper as mentioned earlier will be based on investigating and identifying the aspects and the outcomes of the Syrian refugees’ exclusion in Lebanon. These aspects reflect the socio-economic and political exclusion of the Syrians as well as the denial of offering the basic human rights for the Syrians in Lebanon. However, this paper will be limited in dealing with the refugee’s situation in the surrounding Arab countries as well as the neighbouring countries. This is due to the exceptional situation of the Syrian refugees’ status in Lebanon. Another delimitation
regime previously had an influence and hegemony on Lebanon. The Syrian regime has controlled the Lebanese domestic politics and it has supporters and opponents in Lebanon. Therefore, the Syrian regime’s hegemony to Lebanon has affected the Syrian refugees’ presence in Lebanon passively. Despite the Syrian regime forces have evacuated from Lebanon in 2005, some political parties still have hostility towards both the Syrian refugees and the Syrian regime such as the Christian Maronite.
Another limitation will be based on sectarianism. It is crucial to indicate that Lebanon has a specific political structure. In this sense, Lebanon is ruled by certain sects or according to sectarian division among the ruling parts. However, the investigation of the sectarian political structure of Lebanon will be limited in this paper. This paper will be specified to investigate the aspects of exclusion rather than analysing the sectarian political structure of Lebanon. Also, the focus will be based on the stated motives of the Lebanese politicians that legitimized the exclusion of the Syrian refugees in Lebanon.
1.5 Relevance to Human Rights
Lebanon has ratified several human rights conventions such as Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination. These conventions have been annexed to the new amended Lebanese constitution of 1990. Also, Lebanon is committed to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Thus, Lebanon has its obligation to maintain and assure justices and equality all over its territories.
Therefore, based on the aforementioned international conventions; Lebanon as a state party shall ensure the rights of its citizens as well the rights of refugees who are settled in its territories. There is a strong connection between the Syrian refugee's case and human rights violations in Lebanon. The exclusion of Syrians can be classified as an important issue in the human rights arena due to the denial of the Lebanese government to assure their basic rights. Moreover, the Syrian case is highly connected to human rights due to the deprivation of their basic rights and the severe situation that the Syrians are experiencing in Lebanon. They are denied from gaining the legal status; they are exposed to detention, violence, exploitation and deportation. Thus, this thesis will contribute to the debate of the academic field of Human Rights (HR) by providing analysis of the Syrians exclusion –which has affected their situation and intensified their sufferings. Also, the
Syrian refugees’ issue has affected Lebanon as a hosting country to change their position by adopting anti-refuge policies against the Syrian refugees’ presence.
1.6 Methods and Materials
This paper will use qualitative research methods because the research questions need a descriptive approach which clarifies the aspects of Syrian refugees’ exclusion in Lebanon. This paper will use semi-structured interviews and qualitative content analysis as methods in order to give an adequate answer to the research questions. The use of semi-structured interviews will be important to understand the experiences of Syrian refugees. Also, the use of qualitative content analysis will be helpful to interpret the stated motives of the Lebanese politicians that have legitimized the Syrians exclusion. The primary sources of this paper will be interviews with the Syrian refugees in Lebanon and Lebanese politicians’ statements. Additionally, this paper will use secondary sources represented by the previous studies and the NGOs reports and researches that focused on the Syrian refugees’ situation in Lebanon. These reports and sources have been critically assessed and collected from credible sources. It is crucial to indicate that being a native speaker of Arabic is an extremely useful and valuable advantage in understanding the official language of refugees and the Lebanese politicians’ statements in order to accomplish the analysis of this paper. This will be discussed further in chapter four.
1.7 Ethical considerations
Transparency is required in the academic arena so that the research will be imprinted with subjectivity and credibility. However, it is difficult to reach entire objectivity in the human rights field in particular while conducting descriptive approach like this paper. Instead, I will try to avoid being biased to any part in order to give this paper transparency and subjectivity.
Despite the situation is critical and there are opponents and supporters of any issue; however, it is crucial to present all the facts as they exist. Because the judgment of any issue relies on the way the argument is presented. Therefore, this paper seeks to perceive the current situation of Syrian refugees in Lebanon by highlighting their situation which is based on authentic experiences. Therefore, the intention of this paper will give a detailed description of the refugees’ experiences from a human rights perspective.
1.8 Chapters Outline
This paper will be divided into seven chapters. The first chapter will focus on the introduction and the theoretical framework of this paper. The second chapter will be based on using literature review and historical background. Putting these into consideration, I will check the previous studies that have covered the Syrian refugees’ issue, in particular, their exclusion. Also, this paper will scrutinize the available literature which is related to my research questions.
The third chapter will present and analyse the chosen theory of Social exclusion-inclusion. This theory is appropriate and relevant to my research questions. Chapter four will cover the methods which will be used in this paper. This paper will be based on using qualitative research methods represented by semi-structured interviews and content analysis.
The fifth chapter will handle the empirical part of this paper. This chapter will focus on analysing the aspects of Syrian refugees’ exclusion. On this note, this chapter will combine both the theory of Social exclusion-inclusion and its identification with the empirical part which will include the analysis of the interviews. The sixth chapter will be based on employing the qualitative content analysis by investigating the statements of the Lebanese politicians that have legitimized the exclusion of the Syrian refugees in Lebanon. The seventh chapter will include the conclusion and the transcription as well as the appendix of the semi-structured interviews.
CHAPTER 2
2. Historical background and Previous Researches 2.1 Historical background
It is crucial in the very beginning to clarify certain facts about the sectarian political structure of Lebanon. The sectarian political structure of Lebanon had an impact on the situation for several groups of refugees, including those coming from Syria. For example, previously, the Lebanese successive governments in order to preserve their demography, they formulated regulations that excluded Palestinian refugees who have been settled in Lebanon since 1948. Similarly to the Palestinians, the Syrians in Lebanon are experiencing difficulties represented by socio-economic and political exclusion. The sectarian structure refers to the so-called National Pact 1943 after the Lebanese independence from the French Mandate. France formulated this political structure in order to preserve its interests. In addition, the sectarian political structure of Lebanon has established the so-called “consociation democracy”. This type of democracy has empowered the impact of sectarianism to rule Lebanon. Further, the consociation democracy refers to a government of a grand coalition, concurrent majority governance and granting a certain degree of independence for each part to rule its own affairs (Hudson, 1988: 226-227). It also intensified the national fragmentation and created power sharing among the ruling sects. This division is considered problematic and highly criticized among many Lebanese (Barclay, 2007).
This type of democracy has created dichotomies and created a sort of privileges to certain sects such as the Christian elites of the Maronite and the Muslim-Sunni to be granted the higher positions in the state. However, it has diminished the impact and influence of the Druze and the Shiite. According to El Khazen (2000), the sectarian political division of Lebanon have created injustices and dissatisfaction among Lebanese. This means that the Maronite Christian and Muslim Sunnis have been empowered and more advantaged in comparison to their counterparts, the Druze and Shiite.
In addition, the sectarian political structure of Lebanon has affected the Syrian refugees who have been treated negatively due to the Syrian regime hegemony to Lebanon during the Lebanese civil war between 1975-1990. The Syrian regime hegemony on Lebanon has lasted until the evacuation
in the Lebanese interior affairs. The Syrian regime also participated in the economic exploitation of Lebanon and creating corrupted governments –which are dependent on the Syrian regime. A good example, all the successive Lebanese governments, ministers and presidents have been appointed according to the Syrian regime assent (Yacoubian, 2006).
Furthermore, the Syrian regime before its evacuation from Lebanon has been accused of assassinations such as the assassination of the former prime minister of Lebanon Rafiq Al-Hariri in 2005. Also, the Syrian regime is accused of committing other political assassinations against some Lebanese politicians who opposed the regime’s presence in Lebanon. Therefore, the Lebanese-Syrian relations are classified as sensitive and complicated relations (Thompson, 2002). Also, the Syrian regime presence in Lebanon was opposed by different Lebanese sects such as the Maronite Christian, the Muslim Sunni and the Druze sect. However, there are certain parties or sects in Lebanon who can be classified as supporters of the Syrian regime such as the Muslim Shiite represented by Hezbollah and Amal political parties. Thus, the majority of the political elites and parties in Lebanon have a negative stance towards the Syrian refugees’ presence in Lebanon (Salloukh, 2017). Both the opponents and the supporters of the Syrian regime do not distinguish that the Syrian refugees are even victims of the regime itself (Andersen, 2016).
2.2 Previous Research
In general, there are various articles and researches that have focused on the Syrian refugees’ situation in the surrounding countries. These studies have dealt with the policies, procedures and regulations of the hosting countries towards the Syrian refugees. These studies show various aspects of exclusion represented by the socio-economic disparities and the lack of legal status that recognize the humanitarian rights of the Syrian refugees.
Sanyal (2017), Turner (2015), Cherri, Arcos, & Castro Delgado (2016) Janmyr (2016), NRC (2014), and Hamadeh (2019) focus on the legal status of the Syrian refugees in the surrounding countries in particular Lebanon. These articles emphasize that the Syrian refugees are encountering lots of difficulties represented by certain restrictions and legislative procedures that have intensified their exclusion. Thus, after the influx of the Syrian refugees to Lebanon, the number of refugees has reached approximately one million. In addition, the Lebanese government decided to restrict the refugees’ existence in Lebanon by creating restrictions on the visa entry and making
complicated requirements of the work permit. These articles give a comprehensive analysis of the aspects of segregation due to the lack of offering fundamental human rights. Additionally, these scholars have examined the situation of the Syrian refugees by comparing their status in the surrounding countries on different aspects such as social security system, employment, housing, the access to the labor market and the healthcare system.
Different researchers such as Masterson, Usta, Gupta, and Ettinger (2014) and Charles and Denman (2013) have emphasized that women and children are lacking the access to the adequate health care system and public services. Additionally, women are exposed to weak reproductive health outcomes and violence. The women are suffering also from socio-psychological problems such as stress, anxiety, food insecurity and so forth (Masterson et. al., 2014: 2-3). Charles and Denman argue that women and children rights are exposed to threat during their presence in Lebanon. For instance, children and women are experiencing violence which is manifested through the early marriage, survival sex and the threat from the local community in Lebanon. These researchers have emphasized that the lack of education among the Syrian refugees will have negative consequences on their future productivity and on females particularly. The role of education is important because unemployment will increase without having an education (Charles & Denman, 2013: 100-101). These aspects are important because they constitute the major reasons of poverty.
Another aspect of the Syrian refugees’ exclusion refers to their exploitation in terms of their livelihood in Lebanon. It is related to their accommodation as stated by Christophersen et al. (2013), and Thorleifsson (2016). The lack of shelter and the refusal of Lebanese government to establish formal refugees’ camps have affected them negatively. Consequently, they cannot afford to pay the higher rents of their accommodations. This is due to their exploitation from the landlords in Lebanon who have been raising the rent for the Syrian refugees. This is also known as the “open rental market” which makes the landlords exploiting the Syrian refugees. As a result of this situation, many Syrian refugees who cannot afford to cover the prices of the open rental market have started living in plastic tents without any access to electricity, water and sanitation (Thorleifsson, 2016: 1076).
The previous studies show that the Syrian refugees are encountering an intrinsic problem represented by the rejection of their integration not only by the Lebanese government but also from the Lebanese society. According to the previous researches, these intrinsic problems refer to the Lebanese policies and practices that have neglected the Syrians humanitarian rights. In addition, the previous researches have emphasized that the Syrians in Lebanon have experienced different forms of socio-economic and political exclusion. These scholars have focused on different substantive issues that dealt with the Syrians sufferings in the camps and outside the camps. The major difficulties refer to the housing, healthcare, social security system, unemployment and the lack of legal status.
CHAPTER 3
3. Theory
The exclusion of the Syrian refugees can be examined by using social exclusion-inclusion theory which will serve to answer the research questions of this paper. The theory of social exclusion-inclusion is a dominant theory and it is highly related to the situation of the Syrian refugees in Lebanon. As mentioned earlier, the Syrian refugees are encountering difficulties in terms of access to the labour market, healthcare system, housing, education, and unemployment. Therefore, social exclusion-inclusion theory is an appropriate theory to analyse this case. In addition, the empirical parts of the previous studies have focused on the aspects of exclusion in relation to the regulations and procedures of the surrounding states in general.
3.1 Social exclusion-inclusion theory
There is a consensus among different scholars such as Barry (2002), Berman and Phillips (2000), and Sen (1992) about the definition and the function of social exclusion-inclusion theory. The social exclusion-inclusion is a theory which has a special focus on the marginalized, neglected and the most vulnerable communities and groups. These communities or groups are suffering poverty, poor healthcare system, unemployment, and they lack access to the basic services.
social exclusion can be defined as “…the inaccessibility, ignorance or inability to receive those services which are available as a right as defined by the state. It also includes being discriminated against which prevents the access to those services” (Berman & Phillips, 2000: 344). The
definition of social exclusion identifies with certain groups in any society that have difficulties in accessing the basic sources to the labour market, education, healthcare, and housing. They have a severe situation and they are unable to be included or assimilated to the society (Berman & Phillips, 2000). Moreover, the aspects of social exclusion-inclusion show that they identify with the consequences of this phenomenon. These aspects refer to the so-called deprivation of certain groups which is stressed by Saraceno who defines social exclusion as an issue that is related to the deprivation of individuals. However, it can take a wider scale and be applicable to the segregated communities in any society. Hence, the notion of exclusion can be perceived as social segregation or the lack of integration of individuals from the social order of society (Saraceno, 2001).
Furthermore, social exclusion-inclusion can be classified as a significant theory which gives an adequate analysis of the situation of the segregated and marginalized groups. It also has domains which help to investigate the degrees of exclusion-inclusion in any society. These domains can be examined through various levels such as the political, social and economic levels. However, it is vital to differentiate between the voluntary exclusion – when a certain group decided to be isolated from the rest of society. There is the deliberate or the use of coercion to exclude a certain group or community under several substantive factors such as being a refuge or stranger (Berman & Phillips, 2000: 345-346). Thus, there are various consequences of exclusion represented by severe poverty, social segregation and marginalization, the lack of access to the public services, welfare, increased unemployment and socio-psychological disparities. This will create dissatisfaction among the excluded groups compared to the included groups (Bhalla & Lapeyre, 1997; Barry, 2002; Sen, 1992).
3.2 The socio-economic and political exclusion
In general, the social exclusion theory is considered a multidimensional theory which copes with different aspects such as social, politics and economics. It refers to the political aspect as a significant standing point to explain the effects of exclusion on the excluded communities. Various scholars such as Barry (2002), Saraceno (2001), and Bhalla and Lapeyre (1997) have agreed that the political exclusion is important aspect because it denies the basic rights of minorities and marginalized communities.
Sen (1992) explains the importance of exclusion, whether social or economic exclusion, as being related to the notion of poverty and economic segregation. Additionally, the exclusion is highly connected to deprivation by lacking access to social benefits. This view identifies with the case of the excluded groups who lack access to the basic standards of life (Sen, 1992: 35-36).
This will lead to a discussion on the impact of the economic aspect by analysing the economic disparities that are related to exclusion. The emphasis of the economic aspect is explicitly developed and inspired by the work of Dasgupta (1993). He argues that the marginalized groups will encounter a severe situation, fragile incomes and unemployment (Dasgupta, 1993). Another important element is the degrees of exclusion among the excluded groups create dissatisfaction among them. This means that the ones who have better access to employment and labour market will gain a sort of distinguished social recognition because they have integrated themselves. Subsequently, they will improve their status in society and they will avoid being vulnerable in comparison to the most excluded groups. This will create self-esteem for the included groups (Bhalla & Lapeyre, 1997).
3.3 The social exclusion-inclusion domains
This requires exploring the social exclusion-inclusion by investigating the domains and their impact on the excluded groups as mentioned earlier. Berman and Phillips analyse the degrees of exclusion-inclusion in accordance with demographic variables. The focus according to them is based on various standards such as ethnicities, region, gender, age and economic and income. They analyse the situation of variables according to what they call as subjective and objective indicators (Berman & Phillips, 2000). These domains are classified as follow:
- Inclusion in the social security system; this domain is related to the distribution of access to social security services and benefits such as disability insurance and pension. It is related as well to the lower income in accordance with demographic variables.
- Labour market inclusion or integration; this domain is connected to the distribution of discrimination to access the labour market according to demographic variables. A good example of these variables unemployment, temporary employment or permeant, part-time or full-time employment and employment rates.
- Housing market inclusion; it belongs to the distribution of access to neighbourhoods and districts, subsidized, protected housing and homelessness in accordance with demographic variables. This
variable deals with the segregated districts and areas as well as the degrees of inclusion in housing and accommodations.
- Health care system and services; they are related to the distribution of access to the health care system and mortality, in accordance with demographic variables.
- Inclusion in the education system; it belongs to the distribution of access and discrimination in educational and cultural services, in accordance with demographic variables. Berman and Phillips give a good example of inclusion in the education system in Austria, the child of foreign parents is restricted by law to access the educational services because they are not offered citizenship automatically.
- Political inclusion; is related to the restrictions on eligibility to stand as an elected representative or member of a state. An example of this variable is the right to vote and to formulate an association.
- Inclusion in community services; it is connected to the distribution of access to leisure facilities and neighbourhood services. A relevant example of this variable is the access to activities in leisure centres.
- Social status inclusion; includes equal opportunities and vacancies as well as anti-discrimination legislative procedures and the distribution of access to social and leisure facilities (Berman & Phillips, 2000: 334-335).
Berman and Phillips argue that the objective indicators illustrate the effects on the opportunities in terms of the basic standards to manage life as well as the degrees of achievements such as unemployment and inabilities. While the subjective indicators are related to a holistic method which scrutinizes the assessments of life standards for individuals in the society. This view is considered important in order to perceive social exclusion-inclusion because it gives a deep understanding of the standards of life by determining the issue according to the objective and subjective variables. Therefore, exclusion refers to the engagement of individuals in a society according to various variables such as employment, social integration and social equality. However, it is crucial to take in consideration the circumstances that are surrounding the marginalized groups in order to reach a convincing perception of these variables towards these groups (Berman & Phillips, 2000: 345-346).
In this paper, I will use Berman and Phillips domains and indicators on exclusion-inclusion theory. These domains are related to the economic exclusion represented by unemployment and the lack of access to the labour market. These domains can be developed explicitly to investigate the economic exclusion of the Syrian refugees in Lebanon. Further, the domains which are related to the social and political exclusion such as the lack to access the social security system, healthcare system, education, housing and political representation will be investigated in connection to the Syrian refugee’s case.
CHAPTER 4
4. Methodology
This paper will use a single case study of qualitative research methods in order to answer the research questions. By using qualitative research methods will help the researcher to take into account the influence of the research values, the research language and the various approaches that will be used in the research (Creswell, 2007: 23-24). In this paper, I will use qualitative research methods represented by selecting semi-structured interviews and qualitative content analysis. The use of the chosen methods will be described in the subsequent sections.
4.1 Case study
In general, case studies deal with different situations that handle certain phenomenon so that it can find explanations and interpretations of processes and experiences. These explanations reflect their occurrence in a specific case. Therefore, the essence of case studies will help the researcher to employ all the relevant ideas and choices in connection to a well-designed method that can find an adequate interpretation of this case. In addition, case studies help the researcher to select the most appropriate case that needs to be investigated (Flyvbjerg, 2006). The case of Syrian refugees is highly related to human rights because of the manifold and severe situation that they are encountering in Lebanon.
It is commonly argued that there is a problem of generalisation about the single case study that it cannot contribute to scientific development. However, Flyvbjerg (2006) argues that a single case study can still perform such a function because it is a sufficient method that can be used for certain
types of researches in the social sciences. Also, one of the characteristics of the single case study is its ability to contribute to the coherence of the research in comparison to the other methods in the social sciences field (Flyvbjerg, 2006).
The reason for choosing this topic is because the Syrian refugees in Lebanon have no legal status recognized by the Lebanese authorities, even though they are registered by UNHCR as refugees. Additionally, the exclusion of the Syrians requires investigating and clarifying all the potential aspects that have justified their exclusion in Lebanon. In addition, the selection of Syrian refugees in Lebanon as a case study is significant because their situation is exceptional due to the large numbers of the Syrian refugees there. Also, the statements of the Lebanese politicians require to be analysed because they formulated regulations that legitimized the exclusion of Syrian refugees. 4.2 Semi-structured interviews
This paper will use a case study of qualitative research methods based on semi-structured interviews and content analysis. This research will conduct different interviews with Syrian refugees in Lebanon in order to investigate the aspects of their exclusion. The interviews will focus mainly on women, youth, working refugees, unemployed refugees, refugees who live in the camps and refugees who are settled outside the camps. The choice of the interviewees was through a friend who works for a trustworthy human rights organisation in Lebanon (Syrian Network for Human Rights). He is a specialist in the Syrian refugees’ affairs. Also, he conducts field studies concerning their situation in Lebanon. This person helped me to choose different Syrian refugees with different sexes, ages and locations in order to investigate the issue from various angles. Six interviews have been conducted to analyse the aspects of the exclusion-inclusion of the Syrians in Lebanon. The interviewees are settled in different parts of Lebanon, some of them are in Beirut, the others live in the suburbs and the other Lebanese cities such as Akkar, Tripoli, Bekaa and southern Lebanon. Further, some interviews were conducted with Syrian refugees both in and outside camps.
The interviews were conducted via Skype and recorded. I have transcribed the interviews and translated them from Arabic to English. Semi-structured interviews with open-ended questions
appropriate and sufficient in comparison with structured interviews and questionnaires (Flick, 2009: 150-151).
One of the advantages of the semi-structured interviews is that they are characterized by giving the researcher the opportunity to choose several types of selected questions that will be discussed in the interview. Moreover, according to Flick (2009), the semi-structured interviews are the most appropriate types of interviews that balance between the interview guide and the structure of the interview. Therefore, it is important that the researcher build up a logical sequence between the questions and the answers which handle the research topic. This technique is considered beneficial because it will assure that the selected subject of the interview is accepted by the interviewees (Flick, 2009: 172-173).
Furthermore, another advantage of the semi-structured interviews is that they help the researcher to exemplify the paper by affording sets of examples in the research. Therefore, these examples can be provided through observations while conducting the interviews. The essence of the semi-structured interviews is likely to create comfortable atmospheres for the interviewees and they can express their opinions freely about the research topic (Flick, 2009: 170-171).
Moreover, semi-structured interviews are directly connected to the interview guide by using series of questions that have been prepared before the interview. These questions are related to the research questions. This paper will use an interview guide which will combine both the arguments of the topic and the respondents’ answers.
One of the disadvantages of semi-structured interviews is “the fact is that interviewers are a part of the interviewing picture” (Seidman, 2006: 22). This means that as a researcher, I shall avoid being involved in the interview’s picture and as an interviewer I have to keep distance between me and the interviewees. Also, I need to be aware of the need to be neutral in order to reduce the subjective interactions with the respondents. I have to avoid the influence of facial expressions and body gestures so that the respondents will express their views freely.
Another disadvantage of the semi-structured interviews is that the follow-up-questions rely on the views of the interviewer. Also, misinterpretations and misunderstandings in terms of the language and meanings of certain expressions might occur while conducting interviews. However, as an
Arabic native speaker, I managed to cope with this problem by finding the equivalence expressions in English.
4.3 Qualitative content analysis
The qualitative content analysis is considered a diversified approach which has been used widely because it is divided into three major approaches. These approaches are conventional, directed or summative approaches. The aim of using these approaches is to interpret meaning –which is extracted from components or the content of the texts (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005 ). Furthermore, conventional content analysis deals with coding categories that are extracted directly from the text. In general, conventional content analysis is used widely to describe a phenomenon which will be appropriate to my research. It will give the opportunity to interpret the statements of the Lebanese politicians concerning the Syrian refugees’ presence in Lebanon. This is very crucial because it helps the researcher to use the inductive approach by extracting information from the texts that need to be analysed (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005 ). This method can be described as significant to combine it with the semi-structured interviews. The qualitative content analysis will be based on using an inductive approach in order to understand the stated motives of the Lebanese politicians towards Syrians.
One of the advantages of conventional content analysis is the ability to acquire direct information from the respondents’ participation without imposing theoretical perspectives. However, one of the difficulties of the conventional content analysis is that the researcher might encounter confusion with other qualitative methods such as grounded theory method (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005 ). This paper will not be based on grounded theories and the aim of using this method is to analyse the issue of exclusion from different perspectives.
The essence of this approach will serve my argument by being neutral in depicting the situation of the Syrians in Lebanon. Because the use of the conventional approach is limited to both theories development and the description of the research conclusion and findings (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005 ). Thus, the qualitative content analysis will focus on the Lebanese officials’ statements with special focus on the aspects of exclusion. It will be crucial to analyse their statements in relation
4.4 Reliability and validity
The qualitative research method is affected by the respondents’ views through the interviews or the content analysis reflect perceiving and analysing the current situation of any issue. Seidman (2006) argues that reliability is difficult to be measured in qualitative research methods in particular interviews. Nevertheless, this paper will investigate various views represented by the responses of the interviewees by conducting semi-structured interviews in order to answer the research questions. The interviewee’s experiences and views towards the issue will offer a cohesive understanding of their exclusion. However, the outcomes of the aspects of exclusion are mainly based on the views and experiences of the interviewees and I am aware of it. Therefore, it is crucial to me as a researcher to take into consideration their responses and interpretations to the research problem.
In order to reinforce the reliability of the interviewee’s responses, I have recorded all the interviews. Also, I transcribed all the interviews and sent them to the interviewees as an attachment and the material has been approved by them. I also informed the interviewees that I will translate the interviews into English. Moreover, there are different factors that might affect the interviewee’s answers such as their mood, emotions, experiences, sufferings, privacy, attitudes, confident and whether they are feeling comfortable in their lives or not. Thus, using another primary method will give credibility to their answers by analysing the stated motives of the Lebanese politicians. This will give an inevitable identification between the interviewee’s responses and the Lebanese politician’s statements towards Syrians. The sources of the content analysis represented by the Lebanese political statements have been taken from official websites such as the Lebanese presidency, previous studies and international organisations.
CHAPTER 5
5. Analysis
This chapter will analyse the aspects of exclusion of the Syrian refugees in Lebanon. It will investigate the issue in relation to the selected theory of social exclusion-inclusion and the primary sources of the semi-structured interviews. It will also analyse the aspects of exclusion in connection to the previous literature as secondary sources. Further, it will analyse the Lebanese
regulations, procedures and practices that have contributed effectively in excluding the Syrian refugees in Lebanon.
5.1.1 Economic aspects of Syrians exclusion
The notion of social exclusion-inclusion considers segregation and the lack of access to the labour market as the main outcomes of this concept according to demographic variables. In this sense, this corresponds to the exclusion of Syrian refugees. In addition, it is crucial to examine the legal status of the Syrian refugees in Lebanon as being classified as having an ambiguous status. As mentioned earlier, the Syrian refugees in Lebanon belong to a special category of refugees known as ‘displaced people’ or community, in Arabic Nazihoun. Therefore, the Lebanese practices, regulations and the labour market law exposed them to be subjected to certain restrictions which identify with their case. Also, the Lebanese government rejects to integrate the Syrian refugees in Lebanon (Janmyr, 2016).
5.1.2 The low income of the Syrian workers in Lebanon
It is crucial to investigate the average of the annual income in Lebanon as well as the unemployment rates among Syrians. This will give a clear understanding of the consequences of exclusion and the harsh conditions that the Syrians are encountering. This is highly connected to the exclusion theory, in particular, the economic aspect. According to the World Bank, the annual income in Lebanon is less than 10,000 USD (833 USD per month). While the minimum wage in Lebanon is approximately 448 USD per month (ILO study, 2014). However, the average monthly income of the Syrian male workers is 287 USD and 165 USD for female Syrian workers (European Commission, 2016). Also, the unemployment rate among Syrians in Lebanon is approximately 30 percent. Further, 92 percent of Syrians in Lebanon work without a formal contract (ILO, 2014: 29). According to these statistics, the Syrians are living under the minimum average of the annual income. This indicates that the Syrians are exposed to discrimination in the Labour market.
5.1.3 The Lebanese labor law and employment
It is important to examine the Lebanese labour law No. 17561, which relies on the standard of reciprocity and work permits for foreign workers. According to article 59 of the Lebanese Labour law, 1964, Decree No. 17561, the Syrians have the right to work in Lebanon. Despite the fact that Syrians are not exempted from this law, they are not allowed to have work permission because they are registered as refugees at UNHCR. The Syrians who are unregistered at UNHCR should have a Lebanese sponsorship in order to get a work permit. It is difficult for the Syrians who are unregistered at UNHCR to get this sponsorship from the Lebanese authorities (Janmyr, 2016). The Lebanese procedures towards offering foreign workers permissions are very complicated and the fees are high. In addition, it is compulsory to appoint a ratio of three Lebanese employees in any institution for every single foreign worker who is employed there. Also, any available vacancy shall be advertised in three Lebanese newspapers in order to avoid creating competition with the Lebanese workers in the labour market. Moreover, the Lebanese Ministry of Labour prohibited Syrian refugees from practicing their professions by imposing certain procedures. These procedures refer to pre-conditioned requirements which are imposed on both the Syrian workers and the Lebanese employers in order to assure that these jobs cannot be carried out by Lebanese labourer. These procedures have reduced the possibility for Syrians to find jobs in Lebanon. For instance, it was difficult for the Syrian workers to find sponsorship to fulfil the requirements to get work permission (Hanafi, Chaaban, & Seyfert, 2012).
Another important aspect which refers to the Syrians exclusion is the competition over job opportunities in Lebanon. In this sense, the labour supply has witnessed a recession and a subsequent increase in the rate of unemployment as well as bad work conditions. The Syrians are encountering difficulties in gaining jobs because they compete with Lebanese citizens. Further, the Syrians are exposed to exploitation by accepting lower incomes. Additionally, the Syrian workers have to accept longer hours and they are deprived of gaining the social benefits of their jobs. Consequently, this situation has created increased unemployment among the Syrians. Furthermore, the Syrians are exploited by certain business owners who benefit from cheaper labour (ILO, 2014).
This aspect is relevant to the exclusion variables as stated by Berman and Phillips (2000) in terms of the distribution of discrimination in access to the labour market, unemployment, temporary employment or permeant, part-time or full-time employment and employment rates.
5.1.4 Semi-structured interviews
It is important to investigate the aspects of the Syrians economic exclusion in relation to semi-structured interviews by relying on the interviewees’ perspectives and experiences. These interviews will focus on both the employed and unemployed Syrians. This will give a more detailed analysis of the aspects of economic exclusion. The interviews have covered the views of the targeted people who are exposed to economic exclusion, in particular, the issue of employment because it constitutes the main obstacle which prevents achieving integration and inclusion. These interviews were conducted with different Syrian refugees who are living in Lebanon. In addition, these interviews are anonymous in order to respect the privacy of these refugees and to respect their point of views.
Nawwaf, a man aged 38, is originally from Homs, Syria. He fled the war and moved to Lebanon in 2013. He moved to the Southern suburb of Beirut. Nawwaf lives with his wife and three children in a one-room apartment. He describes his experience in Lebanon with a special focus on his job. He has practiced several jobs in Lebanon, these jobs were informal or illegal jobs. Nawwaf works in housing construction. However, he emphasized that he and most of his acquaintances do not have steady jobs. This is due to the unfair treatment and the hard conditions that the Syrian workers are encountering. He said that the Lebanese authorities have created difficult procedures and obstacles in order to prevent them from practicing any career. In addition, Nawwaf said that the fees involved in getting work permits are expensive and he must have a sponsorship before he can be issued one. He described his work experience as being full of suffering and exploitation from his employers. Further, he does not have any job contract which can assure his rights and benefits. This is because he cannot join any work union that can defend his rights at work. He mentioned that he was forced to leave most of his jobs because the employers were not committed to paying him his full salary. Nawwaf described his work experience as follow:
I work approximately 11 hours per day, 7 days a week. I have a small apartment and the rent is very expensive. I pay 200 USD a monthly rent and I get 300 USD per month so that I can feed my family. I suffered a lot from the employers who are using me and treating me in a tough way. My previous employers do not commit to paying my salary and it has happened several times that they didn’t pay me. I didn’t dare to complain to the Lebanese authorities because I don’t have a conventional job. Nawwaf (personal communication, May 7, 2019)
Soha, a woman, aged 32 is from Aleppo, Syria, is a widow with two kids. Soha lives in Aarsal in Lebanon in a refugee camp. Soha is a university graduate who majored in the teaching of social sciences. However, she cannot practice her career as a teacher and no one will employ her because she is Syrian. She has tried to work for some private schools to teach small children. However, the employers rejected her applications because she needs to get a work permit from the Lebanese Ministry of Labour. She asked some Lebanese officials to help her get permission; however, they replied that the Lebanese government has issued restrictions, which banned the Syrians from practicing the free professions. Soha described her work experience as follow:
I’m an educated person and I have a bachelor degree. I have tried several times to get a good job which fits my qualifications, but I was rejected. I’m working as a housemaid for a rich Lebanese family and my salary is 175 USD. I start working at 07:00 am until 20:00 pm. When I got this job, I had a verbal agreement with the employer to work from 07:00 am until 18:00. However, the employer informed me after a few days that I have to work 13 hours per day. I was shocked and expressed that I have children and I need to take care of them. But the employer said that I can leave the job if I’m not satisfied with these conditions. The employer kept threatening me that he will hire other people instead with even lower salary. Because I need to feed my children, I accepted this offer even though I know that the employer is exploiting me. Soha (personal communication, May 8, 2019)
The significance of these interviews shows that the interviewees are suffering from their economic exclusion in terms of the difficulties in accessing the labour market. Further, the Lebanese regulations and practices have restricted and prohibited them from practicing their careers.
Moreover, the Syrians are exposed to exploitation by the employers and they are vulnerable in the labour market and not protected. These views are reminiscent of the social exclusion economic domains. In this sense, this view is highly connected to Berman and Phillips (2000) argument concerning the excluded groups in terms of the distribution of discrimination in accessing the labour market.
The views of the interviewees are connected to the previous literature that analysed the Syrian refugees’ economic exclusion in the neighbouring countries in particular Lebanon. Sanyal (2017), Turner (2015), Cherri et. al. (2016) as well the NRC and Amnesty reports have emphasized that the Syrian refugees are exposed to economic exclusion represented by different substantive issues such as lacking access to the labor market, difficult work conditions, higher amounts of unemployment and exploitation from the Lebanese employers. There is a consensus among the interviewees and the previous literature that the aspects of the Syrians exclusion are related to the Lebanese regulations that have intensified their economic exclusion.
5.2 Aspects of the Syrian refugees social and political exclusion
The significance of the social exclusion-inclusion theory embodies not only the economic aspects, but also it constitutes an adequate analysis of the social and political aspects of exclusion. As mentioned earlier, there are eight domains of social exclusion-inclusion as stated by Berman and Phillips (2000); they can be analysed in relation to the Syrian refugees’ case.
The Lebanese authorities divided Syrian refugees into two categories: those who are registered with UNHCR and those who are not. Both categories have to pay fees of 200 USD every six months in order to renew their residency permits in Lebanon. Also, they should provide a housing commitment, certified attestation from the mukhtar (the village leader) and show a valid passport. However, in 2015 the Lebanese authorities have issued regulations about Syrians’ residency in Lebanon, stipulating that Syrian refugees wishing to renew their residency permits on the basis of a UNHCR registration certificate have to sign a pledge not to work, certified by a notary (Janmyr, 2016: 68). In addition, the Syrians are deprived of gaining the benefits of the Lebanese social
social security system. The Lebanese social security system allows foreign workers to gain these benefits if the workers have work permits. However, the current Lebanese regulations have prevented Syrian refugees from gaining social security benefits (ILO, 2014: 36).
5.2.1 Healthcare system
The Syrians access to medication is very difficult and they have to pay higher amounts of money in order to get medication at the Lebanese public or private hospitals. Therefore, the Syrians rely only on UNHCR as the main provider of basic services such as healthcare and social aid. Moreover, the refugees who are conventionally registered at UNHCR are covered with the subsidized healthcare system –which is provided by private companies that have special agreements with the Lebanese authorities. However, the insurance covers only 75% and the rest of the payment should be paid by the refugee. Thus, the Syrian refugees are unable to cover the amount of 25% of their medication due to their low income and unemployment (Parkinson & Behrouzan, 2015). In addition, those who are not registered at UNHCR have limited legal status. They belong to the unsubsidized category which is not covered with any medical insurance. Those who belong to this category lack access to any medical assistance. Therefore, they are deprived of accessing healthcare assistance.
Furthermore, the poor health conditions at the informal tents camps as well outside the camps have emerged as a result of both; the urban and the rural exclusion. In this sense, the poor conditions in the informal camps have created passive consequences and effects on the refugees’ health. Additionally, many diseases have increased constantly such as infections, cardiovascular diseases, asthma, malnutrition and so on (Habib, et. al., 2016).
Another important aspect of the Syrian refugees’ exclusion in terms of accessing the healthcare system is the Lebanese procedures and bureaucracies that have been imposed in order to disincentivize their residence in Lebanon. The Syrians are encountering lots of complications and discriminatory actions by both the Lebanese authorities and the healthcare apparatus. They are denied the healthcare treatment and the refusal of their entrance to the hospitals if they cannot pay the fees of medical treatments (Parkinson & Behrouzan, 2015). Also, the denial of the Lebanese hospitals and authorities to issue birth certificates for the newly born Syrian children. This can be perceived as a discriminatory action by the Lebanese authorities because they are Syrians. “A 2014
survey of 5779 newborns found that 72 percent do not possess an official birth certificate. Barriers to complete the registering of births are primary related to missing proof documentation and to the legal stay status” (UNICEF Lebanon Country Office, 2015: 1).
5.2.2 Housing
Another aspect of the Syrian refugees’ exclusion is the situation of the ‘no camps policy’ and the ‘non-residential structures accommodations’ that have left thousands of Syrians without shelter in different parts of Lebanon. Moreover, there are two types of housing for them; the first one is the tent camps, while the second type is rented apartments and accommodations. The Lebanese government decided to avoid erecting camps in order to avoid the former experience of Palestinians refugees in Lebanon (Yahya, Kassir, & El-Hariri, 2018). Consequently, the Syrian refugees have erected by themselves spontaneously their plastic tents across Lebanon. These tents are lacking access to water, electricity and sanitation. In addition, the conditions of these gathered tents are very difficult because the Syrians are suffering the cold weather in the winter and the hot weather in the summer.
Furthermore, they lack access to the neighbourhood of the urban regions in Lebanon. According to the UNHCR, there are 18 percent of the Syrian refugees who live in fragile makeshift tents in Lebanon (UNHCR, 2016). While an estimated nine percent of Syrian refugees live in non-residential structures such as garages, shops, worksites and farm buildings (UNHCR; UNICEF; WFP, 2017).
The second type of housing refers to rented apartments and accommodations. The Syrians are encountering difficulties in finding affordable accommodations. According to the UN report in 2014, the Lebanese government has no measures to provide affordable housing for the low-income groups of the Syrian refugees. Therefore, the prices of the rents were controlled by the landlords as well by the owners of the private housing companies. In this sense, the landlords and the private housing companies have raised the prices of the apartments. In addition, those who live in the rented apartments were settled in the urban areas. However, they are suffering from inadequate housing conditions that do not fit with their needs. There is 41 percent of Syrians who are living in crowded districts, poor quality shelter, poor conditions in terms of sanitation, roof, windows,
5.2.3 Education
It is crucial to examine education as a major aspect of the social exclusion domains which identifies with the Syrians case. Half of the Syrian refugees who live in Lebanon are children and they have no proper access to education. According to the UNHCR, more than half of the Syrian children between the ages 3-18 cannot join schools. The children who can join the schools belong to a special education system known as ‘the second shift system’. This system was established by the Lebanese government in 2014 and based on shifting classrooms. The Syrian children cannot join the same classes together with the Lebanese children. They attend the shifted classes in the afternoon when the Lebanese children have already finished the morning shift. Despite this, the system has partly solved the education problem for certain refugees; but also, this system is problematic because the teachers are exhausted in the afternoon and the learning time is pressured (The New Humanitarian, 2017).
Moreover, the Syrian refugees cannot afford to pay the school fees and tuitions to send their children to schools due to the expensive transportation, books prices, and the schools are far from their camps and places of their residencies (Carlier, 2018).
Further, the children are encountering problems such as violence, poor discipline and low teaching qualities. Moreover, the financial difficulties of the Syrian families made the children leave the schools and start working illegally in order to support their families. This constitutes an obstacle for children to access education. Also, the Syrian children are exposed to exploitation, harassment, violence and early marriages (Walter Leitner International Human Rights Clinic, 2018).
5.2.4 The political representation
According to both Berman and Phillips (2000), the social exclusion-inclusion theory consists of domains which include the political aspect. In this sense, it refers to several political aspects such as voting rights, formulating associations or civil associations, freedom of speech and the eligibility to stand as an elected representative in any association. However, the political exclusion of the Syrian refugees refers as mentioned earlier to their legal status as being recognized as ‘displaced people’ instead of being recognized as refugees. On this behalf, they are not recognized in Lebanese law as refugees. Consequently, they lack any kind of representation whether political or by formulating any association or any assembly. Thus, the Syrian refugees are politically excluded according to Lebanese law.
The above-mentioned aspects that have dealt with the social and political exclusion of Syrians identify with the domains of social exclusion-inclusion theory. The Syrians are socially and politically excluded. Also, they lack the access to education, social security system, healthcare system and housing. The connection between the social exclusion-inclusion domains will be investigated in relation to the interviewee’s responses.
5.2.5 Semi-structured interviews
The interviewees’ responses and explanations are similar to a certain extent to the social and political exclusion aspects. The Lebanese social security system is considered as fragile and unable to cover the Lebanese citizens. However, according to the respondents’ views, the Lebanese social security system, in particular, the healthcare system can at least cover the urgent treatments of children.
Akram, a 45 -year- old man from Daraa, he lives in Tripoli in northern Lebanon. Akram is married and has 6 children. He lives in a two-room apartment and works as a carpenter for a private carpentry for 320 USD per month. He lived earlier in an informal tents camp in the Bekaa valley for two years. After that, he moved to Tripoli to live in an apartment in 2016. He describes his experience in Lebanon as a very difficult and complicated in terms of finding a job, adequate accommodation, difficult healthcare system and no proper access to education for his children. He describes the Lebanese healthcare system as discriminatory and he suffered a lot to treat his child who is suffering from asthma. He tried to get healthcare insurance for his children, however, the Lebanese law is very complicated and his application was rejected several times by the Lebanese Health Directory both at Bekaa Valley and Tripoli. He relied on the UNHCR assistance to treat his child. The apartment rent is very high and he pays approximately 245 USD per month. The landlord is raising the price of the rent every six months and threatening him to expel him from the apartment. Akram says that the apartment does not have good conditions in terms of ventilation, electricity and sanitation. It has caused lots of troubles for his son who is suffering from asthma. In addition, he cannot afford to send his children to schools because the school fees
are expensive and the schools are in the city center which is very far from his accommodation. However, he relies on his daughter and his wife to teach their siblings at home.
I have suffered a lot since I came to Lebanon. I wish I can go back to my homeland. Life here is very difficult and complicated. I don’t have money to send my children to schools. The school tuitions are expensive. We are eight persons who live in a small apartment of two rooms. The landlord is exploiting us and wants to make the rent higher. Akram (personal communication, May 9, 2019)
Raghad, a Syrian woman from Ghoutta, Damascus, aged 33, is married and she has three children. Her husband is detained in Syria and she does not know anything about his current condition. She wants her daughter to get married in order to reduce the financial burden of her life. Her daughter is only 14 years’ old. She lives in Shatila camp with her children and they do not dare to leave the camp because they are lacking the legal status and they are afraid to encounter the checkpoints across Lebanon. She describes the miserable situation in the camp –which is full of troubles and disparities. She tried many times to register her children at schools but they told her that she should wait because they don’t have any available places. Raghad was offered to work as a prostitute by a man who offered her this job. Many men have tried to exploit her and use her physically. They know that she cannot complain to the police. She is unemployed recently and she receives financial aid from the UNHCR but this money is not enough for her and her children.
No one is happy here, I should not have come to Lebanon; I could have moved to Jordan or Turkey or maybe anywhere else. This is my destiny and I hope that I can meet my husband soon. It is so difficult to raise my children here in Lebanon. Everything is expensive and I am really tired of this situation. Raghad (personal communication, May 7, 2019)
Qasem, a Syrian man from Idleb, aged 20. He moved with his father and two brothers and his sister to Lebanon in 2012. They live in Sidon, Lebanon. The whole family lives in a one-room apartment on a farm which costs 220 USD per month. The conditions of this room are unhealthy and it used to be a warehouse. Also, this room has bad sanitation. His father is suffering from stomach cancer
and he does not have the right to get treatment for this chronic disease. His father takes the risk and travels to Syria to get treatment there. He tried several times to get healthcare insurance, but the Lebanese authorities rejected his request several times. It is expensive to get treatment from the private sector. In addition, this family is poor and the UNHCR covers only 1500 USD of his treatment. Qasem and his siblings have illegal jobs, he works in a restaurant, while the rest of his siblings work as cleaners, car mechanic, and his sister works as a salesperson. They work so that they can afford the fees of the medical treatment of their father. Qasem’s sister is 17-year-old and she left school in order to help her family.
My father is very sick and we have knocked all the doors so that our father will get health insurance and get medical treatment in any Lebanese hospital. But our requests were rejected by the Lebanese authorities. My mother passed away in Syria and we cannot leave our father alone. It costs us lots of money to send him to Syria and none of us can travel with him because of the horrible situation there. Qasem (personal communication, May 10, 2019)
Salam, a Syrian girl from Damascus, aged 16, moved to Lebanon with her parents and siblings in 2014. She lives in a camp in Akkar, Lebanon. She cannot join the Lebanese schools because of the Lebanese regulations. Also, her family is poor and cannot afford to pay the tuitions to private schools. She has joined the unconventional education in the camps which is run by NGOs. However, the conditions in the camps are very bad, so she could not continue her studies. Salam is a gifted student and she is very smart at school. She started working voluntarily to teach children in the camp. She wishes that she can continue her studies and join the Lebanese schools. She describes the disastrous situation of refugees’ life in the camp. They are suffering from poverty and lack access to the basic needs of life. She feels alienated and segregated in the camp and she does not know anything about life outside the camp. Salam describes the unhealthy conditions inside the camp –which is full of bacteria, infections, insects in the summer and it is mudded in the winter. Also, refugees in the camp suffer from the cold weather in the winter.
in my home country and my results at school are very good. But unfortunately, I cannot continue my studies here because of our situation. There is no school here so that I can fulfil my dreams and become an engineer. Anyway, I am helping the children here instead; and teaching them different subjects voluntarily. Thanks a lot to our president who left us homeless and thanks a lot to the whole world that left us without education. Salam (personal communication, May 9, 2019)
5.3 Summary
The above interviews are highly connected to the previous studies that have covered the aspects of social exclusion of the Syrian refugees in terms of the social security system, healthcare system, education and accommodation. The previous studies which have been conducted by different scholars such as Charles and Denman (2013), Thorleifsson (2016), Janmyr (2016), and Hamadeh (2019) as well by different human rights organizations such as the UN, UNHCR and Amnesty have emphasized as mentioned earlier, the segregation of Syrians in Lebanon.
There is a strong identification between the social exclusion theory and the views of the interviewees. The social exclusion theory has handled the domains of exclusion in terms of lack of access to accommodation and housing, healthcare system and education. The responses of the interviewees show that the Syrians are excluded and deprived of gaining the basic needs of life. This is due to the denial of their legal status by the Lebanese government. Therefore, the Lebanese regulations and procedures have intensified their social exclusion.
CHAPTER 6
6. The Lebanese political rhetoric
This chapter deals with the stated motives of the Lebanese politicians concerning the Syrian refugees. This will be achieved by analysing the statements of the Lebanese politicians as mentioned earlier. This chapter combines both the primary sources and secondary sources.
It is crucial to understand the nature of the political structure of Lebanon as being classified according to sectarian divisions. In this sense, the country is ruled by certain sects and the higher positions are divided among these sects. This system was founded after the independence of
