THE POWER OF STORYTELLING -
HOW CAN EVERYDAY CONVERSATIONS
TRANSFORM PARTICIPATORY
PROCESSES IN ARCHITECTURE AND
COMMUNITY BUILDING?
THE POWER OF STORYTELLING -
HOW CAN EVERYDAY CONVERSATIONS
TRANSFORM PARTICIPATORY
PROCESSES IN ARCHITECTURE AND
COMMUNITY BUILDING?
The power of storytelling - How can
everyday conversations transform
participatory processes in architecture
and community building?
Laura Nurmi
Malmö University
Faculty of culture and society Urban Studies
Built environment Bachelor level: 17 credits Advisor: Liz Faier
Examinator: Sissi Ingman Spring 2019
THANKS!
I would like to thank my advisor, Liz Faier, for her guidance
and patience. I would also like to thank Jonas Alwall for his support along the way and Anne Cunningham for inspiring me.
A B S T R A C T
Everyday conversations can simultaneously be a spark for participatory processes and a threat to normative professional practices. My study examines communication practices and narrative methods in a development work context. The study observes the opportunities storytelling can bring to development projects and aims to highlight the importance of everyday narratives in decision-making processes. In order to explore the possibilities storytelling and everyday narratives bring to the table, I decided to build a case around Kibera slum area in Nairobi, where different actors are operating with community building, and compare their narratives. Stakeholders inevitably experience reality differently, which leads to disconnections and
misunderstandings, and this makes the case study of Kibera interesting - by comparing the narratives of the two data sources from Kibera with the help of different theorists, it is possible to reveal the underlying reasons why a gap of connection exists between the different stakeholders. A case study research strategy is necessary in order to understand more profoundly how storytelling as a participatory tool can improve communication in design and development practice. After careful content analysis of different data sources, it is possible to conclude that using narrative methods to establish connections between foreign experts and vulnerable local communities builds a better foundation for development projects; storytelling creates a neutral setting where different stakeholders can find a way to express their thoughts and desires naturally.
SAMMANFATTNING
Vardagliga konversationer kan sätta igång deltagande processer, men kan samtidigt också innebära ett hot mot normativa professionella praktiker. Min studie undersöker kommunikation och narrativa metoder i ett internationellt utvecklingssamarbete. Undersökningen observerar de möjligheter berättelser kan ha för biståndsprojekt och syftet är att framföra betydelsen av vardagshistorierna i beslutstagandet. Jag bestämde mig för att konstruera en fallstudie om slumområdet Kibera i Nairobi där olika organisationer arbetar med samhällsbyggande. Min avsikt var att jämföra två olika datakällor från Kibera för att undersöka vilka möjligheter lokalbefolkningens berättelser och vardagshistorier bjuder på. Missförstånd mellan olika aktörer uppstår eftersom individer upplever världen på olika sätt och detta gör fallstudien av Kibera intressant att undersöka. Genom att jämföra två olika narrativa källor, med hjälp av olika teoretiker, är det möjligt att visa orsakerna till varför det existerar en klyfta mellan experterna och den lokala befolkningen. Studien utnyttjar en fallstudiemetod, eftersom målet är att etablera en djupare förståelse för hur vardagsberättelser kan
förbättra kommunikationen inom design och internationellt biståndsarbete. Efter en noggrann innehållsanalys av olika källor är det möjligt att konstatera att narrativa metoder skapar en bättre förutsättning för
internationella biståndsprojekt och dessutom en starkare relation mellan internationella aktörer och utsatta lokala grupper. Vardagsberättelser skapar en naturlig omgivning för aktörer att uttrycka deras tankar och önskemål.
Keywords: Architecture - Ethics - Democracy - Development industry - Power relations - Participatory design - Storytelling
ABSTRACT
1 INTRODUCTION
1
1.1 STORYTELLING 1 1.2 MY BACKGROUND 1 1.3 KIBERA 2 1.4 RESEARCH DESIGN 31.4.1 RESEARCH QUESTION AND PURPOSE OF THE STUDY 3
1.4.2. THEORY AND METHODS 4
1.4.3 LIMITATIONS 5
1.4.4 KEY TERMS 5
2 THEORETICAL OVERVIEW
6
2.1 WHAT CONSTITUTES PARTICIPATORY DESIGN 6
2.2 STORYTELLING AS A METHOD 8
2.3 HEARING THE LOCAL VOICES 9
2.4 EXPLORING THE MORAL PRINCIPLES OF EXPERTS IN THE DEVELOPMENT INDUSTRY
2.5 EVERYDAY ARCHITECTURE 12
2.6 MAKING SENSE OF EXPERT, LOCAL & SITUATED KNOWLEDGE 13
3 METHODS
14
3.2 RESEARCH APPROACH 14
3.3 CASE STUDY METHODOLOGY 16
3.3.1. DATA SOURCES 16
3.3.2 PERFORMING THE STUDY 17
4 FINDINGS
19
4.1 THE NARRATIVES OF THE ASF AND BRIAN OTIENO 19
4.1.1 TEXTUAL 19
4.1.2 VISUAL 22
4.2 PARTICIPATION 26
4.3 STORYTELLING 29
5 ANALYSIS
32
5.1 COMPARING THE NARRATIVES OF ASF AND BRIAN OTIENO 32
5.2 MAKING SENSE TOGETHER 34
5.3 FINDING A COMMON GROUND 35
5.4 STORYTELLING AS A UNITING COMPONENT 36
6 DISCUSSION
38
6.1 THE PERCEPTION OF DESIGN PRACTICE 38
6.2 THE VALUE OF PARTICIPATION 38
6.3 BUILDING STRONGER NARRATIVES 39
6.4 THE IMPORTANCE OF LOCAL EXPERTS 40
6.5 ADDRESSING POVERTY 41
6.6 WRAPPING UP THE DISCUSSION 42
7 CONCLUSION
43
8 BIBLIOGRAPHY
45
8.1 ADDITIONAL WEBSOURCES 46
1 I N T R O D U C T I O N
1.1 STORYTELLING
As humans, we have a remarkable capability for abstract thinking; our imagination allows us to create stories that reflect our attitudes, positions, and experiences. As long as everyone shares the same narratives and follows the same rules, norms, and values - we can go beyond describing the experienced reality and create new dimensions for stories (Harari, 2015). Storytelling has been a part of human communication for thousands of years (Hanson, 2010). Through stories, we articulate our individual experiences to a common language and transfer our knowledge forward to others. Storytelling passes knowledge to future generations and makes sure that important cultural heritage can live on in the forms of everyday conversations, legends, and myths. Storytelling is crucial for maintaining the culture and identity of different groups and communities (Hanson, 2010). My study explores the potential of using storytelling as a communication tool in participatory design
processes by comparing different narratives arising from an area of informal settlements. I am interested in looking at the interactions between different stakeholders, such as marginalized locals and experts in development work contexts, and exploring the qualities of storytelling as a
communication component in participatory processes.” Maybe stories are just data with a soul” as researcher Brené Brown (2010) reflects over the characteristics of stories.
1.2 MY BACKGROUND
Since I find the social qualities of architecture appealing and I am curious about finding out how different people experience their living environment, it seemed natural to me to write a thesis about participatory design. My studies have fueled my interest in human interactions and how we should take into consideration the users of urban spaces. Also, my studies have emphasized the role of the users in planning processes and how building projects should be more inclusive. I have learned that architects do not just produce buildings, but if they use their knowledge to empower others, their
actions can have a more significant impact. Studying architecture and urban design on the users’ eye level, I got more fascinated with the concepts of democratical decision-making and participatory design. This interest developed into looking at humanitarian organizations and how they operate from an architectural viewpoint, which further helped me in the process of finding a clear framework for my study.
I realized that there are alternative ways for architects to engage in project planning, and I got curious about finding a real-life example of how citizen participation looks like in development work projects. After reading the productions of multiple development organizations, I found a participatory workshop report written about one of the biggest slums of the planet, and this is how the case of Kibera caught my eye.
1.3 KIBERA
This study focuses mainly on Kibera which is located in Nairobi, Kenya (Figure 2) and forms the largest informal urban settlement in Africa - depending on the definition, there are approximately 200 000 to over a million dwellers living in the area (UN HABITAT, 2013). By examining more closely a place where countless interesting stories emerge every day, I venture to examine a real-life example of why ordinary stories can play a significant role in uniting development workers and locals. Architects Sans Frontières report tells that there are significant shortages of necessary resources in Kibera like proper sanitation, potable water, and waste management while clean and open public spaces are also lacking (Frediani, French & Ferrera, 2011). On top of the physical challenges the people of Kibera are exposed daily, many of them report feeling unsafe and discouraged to voice their concerns because of the disconnection between local and national governments (Frediani et al., 2011). However, my interest is to highlight the side of Kibera, which shows the rich culture and strong community bonds, and why this should be the starting point for slum upgrading projects. I focus on Kibera because numerous development organizations have been operating in the area for years, and there is a great amount of slum upgrading projects taking place (Frediani et al., 2011). This, in turn, means that there are rich data sources available for constructing a case study. I became interested in learning what kind of impact the different development
FIGURE 2, THE LOCATION OF KIBERA, RUITER JANSEN. MODIFIED IN MAY 2019
1.4 RESEARCH DESIGN
This paper draws on case study research, especially on a research report from Architects Sains Frontières (2011) and a blog written by Brian Otieno, a local from Kibera (2016). I chose to use an expert-written report and a blog written by a local since I aim to examine the communication gap between experts and locals, and explore how everyday narratives and storytelling can unite the different stakeholders.
1.4.1 RESEARCH QUESTION AND PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of this study is to explore storytelling as a communication tool, and to find out whether storytelling is a suitable method for strengthening the expert-local information exchange. My intention is to explore further the underlying reasons why a gap exists between the experts and locals, and whether participatory methods, especially storytelling, can be utilized more extensively in architectural design and development work in order to create a better interface for
The primary research question of my study is …
How can storytelling help bridge the gap of communication between the experts and
the local people?
This leads further to the question of
…
Where do the narratives of a local’s blog content and an expert written report from
Kibera diverge from and converge with each other?
1.4.2. THEORY AND METHODS
My theory part draws heavily on Jeremy Till’s article called Negotiation of Hope (2005) and his book Architecture Depends (2009), which both question the role of the architect and discuss the architectural profession’s challenges and weaknesses. Other pertinent theorists in this paper are Nikki Linsell, who wrote a critical article about the ethics of participation in the developing
countries, Design like you give a Damn - about what exactly? (2011) and Andrea Cornwall and Vera Schattan P. Coelho whose work is called Spaces For Change? The Politics of Participation in New Democratic Arenas (2007), which builds around a theory of ’participatory sphere’ where the citizens would have the opportunity to engage in democratic discussions and take part in decision-making.
In this study, I use content analysis to make sense of my data. This is further explained in the third chapter, methods. In the results section, I will talk about my data findings from the ASF report and Otieno’s blog, and how they consider communication, participation, and storytelling in their textual and visual narratives. With the help of a theoretical filter, the analysis chapter will cover the
obstacles and possibilities arising from the comparison of the two primary data sources. I will summarize the critical points of this study and point a further direction for the usage of participatory tools in design practice in the final chapters of discussion and conclusion.
1.4.3 LIMITATIONS
The study focuses on Kibera, an area of informal settlements outside Nairobi, Kenya. The time frame set for this study did not allow me to collect empirical data from Kibera. However, I found a sufficient amount of data sources that allow me to construct a case study from a distance. My data from Kibera is primarily textual and to a certain extent visual, since my resources, in this case, are limited, so I am relying on the active voices in the written material and illustrations.
1.4.4 KEY TERMS
For the reader to understand the exact definitions of relevant concepts and phenomenona in the study, I am offering a more detailed explanation of some key expressions. I have chosen to use the word’ development work’ since it is an internationally accepted term, as well as’ local people’, which in this case refer to the native people that live in an area of informal settlements and who are affected by the actions of the development industry. The following expressions give a clearer insight into the concepts that are closely related to the central themes in the study.
Marginalization is the process of pushing a particular group or groups of people to the edge of society by
not allowing them an active voice, identity, or place in it (Syracuse University, n.d.)
Normative design refers to the act of planning or creating within a particular set of standardized rules. Participatory design is defined in this thesis as a design method that actively tries to include diverse
stakeholders in the decision-making in order to make sure that the results correspond with the stakeholders’ needs and desires.
Participatory processes are defined as actions that include a common expressing of opinions and taking in
consideration both the needs of individuals and the opinions of the public, ideally influencing the results of the completed process in the context of urban design and architecture.
Participatory sphere is an interface apart for institutions and the government, space for participants to be
united in order to address their desires, demands, and opinions (Cornwall & Coelho, 2007).
Stakeholders or participants are referring to development organizations, and the government on the bigger
scale, as well as communities and neighborhoods, while on the micro scale, the stakeholders consist of practitioners who are architects and designers, as well as community dwellers and local people who are involved in the decision-making processes.
Storytelling in this study refers to the narratives told by diverse participants. Their stories are rooted in their
experiences of reality. The stories can be told in terms of the participants, and they can be in different forms such as written, oral, or visual stories. The narratives of the stakeholders are used as a method to create a better understanding of the participants’ worldview.
The Other in this case are the marginalized locals seen from the expert’s point of view - the locals’
2 THEORETICAL OVERVIEW
This theoretical framework acts as an introduction to categorizing different themes and explaining the background of central phenomenona in this paper.
2.1 WHAT CONSTITUTES PARTICIPATORY DESIGN
Participatory design offers different qualities and methods that can be applied in order to improve project execution, decrease the resistance of the locals, and develop transformative tools. In turn, this increases the capacity for empowering otherwise excluded voices. Even though participation mostly has positive connotations, the fact that it can easily be misused and exploited makes it a vulnerable and complex tool that must be handled thoughtfully. Nikki Linsell (2014) notes that one of the most significant threats to participation is that no matter what the results of the actions are, participatory methods remain to be widely and unquestionably accepted since participation looks good marketing-wise. This general acceptance of all forms of participation complicates the identification of authentic engagement. It comes down to the means of the practitioner how to utilize participation as a constructive tool (Till, 2005).
If participation is used merely as a thin layer of pseudo-participation, false participation, on top of the expert-driven projects that comprise the majority of planning processes, then it should be considered more as a placebo for the public, since it solely gives a’ feeling’ of participation
(Pateman, 1970, as cited in Till, 2009 p.3). The citizens are made to believe that they can influence the decision-making process, but the reality forces them to be passive observers while the experts have already determined the actions (Till, 2005). Carol Pateman introduces full and partial
participation in comparison to pseudo-participation. In full participation all the actors participating in the decision-making have an equal amount of power to influence the final results - this approach would be ideal, but it is highly unrealistic to achieve (Pateman, 1970 as cited in Till, 2005 p.3). An equal, bilateral level of knowledge and fully transparent communication hinder full participation from ever becoming a reality in architecture (Till, 2005 p.3). Partial participation then suggests that the power is distributed unevenly and only a handful of members determine the outcome. This might be a more realistic way to perceive architectural processes since the expert knowledge and the tactical knowledge of the users will never be in balance. However, if one strives for reducing power differences, then partial participation might not be an ideal approach since ”It depends on
each party being in possession of the requisite knowledge and in there being transparent channels of communication” (Pateman,1970 as cited in Till, 2005 p.3). A more radical version of the misusage of participation is manipulation, which Till defines as an imposed participatory act which is done under a false sense of inclusion. Although it might sound extreme, this type of concealed persuasion is not far away from being a mainstream practice, Till (2005) adds.
Transformative participation acknowledges the power and knowledge differences but
simultaneously works with the unbalance by” transforming the expectations and futures of the participants” ( Till, 2005 p.4). Transformative participation gives a chance to re-evaluate what the architectural practice is taking for granted. Another obstacle in the way of equal participation is the non-transparent communication between the experts and the users; hence, the experts maintain the power position by determining the frames for communication. Till describes an experiment where the disconnection between stakeholders was attempted to solve by combining theory, computer software, and participatory elements. When the participants were enabled to use computer programs and digital tools, their position was strengthened in the design process (Till, 2005). The expert’s power was diminished to a level of a technical facilitator without trying to force the desires of the community upon them. But then again, this makes both the experts and the users mutually ignorant because neither knows the users’ needs since the architects can no longer use their knowledge transformatively and their skills are harnessed into an instrumental use. Also, the expert’s technical skills alone can not assist in developing new spatial visions for the users (Till, 2005).
Till (2005) mentions that no participatory process can truly be free from power relations and
inequality, even though we are striving for open communication, shared understanding, and possible solidarity. Participation will always be affected by authority, diverse opinions of the Others, and the contingency of the world. Till argues that combining negotiation, (the reality of participation without the utopia of reaching full consensus), with the hope for successful inhabitation makes transformative participation, in the end, an optimistic approach that acknowledges both the realities and aspirations for a brighter future (Till, 2005 p.14).
2.2 STORYTELLING AS A METHOD
Designers and other experts have overlooked the potential and power hidden in everyday discussions (Till, 2005). As Till states, the challenge is to recognize and search for a glimpse of opportunity in the middle of uncertain and brief discussions. The open-ended qualities of
conversations bring architects to the users’ level, give space for social relationships and unexpected outcomes. According to Till (2005), a more suitable term for conversation would be storytelling, since its nature is more inclusive and equal in terms of knowledge and intelligence.
Stories become a tool for individuals to describe their place in the shared spaces, and at the same time, stories have both personal and social qualities that arise from the experiences of reality. Storytelling can navigate between the delusions of unachievable utopias and perfect consensus in participation, while still embracing the possibilities that lie in the unexpected (Till, 2005). Architect, then, becomes a link between the stories with the purpose of understanding and making sense of the spatial connections of urban narratives. The role of the architect can thus move away from being an internal and exclusive act and instead welcome external and shared qualities, which are formed by a combination of knowledge and imagination (Till, 2005).
According to Till (2009), through the description of personal experiences and opening a window to individuals’ imagination, we might find a broader understanding of how the people, who bring the built environment to life, perceive space. Humans are naturally wired to tell stories, and storytelling is also considered to be the most effective way to engage with the recipients - our brains rarely distinguish between fiction and reality, and this gives us the ability to immerse ourselves in stories and relate to them. ”Stories make us experience information, as opposed to just consuming
it” (Templar Advisors, n.d.). Jones and Crow (2017) explain the reason why storytelling in its core is such a vital communication tool - people do not make decisions or process information based on only objective scientific evidence since personal beliefs, but emotional understandings of the world also play a powerful role. The motivation for experts to emphasize storytelling as a communicative method would not be to distort the truth but ”to help people to connect with problems and issues on
”Stories make us experience information, as opposed to just consuming it”
a more human level in terms of what matters to them ” (Jones & Crow, 2017). Michael Billig and his colleagues (1988) sum up the main reason why new methods of communication need to be considered; expert knowledge, genius minds or theoretical monologues do not develop new knowledge, but instead, it is born from the conversations of ordinary people. By letting the people formulate their experiences and permitting the experts to utilize the narratives as a baseline for design processes, a new type of transformative approach can be found (Billig et al., 1988 as cited in Till, 2009).
Visual storytelling acts as another approach for sharing individual experiences. The visual
instruments of design can work as a platform for exchanging ideas while helping the architectural representation avoid becoming a distant and abstract tool (Till, 2009). Although the intentions of using visual tools for communication are justified, one can question the restrictive and exclusive qualities of these expert tools if they are the only representatives of design (Billig et al., 1988, as cited in Till, 2009).
2.3 HEARING THE LOCAL VOICES
The lack of connection between normative expectations and experienced realities pose a threat to democratization and development projects. This gap makes the involvement of the marginalized groups more difficult. What is needed to address this issue is ’politics of presence’ - by activating people a shared language can be found and opportunities for new leaders discovered, but it is not the mobilization of people alone which heals the wounds of discrimination, the state has a necessary role in supporting the political appearance of marginalized groups (Cornwall & Coelho, 2007 p.17). Inside the community, the hierarchal issues prevent vulnerable people from taking part in public debates. In order to address the issues of power differences, inadequate democracy, and mutual lack of understanding, one needs to find the underlying reasons for where the problems arise and why they continue to exist. The issue of power differences has its roots in discrimination, the
disconnection between different ethnical groups and colonial organizations with presumably good intentions hinders the ’underprivileged people’ from reaching their full capacity of expressing their desires (Cornwall & Coelho, 2007).
The challenge is to define who should represent the citizens within the participatory sphere and what role does the civil society organizations, the third sector, have in transforming the interface to a more democratic one. The discussion revolves around different settings: whether highly organized social groups should act as collective representatives, or individuals with a strong attachment to their cultural and societal background without the involvement of constitutions should represent their community (Cornwall & Coelho, 2007). A possible political transformation could take place if marginalized groups can either withdraw or regroup in their self-created spaces, in order to
collectively voice their opinions and present the most critical issues to the public. The participatory sphere can act as a starting point for social mobilization and give space for the emerging of new leaders from the marginalized groups, as well as strengthen political influence and representation both inside and outside the participatory interface (Cornwall & Coelho, 2007 p.18).
On top of inadequate communication with the government, socially excluded people might also feel intimidated by the participatory concept since the experts might perceive their opinions as chaotic and irrelevant. Good facilitation can have a significant role in encouraging the participants to be active since adequate knowledge base and access to expert information can inspire participants in establishing new sets of behavior, rather than compelling them to work within pre-determined frames. Then again, some participants are expected to arrive with their ready-made interpretations and conclusions since the ones with better access to resources stand in the foreground of influencing the decision-making agendas (Cornwall & Coelho, 2007). However, it is not only power relations that hinder communication between experts and locals, but fundamentally the problems arise from people’s inability to focus on anything else than their most basic needs when poverty threats their survival and lowers their IQ by 14 points; it makes no difference how much the experts are trying to communicate with the marginalized groups when all their energy goes to survival, says historian Rutger Bregman (2017). According to the studies Bregman presents, a simple solution, guaranteed basic income, can reduce poverty radically, when the people would have the power to determine how to use their income. Ensuring that the locals have steady income and authority over their finances, leaves them with more resources to participate in debates and collaborative decision-making (Bregman, 2017).
2.4 EXPLORING THE MORAL PRINCIPLES OF EXPERTS IN THE DEVELOPMENT INDUSTRY
Till (2009, p.18) questions how architectural practice can ever be observed as an independent factor when it so clearly has its value in the engagement with others. The problem with the design practice is that it tends to look at the materiality, from a decontextualized viewpoint instead of knowing’ from within’ (Shotter, 1993 as cited in Till, 2009). There is a risk of holding back the community development if the experts solely focus on the physical implementations and keep ignoring the competencies of the local construction industries (Linsell, 2014). Shotter suggests that instead of focusing on buildings, the architects should be present in the social context. The architectural knowledge should be built on the socio-cultural base which emerges from the surroundings, where the architect takes a role as a dweller and works on behalf of the users on their eye level (Shotter, 1993 as cited in Till, 2009). Till makes an incisive comparison with doctors who forget that they too can become patients and architects who overlook the fact that they too are citizens. Till presents a more suitable role for the architects as expert citizens as well as citizen experts, where their position is both leading and representative. Till (2005, p.8) suggests that if this model is to be considered participatory, then the users should be enabled to present their opinions to” actively transform the knowledge of the architect.” Architects should allow themselves to engage in this two-way
communication where the users are listened to and respected, and where the user knowledge has a change to transform the experiences of the experts (Till, 2005). The reason for architects to become more accepting towards the Others opinions can be found in philosopher Emmanuel Levinas’ definition of architectural practice’s ethics -” to assume responsibility for the Other” (Levinas, 1961 as cited in Till, 2009 p.173). A shift from controlling the Other’s architectural education could be made towards enhancing creative local development. The focus should be on improving the local industries so that they could better help themselves, without the shadow of colonialism and inequalities (Linsell, 2014).
Till (2005), brings up the reason why some architects are willing to engage with participatory processes - it gives their action a sense of justification in front of the doubting public. The architects themselves express the usefulness of participation not only as a layer of acceptability of the
designer but also as an element for educating users (Till, 2005 p.3). Cornwall and Coelho (2007) in turn question the morality of the bureaucrats’ participation - what is in the background of their
interest in gaining information about the public opinions and seeking opportunities to influence the electorates. The participatory sphere offers a platform for discovering the opinions and preferences of the public. The risk is that the bureaucrats engaged with selfish motives can strategically misuse the delicate participatory methods to promote themselves. On the contrary, politicians and
influences can help to create and finance spaces for change (Cornwall & Coelho, 2007).
According to previous studies, participation is becoming a popular tool in the urban development sector since it can attract both national and international finances as participation looks good marketing-wise (Frediani et al., 2011). Commercialization has made architects drift away from the mainstream practices and seek to establish a different ethical role and within the global context, although this movement lacks proper frames and criticism for its operations. The risk of causing harm when letting designers work in too loose frames demonstrates how powerful design can be if the responsibilities of the architect fail to be recognized (Linsell, 2014). In order to engage in social interaction and have better ways of communicating with citizens, Linsell suggests that architects should work within their familiar surroundings since a foreign expert rarely has information
valuable or relevant enough that it would pay off to import the expert knowledge to another context from their own.
2.5 EVERYDAY ARCHITECTURE
Till (2009, p.136) mentions an illustrative example of how architecture should be perceived. He tells about an interview with Elvis Costello who wanted to hear his recordings through a cheap radio, in order to understand his productions in a real-life context. Just as Costello imagined his songs being played over the noise of the breakfast table, architecture should be situated in the everyday surroundings in order to remain relevant. As Till (2005) says, to disregard the relevance of everyday communication is to ignore human reality.
Elizabeth B.- N. Sanders (2000) talks about how we can retrieve information and find inspiration for the design processes from people’s shared experiences, although some experts undervalue the involvement of ordinary people since they feel that the experts could represent the users. According to Till (2009), there is a need for practitioners who are more engaged with everyday life and take in consideration the impact that social and economic factors have on architecture. Till stresses the fact
that architecture cannot attain full control over the users of the spaces, and that time should be the guiding context of architecture instead of space, hence the best way for architecture and the users to create a connection is to look at the individual human experiences. Till (2009) describes how
designers like to perceive themselves as autonomous actors controlling decision-making and having the delusion of being able to shape and create spaces that are out of context and detached from the environment. The detachment from the everyday context makes planning processes more artificial and widens the gap between the functions and the needs of architecture which further distances the practices aspirations from reality (Till, 2005). Another threat posed to the architectural profession is the delusion of the practitioners as space-creators. The reality is that space will always be a social context, and a single actor cannot produce space (Till, 2009).
2.6 MAKING SENSE OF EXPERT, LOCAL & SITUATED KNOWLEDGE
The local’s lack of expert skills makes communication more challenging when they are unable to use expert tools in describing spaces (Till, 2005). Local knowledge should be considered alongside the expert knowledge. Both forms of knowledge contain information that the other one cannot attain without a considerable amount of effort. Instead of giving the expert knowledge a superior position in planning processes, design should be seen as’ sense-making’, where the acknowledgment of social situations replace normative design methods (Forester, 1985 as cited in Till, 2005 p.10). This way, political and social challenges are being discussed through a spatial context. A shift in focus where design becomes an act of making sense together and finding common understanding responds to the idea of transformative participation (Till, 2005). However, general solutions and common agreement reduce the development of individual desires, and this makes common sense making drift further away from the reality of the social world. Till (2005, p.12) suggests that we should instead start making ‘best sense’; this enables us to realize that there are no perfect results, and the Others will always influence outcomes of decisions. Hence, one genius or expert cannot do the work alone.’ Best sense’ also takes into consideration the contingent character of architecture and makes the profession more welcoming to differences and accepting the inevitable changes over time (Till, 2005).
The assumption that the experts can apply their problem-solving skills without criticism can
of knowledge, different possibilities for exploring communication between experts and locals remain. Till (2009, p. 55) discusses the phenomenon of situated knowledge, the individual’s perception, and personal experiences, which inevitably shape our awareness of future decisions. Situated knowledge projects the awareness of our actions, and is thus connected with political and social factors, so in order to see the bigger picture, we need to look at the particular. Till (2009) suggests that situated architectural knowledge should be evolved from within a proper context where it grows out from its socio-cultural environment.
3 METHODS
This chapter tells more about the methods and the research approach used in the study. The aim is to highlight the reasons behind utilizing case study methodology and why a qualitative research
approach is suitable particularly in this study.
3.2 RESEARCH APPROACH
The primary research question of my study is ”How storytelling can help bridge the gap of
communication between the experts and the local people?” Which leads further to the question of ”Where do the narratives of a local’s blog content, and an expert-written report from Kibera diverge from and converge with each other?” The purpose of this study is to explore storytelling as a
communication tool and to find out whether storytelling is a suitable method for strengthening the expert-local information exchange. Another goal of this study is to explore the gap of
communication more extensively through a case study of Kibera by comparing two different data sources in order to see if they create a narrative conflict.
As mentioned by the theorists before, the lack of suitable methods and insufficient communication creates a gap between the experts and the local people. The problem is how the design and
development experts currently utilize participatory tools, and whether these tools are used in an ethical way. My intention is to see if storytelling can create a more natural setting for interactions
and if the usage of local narratives can ensure a less interfering model of communication with the experts.
I have chosen a qualitative approach since my intent is to do an in-depth study of the Kibera slum area in Nairobi. The reason for choosing a qualitative approach (Creswell, 2009) is that it enables me to construct a case that focuses on the events and everyday life in Kibera as well as to
understand how the narratives of the diverse stakeholders resonate with the events. Creswell (2009) points out that qualitative research is suitable in discussing how a phenomenon works and
developing a theory based on those findings. According to Morse, a qualitative research approach may be needed if ”the topic is new, the topic has never been addressed with a certain sample or group of people, and existing theories do not apply with the particular sample or group under study” (Morse, 1991, as cited in Creswell 2009, p.35). A qualitative approach in this case helps to
understand the phenomenon of storytelling in the particular context of Kibera, since existing research of using storytelling as a communication tool has not been addressed within this specific setting.
Creswell mentions that qualitative research is suitable for studying social relations, which in this case are relevant since the study primarily focuses on participation, communication, and
storytelling. Thus, the social and human perspectives of the stakeholders in Kibera can be explored extensively through a qualitative approach. In order to understand how storytelling can act as a method and connecting element between the experts and locals, I need to unfold the concept of participatory design and construct a versatile picture of the current state of design practice,
especially in the development work context. In the background, I will have support from the voices of the theorists who have covered the main issues and possibilities behind participation in
developing projects. The theory section works as the baseline and as a filter that sets the standards for analyzing the nature of the Architecture Sans Frontières (ASF) case study in comparison to the blog of Brian Otieno, a local from Kibera. By comparing the actions and results of the ASF
workshop with blog content, I am seeking to form a better understanding of how the stories of the development organizations correspond with the blog material.
3.3 CASE STUDY METHODOLOGY
My study builds on case study methodology. The reason for choosing case study methodology, according to Robert Yin (1989, p.13), is the desire to purposefully cover contextual setups that could be highly relevant for studying a specific phenomenon. Yin explains that doing a case study can have a distinct advantage if ”a ’how’ or ’why’ question is being asked about a contemporary set of events over which the investigator has little or no control” (Yin 1989, p.9). By utilizing case study methodology, I am better equipped to answer my research question since it is constructed around the phenomenon of storytelling and events taking place in Kibera that are out of my reach. As Wilbur Schramm describes, ”the essence of a case study, the central tendency among all types of case study, is that it tries to illuminate a decision or set of decisions: why they were taken, how they were implemented, and with what result” (Schramm, 1971, as cited in Yin, 1989 p.13). Since I aim to form a deeper level of understanding of how the design and development practice in Kibera can utilize storytelling as a communication tool, a research strategy such as case study methodology, is needed.
3.3.1. DATA SOURCES
One of my primary data sources from Kibera is a research workshop report from a development organization, Architects Sains Frontières (ASF). Their research workshop, Change by Design, took place in 2011 in the Mashimoni neighborhood in Kibera, Nairobi. The workshop was done in collaboration with the United Nations Human Settlement Program (UN-HABITAT). The main idea of the workshop was to lay out the possibilities and limitations of slum-upgrading in the area and to introduce architectural knowledge to the locals. The focus was in using participatory design tools in order to enable local people to express their needs and desires better, as well as to look at the case from a broader perspective by mapping out the existing possibilities and obstacles on an
organizational and institutional level (Frediani et al., 2011). Another objective mentioned is educating international students and practitioners in coherent participatory design and improving their ability to critically examine the role of designers and architects, particularly in development projects. The strategy of the workshop was to divide the analysis into three different sectors and look at the upgrading processes on the scales of institutions, neighborhoods, and households, which would create opportunities of responsive and transformative upgrading processes compared to one scale projects (Frediani et al., 2011).
My other data source from Kibera is the blog of Brian Otieno, a photographer from Kibera. Most of the blog posts in Kibera Stories are from 2016, but Otieno’s online photo project and the blog were established in 2013. I will support the existing blog content with an interview conducted by the New York Times in 2019 about the Kibera Stories project. After graduating from the Multimedia University of Kenya, Otieno started documenting various events taking place in Kibera. Otieno has a passion for capturing the everyday life of people around him. He offers a great insight into what the Kibera area means for its inhabitants through his writings and photographs in his blog. His work gives valuable information about the possibilities within the communities of Kibera, and how the area can be seen not only as a place for suffering and despair but as a place with people who have hopes and dreams.
These very different sorts of documents allow me to examine local voices and development organizations in building my case of different narratives from Kibera. I will conduct a content analysis of these two data sources from Kibera, bringing in theories related to participatory design and the role of the designer to deepen my analysis. My data from Kibera is primarily textual and to a certain extent visual, since my resources, in this case, are limited, so I am relying on the active voices in the written material and illustrations. The visual data component captures and expresses what words cannot.
3.3.2 PERFORMING THE STUDY
After setting my focus on participatory design, I went through multiple documents and articles about the subject in order to find more depth and be more specific about my area of study. Since my interest has been leaning towards participation in development projects, I soon found material about various operations taking place in the slums of Kibera. I then started to organize my data from Kibera into different themes and categories in order to see if the themes can be linked or whether similar patterns occur. After that, I began to look at the data sources in detail so that I would be able to identify the most relevant themes, particularly for this study. I came across the concept of
storytelling while I was searching for a common language for the diverse participants in development work, and decided to see if storytelling could enhance communication between experts and locals. Figure 3 illustrates my thought process and how I conducted the study.
FIGURE 3, MY THOUGHT PROCESS
PARTICIPATORY DESIGN & THE EXPERT'S ROLE
ASF OTIENO KIBERA
THE NARRATIVES OF THE STAKEHOLDERS
ANALYSIS
case studies through theory
CONCLUSIONS & DISCUSSION
critical research
papers comparing data
from the ASF report with blog
content
form patterns answer questions
theoretical lens
CAN STORYTELLING UNITE STAKEHOLDERS?
TILL CORNWALL LINSELL choosing relevant research methods what can we learn from the
study Introduction and background
Research question
RESULTS
4 FINDINGS
In this chapter, I am unfolding the central findings in the ASF report and Otieno’s blog. I have looked at the visual and textual components from both data sources in order to present versatile details and organize the data under suitable themes.
4.1 THE NARRATIVES OF THE ASF AND BRIAN OTIENO
4.1.1 TEXTUAL
The authors of the ASF report state that their guidelines for the workshop have been” the moral obligation to protect and fulfill rights, remove discrimination and reduce vulnerabilities, as by the need to solve problems in practical ways” (Frediani et al., 2011, p.12). The authors of the report point out that” whilst advocacy is an important aspect of facilitating slum upgrading, there also must be some focus on implementation. This bias must be addressed if upgrading projects are to be efficiently delivered” (Frediani et al., 2011, p.41). A conceptual ’settlement upgrading’ model was created after multiple discussions. However, the research group left no’ ideal plans’ or’ housing solutions’ but mainly educated the locals in understanding spaces through expert tools. According to the authors, information from the workshop is useful in future debates with organizations about upgrading project methods;” The exercise only touched the surface of the amount of planning that could potentially be done prior to any physical upgrading taking place” (Frediani et al., 2011, p. 163).
The report describes that the most prominent issues slow down the upgrading processes are security, permanent land tenure, and finding funding for building projects (Frediani et al., 2011). The report also points out that one of the main obstacles for improving living conditions in Kibera is the difficulty of creating a reliable exchange of information between the government, development organizations and the local actors (Frediani et al., 2011). Another major issue that hinders the locals from improving their life quality and socio-economic position is poverty itself. After a fuel
explosion in the nearby slum area in Nairobi, the authors reflect on the events from their point of view; ” There is no denying that residents’ poverty contributed to the deaths: collecting fuel in their
of the fire. Yet more pronounced than this, their socio-economic marginality leads them to live in slums that are characterized by inadequate physical living conditions: cramped, unplanned, poorly built conditions, which exacerbate the effects of disasters and constrain rescue attempts” (Frediani et al., 2011, p.8).
Brian Otieno’s blog has different objectives in comparison to the ASF report; ” — to draw the attention of the public to understand the diversity, dynamics, and inequality of urban life as an observer with a unique point of view through photography” (Otieno, 2016). Through his stories and photographs, he aims to communicate how innovative the slum dwellers are, and how flourishing small businesses and various entrepreneurs around the area, such as tailors, artists, and shopkeepers are bringing the area to life (Otieno, 2016). Otieno has desires to change the presuppositions of the public when he writes that” while Kibera is hardly a continuous cycle of poverty and hardship, that has always been the dominant visual narrative. But within its ever-sprawling and captivating landscapes, Kibera is a mix of diversity, vibrancy and great capabilities” (Otieno, 2016).
Otieno’s blog writings describe a thriving community, and his pictures display a lively
neighborhood. Otieno has the capability of seeing beauty in places that most people would find unattractive and frightening. Otieno describes his home in an interview with the New York Times (2019),” I would look around me, at the rooftops and the scenery, and it just looks beautiful, and I would think this view is amazing for photography” (Otieno, as cited in O’Reilly, 2019; Figure 4). Otieno also reveals that this was not always the case; one night while he was scrolling through images of Kibera on his phone he came to realize that “They were pictures from Kibera, but only showing the deep, deep poverty, and I was seeing all these other sides that were not like that. So I decided to do stories from home. Here, I can do different stories every day. And they will leave a lasting impression on people’s minds. Home is like my studio” (Otieno, as cited in O’Reilly, 2019). Otieno tells that when he first overcame the narrow perspective of seeing the slums as a place for suffering, he started to acknowledge the richness of stories and the resourcefulness of the locals; he decided to start documenting the glimpses of attractiveness in Kibera (O’Reilly, 2019).
”Kibera Stories gives a sense of what it’s like to be a resident of one
of the continent’s most notorious slums”
Finnbar O’ReillyAccording to O’Reilly (2019), ”there is a growing acknowledgment that a more diverse range of perspectives is needed to reflect a broader spectrum of lived experiences, especially from the African continent.” Brian Otieno and other photographers are determined to make a change and erase the stereotypes and clichés concerning places like Kibera so they started to contribute in a photoblog called Everyday Africa (O’Reilly, 2019). Otieno tells in his interview with the New York Times that while other photographers are welcome to visit Kibera, he proposes they approach Kibera as if they were in their home country; “Just don’t come with this image in mind that shows poverty and no place for growth and development, it’s a matter of showing respect”, Otieno (2019) adds.
“Just don’t come with this image in mind that shows poverty and
no place for growth and development, it’s a matter of showing
respect”
Brian Otieno4.1.2 VISUAL
While most of Brian Otieno’s work focuses on capturing Kibera’s diversity and vibrancy, he documents also the darker side of the informal settlements. Otieno shares his experience of
witnessing some shocking situations; ”I’ve shown some really bad things, like police brutality and extrajudicial killings, but people don’t say I’m giving a bad impression of Kibera because this is the reality. But doing it with integrity and dignity is really important” (Otieno, as cited in O’Reilly 2019). He takes gloomy pictures of riots and burning houses (Figure 5), but brings contrast to his photo feed by showing multiple pictures of local youngsters dressed in bright, patterned outfits and the colorful work of local artists (Figure 6).
As an example of the visual storytelling in Otieno’s blog, is a picture of Elsie Ayoo (Figure 7), a 16-year-old ballerina, which has drawn the most attention from his work and got Otieno the East African photo award (Otieno 2016). Ayoo poses confidently in the middle of a busy dirt road under a dark, cloudy sky. ”I asked her where she wanted to be photographed and she took me to a street near her home. It was a busy Sunday morning and people stopped and looked at what we were doing. It’s a strong image and it shows her skill and talent and where it is rooted”, Otieno describes the picture (Otieno, as cited in O’Reilly 2019).
Otieno’s material tells a story about a community where the people have dreams, like little Junior wishing to be an engineer (Figure 8), they are determined, like the children walking long distances to school on the railway tracks (Figure 9) and they find joy in the small things, like the boys playing in muddy water after a heavy rain (Figure 10).
FIGURE 8, JUNIOR DREAMING ABOUT BECOMING AN ENGINEER, BRIAN OTIENO
By looking at the layout of the visual material, both the Kibera Stories website and the digital version of the ASF workshop report are highlighting the message they want to give to the public; Otieno emphasizes the pre-existing possibilities, while ASF shows how they are mapping out the area in order to fulfill their aspirations of making improvements and help upgrading the slum area. Otieno’s blog site has strong color contrasts and primary focus on the photographs (Figures 11 & 12). The ASF uses same dark blue color theme and primarily unedited pictures through out the report. The report shows how a workshop participant, Whitney Burge, illustrated a girl’s daily life in Mashimoni neighborhood of Kibera (Figure 13). The report also shares images of locals and workshop organizers in action; they were involved in model making, drawing exercises, and discussions about the possible upgrading on the area (Figure 14).
FIGURE 11, KIBERA STORIES BLOG, BRIAN OTIENO FIGURE 13, VISUAL STORYTELLING, ASF REPORT
ASF report illustrates some examples of the environmental qualities in Kibera, like the compact, inadequate housing structures in the area (Figure 15). Most of the report’s visual content contains either people participating in the workshop, or snapshots that show traces of life, like laundry drying outside the dwellings, but only a few of the visual examples tell a story of a local resident.
4.2 PARTICIPATION
The ASF workshop consisted of different exercises, where the individuals representing diverse local groups were allowed to dream and share their hopes for possible future implementation of the area. The workshop utilized different participatory tools, such as drawing, model-making, and
interviewing. ”One member of each household was asked to draw their ‘dream house’ and then describe the drawing. This method initiated an important conversation about their dwelling needs, wants, and aspirations” (Frediani et al., 2011, p.106). The report points out that maintaining a level of equal conversation was a challenge - especially gender discrimination was a reoccurring pattern in their project since a group of middle-aged men repeatedly dominated the discussion in the workshop excluding women and younger participants (Frediani et al., 2011, p. 147). This was solved by arranging workshops only for women. Even though the ASF did not manage to arrange workshops where all different groups would be represented equally, the authors of the report state that ”participatory design (and planning) is key to achieving equity and efficiency when formulating
plans and in urban governance. Together, design and participation unlock the resourcefulness of place and maximize opportunities for discovery in which all participate” (Frediani et al., 2011, p. 13). The authors add that participation builds capacity, empowers the vulnerable ones while giving them an opportunity to be a part of making decisions regarding their lives, yet the report states that ”— participatory design around the idea of dwelling has been found to be time consuming, as participants are highly attached to their ‘home’ and want to ensure they have their say and voice their opinions. They want to be involved – which is, of course, a positive thing, but this created large demand for our time” (Frediani et al., 2011, p.141). While the ASF experts did not take into account how much time dedicated engagement with the locals would take, still they see
participatory methods as ’socially advantageous’ and ’trouble-free implementation’.
The authors state that ”proponents of participation primarily argue that it produces superior results, that is, in terms of built environment upgrading, participation improves the responsiveness, the ‘fit’, between the resulting environment and the needs and wants of the people it is supposed to
serve.” (Frediani et al., 2011, p.18) The ASF experts question the criticism of the status quo and ask what superior slum upgrading approaches are. They see the reoccurring misusage of participation happening in the development industry since dwellers involvement is often limited to expressing their opinions long after the experts have defined and designed the project. Participation is usually ”no more than consultation of professionally developed upgrading plans” (Frediani et al., 2011, p. 19). The ASF experts’ awareness of the exploitation of participatory tools is evident, but their actions with dividing the participants and only selecting a handful of community representatives for their workshops raise a question of the ASF living up to their guidelines of removing discrimination and reducing vulnerabilities.
”Participatory design (and planning) is key to achieving equity and
efficiency when formulating plans and in urban governance. Together,
design and participation unlock the resourcefulness of place and
” This experience has been very good for me. I have learned that
it’s OK to dream”
Resident participating in the ASF workshopsDespite the difficulties the ASF experts encountered during their workshop, many of the residents reported they felt included, and learned that dreaming and expressing their desires is allowed - ” This experience has been very good for me. I have learned that it’s OK to dream” (Resident from Kibera, as cited in Frediani et al., 2011, p.166). Focusing primarily on women and children who might be more easily excluded from decision-making helped the experts to form a better
understanding of the overall communication inside Kibera. Their drawing and mapping exercises (Figure 16 & 17) opened possibilities for both the experts and the locals to see Kibera from a new perspective (Frediani et al., 2011, p.50). The report states that the workshop gave people new ideas and ways to perceive their neighborhood and possible tools to use in creating arguments and
negotiations about future implementations in the area (Frediani et al., 2011, p.141). According to the ASF publication, local stakeholders concluded that the impact of the project was highly positive and offered promises for future upgrading projects.
Otieno illustrates how the locals gather and arrange events in their community. For example, he was documenting an annual talent show in Kibera, which aims to find the skillful individuals and groups in music, dance, and poetry. A great number of local people got together to celebrate the talented community members, who proudly present their home. Another example of community initiatives is Kibera’s fashion and beauty pageant, which accordion to Otieno promotes ” peaceful co-existence and better leadership” (Otieno 2016). Otieno highlights that the locals are making an effort to make their voices heard, ”The pageant saw 18 contestants model professional outfits such as a nurse, footballer, pilot and police officer to show that they can be part of the nation’s workforce. They also showcased their own creativity, wearing outfits crafted from steel wool, foil papers, braids, and beverage straw” (Otieno 2016). According to Otieno, local artists also participated in spreading the message of peace, love, and unity. Around 500 community members gathered to witness the event organized by Amani Kibera, advocating for peace in the coming general elections.
On the contrary, Otieno’s presentation lacks examples of how to approach the community’s issues on a concrete level. He points out that actions should be taken, and that the overall impression of Kibera needs to be a more constructive one (Otieno, 2016). However, a reader who wants to
contribute in creating change is left with only one tool; supporting Otieno’s Patreon account, which gives the fans of a content creator access to exclusive material in exchange for paying a monthly amount of their choice. This helps to support spreading the stories from Kibera, but offers no practical solutions to how the community’s desires could be turned into psychical improvements.
4.3 STORYTELLING
Otieno tells that his project of collecting stories from Kibera presents a ”socio-economic, cultural, political and environmental point of view, as seen from an insider’s perspective” (Otieno, 2013). In the blog, Otieno describes that his passion comes from communicating the reality and stories of everyday life in Kibera through visual representation. Otieno also highlights that by looking at his images ” we see and feel dynamic moments of everyday life, identity, and individuality, and the uniqueness of representation in moments always seen but often ignored or unnoticed.” Through his visual storytelling, he is aiming to ”go beyond the chaotic experience” while drawing the public’s attention to take a unique viewpoint to see the diverse and dynamic qualities of Kibera as well as
the inequality of urban life (Otieno, 2013). Otieno has been contributing to spreading both the messages of joy and hardships, mostly through his photographs and writings, which shed light to issues of the most vulnerable members of the community, like the women who have to withstand the impact of heavy flooding since they are the responsible ones of getting water, cooking and cleaning (Figure 19). Another marginalized group Otieno acknowledges in his writings is the teenage moms in Kibera (Figure 18). Otieno (2017) writes in an article that even though a large number of non-governmental organizations have made an effort to support the most severe cases of the young moms, the majority of them do not receive the help they need. Otieno declares that his motivation to tell the stories of teenage mothers in Kibera is to ”call more attention on the real lives and situations of this marginal group and extend the discussion further to several other vital social issues such as empowerment and education” (Otieno, 2017). Since many of the girls drop out of school which reduces their chances of making ends meet in the future, Otieno is willing to spread their message in the hope of preventing rejection of their families and the community (Otieno, 2017).
The ASF workshop report describes multiple examples of stories told by the local people. The researchers witnessed for example how the locals are taking the initiative to learn new skills and improve their circumstances;
A group coming together to provide water for their community. This involved them selling water within the community. They had gained the knowledge to do this through training at an external, European Union sponsored, seminar about how to locate the water mains and implement a water project. The successful implementation of this project over the last two years has helped to finance group activities, such as hiring transport so that they can attend more events (Frediani et al., p.47).
ASF tells the story of Stephen (Figure 20), who lives with his father in a small shack, and while most of their income goes to paying Stephens university fees and the rent, last year he was deferred out of school since he was unable to pay the fees. The authors, (Frediani et al., 2011, p. 121), describe Stephen’s story as a demonstration of ”the drive and determination inherent in the majority of residents in Mashimoni to improve their social and economic situation, connect with the wider city and its institutions, and integrate with mainstream society rather than remain on the margins; it is, however, a daily struggle that requires a positive and persistent attitude to ‘get ahead’.” The report also tells that the story of Sara, a single mom of 4 children, who runs her own business and dreams of a better future for her children. Her story is seen as an example of ”confidence some people in Mashimoni have regarding their own capability of changing things and improving the way they live right now, with active actions, such as saving and getting organized through representation groups” (Frediani et al., 2011, p. 134).
5 ANALYSIS
In this chapter I will be interpreting my data through the theoretical material presented previously. I will be discussing the results and answering my research questions.
5.1 COMPARING THE NARRATIVES OF ASF AND BRIAN OTIENO
The perspective of experts contrasted with the locals’ experiences of Kibera strengthens the idea of a gap between the experts and the locals. The difference between the data sources is that while the ASF report focuses more on the difficulties and suffering the locals are encountering, Brian Otieno does not deny the negative impact of living in a slum, but he chooses to have an encouraging tone of voice instead. The way both the ASF and Otieno choose to present Kibera is divergent.; ASF does not describe Kibera as a thriving community since they aim to help and empower the marginalized groups while Otieno already recognizes the capabilities of the community. Where Otieno paints a picture of Kibera as a place with” diversity, vibrancy and great capabilities”, the ASF workshop sees a place where they have “the moral obligation to protect and fulfill rights, remove discrimination and reduce vulnerabilities” (Frediani et al., 2011). The workshop report narrative describes a place with significant shortages, such as inadequate housing, poor sanitation and unsafe public ground, as well as few opportunities to make actual large-scale implementations, like changing the overall infrastructure (Frediani et al., 2011). As the report says, the outcome was purely contextual, and no physical implementations were left behind. The ASF report illustrates a few examples of what the locals tell about their living environment, like the stories of Stephen and Sara mentioned earlier, and points out some of the existing possibilities, like the drive of the locals to improve their social positions. It is worth acknowledging that the two data sources had a different focus on their visual productions, but it is evident that they give the reader a juxtaposed picture of both the people and the place.
On the other hand, the ASF report acknowledges that there is strong coherence inside the community and this could be further enhanced by using” design and participation to unlock the
resourcefulness of place and maximize opportunities for discovery in which all
participate” (Frediani et al., 2011). Still, the experts show up with their ready-made interpretations of the place, but as Otieno points out, what the locals wish for is an approach without prejudices;” just don’t come with this image in mind that shows poverty and no place for growth and
development, it’s a matter of showing respect” (Otieno, as cited in O’Reilly, 2019). The ASF report indicates to a direction where the presence of experts is necessary if authentic participatory tools are to be used, but Otieno’s photos of big masses organizing to either celebrate or resist different events taking place, tell that the locals know their community has influential power on their own.
The challenge is to make the experts realize how valuable but fragile the small glimpses of joy in the daily lives of the locals are. Sometimes the experts’ own context and background might hinder them from seeing what the locals cherish; after the fuel explosion in a nearby neighborhood in Nairobi, the researchers state that the residents were desperately collecting fuel to pay for their informal, expensive shacks (Frediani et al., 2011 p.8). However, since fuel is highly valuable, they might have been able to get the whole months salary within a few hours. Also, what the experts call shacks, are the homes of the locals where they spend time with their families and have a chance to relax. Where Otieno lifts up the community’s attempt to embrace growth and development beyond the chaotic experience (Otieno, 2016), the ASF researchers describe the community of Kibera; ”— their socio-economic marginality leads them to live in slums that are characterized by inadequate physical living conditions: cramped, unplanned, poorly built conditions, which exacerbate the effects of disasters and constrain rescue attempts” (Frediani et al., 2011, p.8). The differing interpretations the locals and experts bring with them give a concrete example of how the same place can be perceived dissimilarly depending on whether one is familiar with the context or comes from outside. If the experts choose to take another perspective like Otieno did when he switched from seeing poverty to observing abundance, the experts might be able to see beyond the immediate challenges and become more aware of existing possibilities.
The visual narrative of Otieno’s pictures contrasted with the ASF report shows divergent interpretations of Kibera. While Otieno’s pictures are carefully considered to the last detail, the pictures in the ASF workshop report are more like quick snapshots taken from the place. While both
