Communication for Development One-year master
15 Credits Spring 2020
Supervisor: Tobias Denskus
Multiculturalism for integration and the
repertoires of racializing the other
A case of Kenyan immigrants living in Sweden
“I believe that we can restore our hope in a world that transcends race by building communities where self-esteem comes not from feeling superior to any group but from one's
relationship to the land, to the people, to the place wherever that may be. When we create beloved communities, environments that are anti-racist and inclusive, it need not matter whether those spaces are diverse. What matters is that should difference enter the world of
beloved community it can find a place of welcome, a place to belong.”
This research project is dedicated to my parents, Mburu Peter and Nasieku Mary Waruhiu who wished that I could have an education and also find work in an area that brought me joy
ABSTRACT
This study is grounded on qualitative interviews with 12 adult Kenyan immigrants living in Sweden regarding their experiences of othering, racialisation, creation of divisions in society based on “us” and “them” linked on repertories of racializing the other in the Swedish multicultural environment.
I engage with stereotyping as theory which is used as a tool to pick difference, racialize the respondents by white Swedish natives, and how these actions affect the respondents in their everyday life in Sweden.
The study finds that non-white bodies of Kenyan immigrants are constantly centred while interacting with native white Swedish population. These are either expressed by direct questions that border impoliteness, subtle and blatant forms of prejudice. The study also shows that othering of Kenyans takes place all the time so that these people feel that they will never fully integrate in the Swedish community thus question the issue of integration and place of multiethnicity in Sweden. The study also finds that respondents have taken various actions to minimise racism or take back the power as forms of coping.
Table of content
Chapter 1: Introduction1.1. Migration in Sweden...6
1.2. Aims and objectives ...7
1.3. Postcolonial theory, power and knowledge ...10
1.4. Multiculturalism ...11
1.5. The path to multiculturalism in Sweden ...11
1.6. From Immigrant policy to Integration policy ...14
Chapter 2: Literature Review...16
Chapter 3: Theory ...18
3.1. Centering stereotyping within postcolonial theory ...18
3.2. Historical repertoires of racializing the 'other' ...20
Chapter 4: Methodology...22
4.1. Research conduct ...23
4.2. Reflectivity ...24
4.3. Limitations ...24
Chapter 5: Findings and Analysis …...25
Chapter 6: Conclusion ……….………..38
6.1. This Research and future research.…..………40
References ………..………42
CHAPTER 1: Introduction 1.1 Migration in Sweden
The movement of African migrants from lower social strata to European countries has economic and social consequences but some of the effects of migration that mostly concern ordinary people are social. Host countries differ greatly in terms of numbers of immigrants they allow in their country and the reasons for granting immigrants access. This may be based on labour reasons or level of education attained by the immigrant before their arrival. Western countries who are open to immigrants also vary in their policies on how to treat immigrants. These points to the rights they provide such as equal rights as the natives - which can be extended further to the right to bring in their relatives. Stiffer immigrant treatment is witnessed within contract workers who do not receive the same rights as citizens and could suffer repatriation without notice. Migrants responsibility also varies from those required to learn the local language and live in particular locations to those allowed to come together in their own language groups. In addition, they range on whether complete assimilation should be encouraged or cultural differences preserved (Collier, 2014, P. 12)
Sweden has had a long history of migration starting after the second world war where the migration of workers from other European countries such as Finland, Italy, Greece, the former Yugoslavia, Turkey and other Balkan countries was witnessed.
(https://sweden.se/migration). Non-Swedes were regulated by the state to assimilate completely through learning the Swedish language and culture and being incorporated into citizens as stipulated within the Swedish Welfare state principles. Over the years, Sweden has witnessed an influx of immigrants from Europe, Middle East and Africa who may be asylum seekers, escaping from war, poverty, threat of life, work and family unification. In an effort to integrate these people, Sweden has over the last several decades formed various policies and ideologies such as the immigration policy, multicultural ideology and integration policy. Within the multicultural ideology, ethnic minorities would have a right to maintain their cultures while at the same time enjoy the same rights and status as the rest of the population. The state has been active with these initiatives of helping non-Swedes maintain their cultures through funding of various immigrant associations (Invandrarföreningar).
Currently, Organisationer av och för invandrare (Organisations By and For Immigrants) has listed over 2,400 contacts of the local associations in Sweden (Organisationer av och för invandrare).
Multiculturalism regarded as an approach to management of diversity has been enforced in Sweden and Europe in varying understandings. Sweden has been acknowledged within Europe (Bevelander & Taras, 2012, P. 18) as active in allowing immigrants to carry on with their cultural systems without placing strong measures on them. Such measures would be in form of learning the Swedish language and country laws as a prerequisite to gaining
citizenship (Bevelander & Taras, 2012).
Nonetheless, criticism from some researcher and the general public on the Integration policy is that its double faced, that while it positions to offer equal rights, obligations and opportunities to all irrespective of ethnic or cultural background, it is at the same time founded upon the acceptance of people’s differences. This results to a hierarchy categorizing of “we” that shall integrate “them” that will be integrated, “Swedish” and “immigrant” (Reyes & Kamali, 2005, P.7).
1.2. Aims and objectives
In this paper I aim to bring about the case of difference and othering of Kenyans living as immigrants in Sweden by native Swedes. Even as the Swedish government prides itself with the adaptation of a multicultural ideology within the integration policy – which requires that it gives all its residents equal rights and opportunities regardless of background - the
question remains if this is indeed a reality in the Swedish society or not.
I reflect on the repertoires of racializing the other as discussed by Hall, 2013 and then focus on the lived experiences of Kenyans living in Sweden and try to uncover if they are faced with experiences of othering based on stereotype of the black person.
This then leads me to my research question;
• Are there any lived experiences of othering in relation to repertoires of colonial discourse experienced by Kenyan immigrants living in Sweden?
• Do stereotyping incidences based on their black and African characteristic experienced in their life in Sweden?
The focus of this study is the lived experiences of Kenyan immigrants who have moved and lived in Sweden for a considerable length of time (five years and more), and also partaken in different forms of actions to integrate such as learning the Swedish language and finding jobs. Some have also taken extra courses in various learning institutions in order to complement their previous education with an attempt to be more marketable in the
Swedish job market. Through discussions of their lived experiences on a daily basis I hope to find out whether they experience any forms of discrimination and forms of othering by way of stereotyping which is racially biased linked to their physical characteristics as black bodies as well as their background as Africans.
Below I share a brief background of my respondents which shed more light of who they are. Further discussions of their experiences are discussed in chapter five.
Name Age Background
1 Christa 35 Born in Kenya, moved to Sweden eight years ago to join her Swedish partner. Has a university education from Kenya, Sweden and the USA. Works as a communicator in an international NGO.
2 Isabela 34 Born in Kenya, moved to Sweden five years ago to join her Swedish husband. Has a university education from Kenya. Works in a Swedish bank in the Administration
Department.
3 Martha 40 Born in Kenya, lived in Germany and Spain before moving to Sweden nine years ago in search for work. Has a diploma in Business management from Kenya. Studied Swedish and Assistant Nursing in Sweden and now works as an assistance nurse in Stockholm within the medical care.
4 Emma 32 Born in Kenya, moved to the United Kingdom at age ten to be with her mother. Has a university education from the UK. Has lived in Sweden for four years with her Swedish partner. Works in a High school as an English teacher.
5 Jane 53 Born in Kenya, relocated to Sweden ten years ago with her family when her husband got a job transfer. Decided to settle in Sweden after his term was over. She has a university education in Social Work from Kenya and
worked within the development field for several years. Studied Swedish language and taken some courses in communication in Uppsala university. Works part-time in various NGO's in Sweden as it has been hard to find a permanent job. She can also be out of work for long. Reasons cited by potential employers include lack of sufficient work experience and proper Swedish language. She however believes that age, failure to fully understand her Kenyan qualifications among other reasons have a role to play.
6 Florence 38 Born in Kenya. Moved to Sweden four years ago to join her Swedish husband. Has trained as a preschool teacher in Kenya. At the time of the interview she was doing Swedish for Immigrants (SFI)studies. Currently studying to be a preschool teacher and also works part-time in a commercial store.
7 Maureen 42 Born in Kenya. Lived in Sweden for 26 years. Relocated with her parents as a teenager, parents moved back to Kenya after retirement. Has a Nursing degree from Sweden and works as a specialized nurse. Actively involved in helping children with physical disabilities through participating in different forms of drama and music.
8 Alice 42 Born in Kenya. Lived in Sweden for six years when she joined her partner. Worked as a secretary in Kenya. Studied Swedish language and now studying part-time to be a nurse. Works also part-time as assistance nurse within the medical care.
9 Maua 45 Born and grew up in Sweden. Father is Kenyan and mother is Swedish. Lived in the USA in her 20s. Has a Swedish and American university education. Works with social issues around equality and human-rights with her the being immigrant women who live in the vulnerable suburbs around Stockholm.
10 James 39 Born in Kenya, lived in Sweden for nine years. Studied Swedish and restaurant training at Komvux. Works as a receptionist in a hotel.
11 Wilson 19 Born in Kenya, son to Jane. Studied eight years in the Swedish system. At time of interview he was waiting to go into University.
12 Victone 27 Born in Kenya, joined part of his family in Sweden seven years ago. Has a college diploma in communications from Kenya. Has studied SFI and trained to be an assistance nurse in Sweden. Works full time within medical care.
1.3 Postcolonial theory, power and knowledge
The histories of colonialism and its effects on both the Global South and Global North is undoubtful. Postcolonialism looks at the political, economic and cultural effects on societies as a result of colonialism which is witnessed on both the colonised and the colonizers. (Mc Ewan, 2009, P. 21). Postcolonialism can also be seen as an approach by way of questioning issues of race, identity, ethnicity and gender and the relationship between power and knowledge. (Mc Ewan, 2009, P. 22). Understanding the relationship between power and knowledge is critical to this study. Postcolonial theory leads us to understand the
universalizing knowledge produced in Imperial Europe (Said, 1993, 1999) (Mc Ewan, 2009, P. 35) and the Global North about the colonized territories and its people. Mc Ewan asserts that producers of knowledge are influenced by their location and other cultural influences which renders the knowledge that they impart not partial or objective. This creates a power dynamic between who decides what is knowledge and to whom it is disseminated to. The literary works of colonialist portrayed Africa and the rest of the world in inferior ways and were used to justify colonialism and dominate ‘Others’ by representing other societies as “backward” and “irrational” while the West as rational, mature and objective (Mc Ewan, 2009, P. 124) with an effort to reveal that there is a difference between the two. This resulted in reinforcing the differences between Europe and its colonies (Mc Ewan, 2009, P. 124). Said in his book on Orientalism also expresses that knowledge is never innocent but is connected to the works of power (Said, 1985). The power to represent other places in cultural and literary texts contributed to how the world thought about the orient and justified colonialist ambitions to colonise the world. The assumed position of the white man to claim and establish knowledge contributed to the reinforcing of difference between the West and non- West translating to a sense of superiority (Mc Ewan, 2009, P. 65.) I believe this is important to understand in regards to how issues of race, class divisions and representation of others is understood and can be developed in present day.
1.4. Multiculturalism
Multiculturalism and multiculture and are discourses that have been in discussion in the last several decades and adopted by many European countries in different ways as technics to address diversity and inclusion in society (Collier, 2014, P. 97). Departing from the
impression that many immigrants were not keen to assimilate, Collier states that
multiculturism was favoured by liberal elites who understood that a multicultural society provided more variety and stimulus than a society with a single culture (Collier, 2014, p. 97). It encompasses the permanent coexistence of various cultures and religions in the same country where the nation is the geographical domain in which different cultural
communities coexist peacefully with the same rights and social privileges. He adds that it is a cultural blending between migrants and the native citizens but where the indigenous culture is neither superior to the migrant's culture (Collier, 2014, p. 97). Addressing the issue of diversity and culture in Great Britain, Cultural theorist Stuart Hall emphasized on finding equality through difference within the cultural domain. He refers to Multiculturism as a term with no clear meaning but attempts to describe it while carefully ensuring to distinct it from the term multi-cultural. For Stuart Hall, "multi-cultural describes the social characteristics and problems of governance posed by any society in which different cultural communities live together and attempt to build a common life while retaining something of their ‘original’ identity... Multiculturalism on the other hand “references the strategies and policies adopted to govern or manage the problems of diversity and multiplicity which multi-cultural societies throw up.” (Hall, 2000, P. 209).
1.5. The path to multiculturalism in Sweden
The mid-1960s can be seen as the advent of multicultural ideas in Sweden where already a large group of post-war immigrants had made their way to the country in search for labour. (reference) The end of the World War II and the need for industrial expansion led to a high demand for foreign labour thus allowing Sweden to lift some of its previous strict
regulations in regard to the entry of immigrants to the country. Sweden also used a system of organized recruitment in its efforts to bring in foreign labour from other European
Union Confederation (Landsorganisationen - LO) pressured the Social Democratic
government to put in place immigration rules as there was an increased worry that foreign workers would be socially and economically marginalized creating divisions in society in the absence of unregulated immigration laws. (Lundh and Ohlsson 1994) (Borevi, 2012, P. 140) These efforts bore fruit when the government in 1968 officially declared the Equality Principle. The Equality Principle meant that immigrants would now have access to the same standard of living conditions as the rest of the population. These ideas of incorporating immigrants into society by recognizing their status as equal members of society who would also have an influence in the political and social-economic stand similar to the native where seen by the social democrats who were informed by the welfare state ideology, as a way of uplifting and integrating the immigrants to the same social and economic level as the natives. The welfare state ideology's perspective was that integration and solidarity was best achieved by reducing gaps between social levels in society. This was to be done by eliminating huge existing differences giving room to some level of homogeneity. (Lundh and Ohlsson 1994) (Borevi, 2012, P. 141). In this regard, up until 1968, the Social Democratic party integrated immigrates and marginalized groups primarily through the process of assimilation which required marginalized groups to abandon their cultural practices. (Lundh and Ohlsson 1994) (Borevi, 2012, P. 141). However, this school of thought begun to be confronted and a talk of cultural pluralism was being presented. This meant that the Swedish authorities would tolerate cultural pluralism and integrate immigrants into the Swedish welfare state system without expecting them to abandon their distinct cultural identities or practices. On the one hand was the state who had great reservations in the expansion of minority rights and preferred them to be seen as interest group and on the other hand, advocates of pluralism demanded from the government to form a minority policy where immigrants and national minority’s discrete identities were recognized and promoted. (Borevi, 2012, P. 142). Through the pressure of the Landsorganisationen, the Social Democratic government made a Bill in 1968 on immigration stressing the importance of making efforts `to cater for the wish of immigrants to maintain contact with their original country's language and culture` (Government Bill 1968) (Borevi, 2012, P. 143). This put in motion the formulation of a comprehensive Immigrant and Minority policy.
In 1975 the new Immigrant and Minority policy became unanimously supported by the Swedish Parliament. The three main goals of the policy were Equality, Freedom of choice and Partnership. This was a turn away from assimilation which expected groups to cut lose their cultural practices, and instead embraced multiculturalism as an official ideology. What was central to this policy was that immigrants and minorities would have the right to maintain their distinctive cultures and still enjoy the same rights and status as the native population. (Åkesson, 2011, P. 218).
The new policy constituted mainly measures towards the immigrant such as voting rights in municipal elections, information services for immigrant groups, provision of mother-tongue classes in schools where even the Finish Government pressured the Swedish government to have Finnish speaking children in Swedish schools to not only gain mother-tongue
instruction but also have Finnish as a language of teaching. (Borevi, 2012, P. 143). Books and other reading materials in languages spoken by major immigrant groups were highly funded together with associations that were ethnically aligned. (Borevi, 2012, P. 143). These efforts have been viewed as being problematic as they are seen to have divided people living in Sweden in to two different groups. One group that is known as “immigrants” and another as “Swedish”. The “swede” is seen as already integrated and in no need for integration while the “immigrant” however, is seen as a group which is not integrated and must get there through efforts made by the “swede”. (Regeringskansliet SOU 2006:79. P. 60)
In the mid-1980s the face of the immigrant in Sweden begun to change. While previously it comprised of labour workers from the Nordic countries and other countries in South and Eastern Europe, it now changed to compose asylum seekers and unified family members of earlier immigrants from Asia, Latin America and the Middle East. With this diverse groups of people now residing in Sweden, the effectiveness of multiculturalism was questioned as far as integration and equality of people residing in Sweden was concerned. Huge differences between the immigrant and the native existed where housing, health, education
achievements were not at par. The multicultural ideology further received criticism that it `tended to misdiagnose the problems that immigrants were facing, so that economic
marginalization or ethnic discrimination was narrowly understood in terms of "multicultural questions". (SOU 1984, P. 58, 55) (Borevi, 2012, P. 146). Further critic comes from the feminist who assert that offering protection to minority groups from being oppressed by
majority groups could lead to expanding oppression on vulnerable members within these groups. Vulnerable members include women, children, religious dissenters and sexual minorities whose basic rights and opportunities could be weakened by more powerful members of those groups. (Song, 2017). According to Lentin and Titley (2012) in their writing on ‘The crisis of multiculturalism in Europe…’ hold that the multicultural fantasy (Rieff, 2005) vaporized differences, over common values, strived to be culturally particular instead of building social cohesion and relativism at the cost of shared values. (Lentin & Titley, 2012, P. 125)
These critics directed on the workings of multiculturalism in Sweden was followed by a critical assessment of the approach. In 1986, the policy area previously named "Immigrant and Minority policy" of 1975 was reframed to "Immigrant policy". This meant that
immigrants who had arrived in Sweden after World War II would not be equalized as national minorities.
1.6. From Immigrant policy to Integration policy:
Criticism of the Immigration policy and the changes in society begged for a change in policy. In September 1997, Sweden moved from the Immigration policy to Integration policy. (Regerings skrivelse, 2001/02:129). Here it was decided that society's ethnic and cultural diversity would be the start point for the general policy design and implementation in all areas of society and levels. It was also decided that the contribution and efforts directed to immigrants as a group would be limited to the extent that is needed within the first few years of living in Sweden. (Regerings skrivelse, 2001/02:129, P.6).
The Bill also suggests that the integration policy would work actively towards change. One way was to continuously follow up what happens within different areas and levels of society and pay attention on how the social mobility, social welfare and living standards develop based on the society's diversity. (Regerings skrivelse, 2001/02:129). The Integration Authority (Integrationverket) was created and charged with the responsibility of meeting the integration policy goals and approaches and see its impact on different areas of society.
There have also been some additional propositions made to the Integration policy since its inception that contributes largely to the function of the integration policy. In 1998
parliament adopted the national metropolitan policy whose mandate was to break the social, ethnic and discriminated segregation in metropolitans and to work towards equality and equal living standards for persons living in metropolitans. (prop. 1997/98:165, bet. 1998/99;AU2, rskr. 1998/99:34). (Regerings skrivelse 2001/02:129, p. 9). The second proposition was the national minority policy proposed in 1999 and a decision made in 2001 that was directed to the protection and support of national minorities and minorities languages. (prop. 1998/99:143, bet. 1999/2000:KU6, rskr. 1999/2000:69). This meant that efforts would be made to strengthen their opportunity to make an influence as well as support their native language in order to keep it thriving.
Though criticism on multiculturalism as an ideology within Sweden and Europe has made many politicians to distance themselves from it in everyday discourses, the mechanics and technics that perpetuate it still exist where new language has been developed to discuss diversity policy stabilizing the growth and expansion of multicultural policies. (Bevelander and Tara, 2012, P. 6).
2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
In comparison to other European countries that largely participated in the history of Atlantic slave trade and colonialism such as France, Britain and Belgium, Sweden’s peripherical participation instill Sweden with a particular morality, where in modern-day Sweden goes to legitimize dismissals of racism (Sawyer, 2008, P. 16). Where its self-reflection as an antiracist and post-racial society view words such as “race” as taboo (Hübinette, 2013, P. 25).
From the 1960’s Sweden has worked to position itself internationally as a supporter of decolonization, anti-colonial and desegregation. The recent self-image assigned race to the historical past and ensured that Sweden is seen nationally and internationally as a racially tolerant country (Hübinette, 2013, P. 25). However, people from non-European countries such as Asia, Africa or South America are placed in categories of “immigrant” or “foreigner” in the Swedish political discourse and public sphere. This includes adopted and mixed Swedes of colour who may be considered established within dominant Swedish integration qualifiers like language, religion and culture, but still experience racist discrimination as a result of their non-white physical characteristics (Hübinette, 2013, P. 26).
The movements of Africans to Sweden and Sweden to Africa is part of the economic globalization, yet, Africans when in Sweden are met with a variety of discourses that try to standardise them into “disempowering and marginal subjectivities vis-a-vis the Swedish society” (Sawyer, 2002, P. 21). These have unfortunate results as Africans immigrants hold the highest unemployment rate of any non-European immigrant group and thus higher unemployment rate then “Swedes” (Sawyer, 2002, P. 21).
Sweden’s colonial relationships, development agency discourses and media representation has gone to the construction of the African as Other. This has in-turn played a central part in exercising political power over the African continent, defining development and as well as its population and descendants in other places.
The use of racist words, expressions and terms in contemporary Sweden despite continuous criticism of this speech as demeaning and offensive towards minorities, indicates a
normalised and naturized everyday racism in Sweden culture (Hübinette, 2013, P. 30). Officially Sweden is antiracist and voices of battling discrimination of minorities, meanwhile adoptees and other people of colour are discriminated against because of their non-typical
Swedish appearance. This is as a result of historically fixed and scientifically constructed images emphasising the internal and external characteristics of different races as well as their geographical and cultural attributions that are still being used in contemporary Sweden (Hübinette & Tigervall, 2009, P. 350).
Sweden’s discrimination Act suggests that direct discrimination is where “someone is disadvantaged by being treated less favourably than someone else is treated, has been treated or would have been treated in a comparable situation, if this disadvantaging is associated with sex, transgender identity or expression, ethnicity, religion or other belief, disability, sexual orientation or age” While Indirect discrimination is that “someone is disadvantaged by the application of a provision, a criterion or a procedure that appears neutral but that may put people of a certain sex, a certain transgender identity or
expression, a certain ethnicity, a certain religion or other belief, a certain disability, a certain sexual orientation or a certain age at a particular disadvantage, unless the provision,
criterion or procedure has a legitimate purpose and the means that are used are
appropriate and necessary to achieve that purpose” (Discrimination Act, 2008:567). These statements come in direct conflict to what is experienced daily by people of African descent who are disadvantaged at their work places and other spaces due to their ethnical
background.
There is not a lot of research done that captures the East African immigrant experience in Sweden. Most of the research covers West and North Africa and other non-African places. However, Schmauch (2006) study in Sweden shows people of African descent experience and deal with discrimination and racism in a context where everyday racism is to a large degree either concealed or denied. She reveals that strategies used to manage everyday racism in Sweden are primarily individual and that no strategies to change the society collectively exists. She also found out that there are no aims to change the everyday life of the African participants. She posits that this absence is caused by the prevalent denial of racism in Sweden and where one is too often discredited when they voice experiences of racism (Schmauch, 2006, P. 198). Power inequality also exists between these two groups (Schmauch, 2006, P. 199). Another study uncovers the local Swedish classification of
difference and belonging in relation to meaning of racism and ideas of exclusion in the small town of Gruvbo, Sweden. Norman (2004) presents that modern aggression and racializing
manifestations in Sweden are mostly towards immigrants and refugees or to put it this way, those who `look or sound like immigrants´. (Norman, 2004, P. 225)
Chapter 3: Theory
The point of departure for my study is grounded by Stuart Hall and his work on
Representation, Hall (2013) and especially draws upon the subject of The Spectacle of the "other". By engaging with how repertoires of racializing the "other" came about and its influence on the minds of the Western world about the ‘self’ and the ‘other’ will shall be able to see how these repertoires have been used to stereotype non-whites in the signifying practice of the representation of racial difference. With this we will try to unveil whether or not these stereotyping practices are still directed to Kenyans living in Sweden through their lived experiences thus enhancing divisions in this multicultural society.
3.1: Centering stereotyping within postcolonial theory
Postcolonial theory allows us to confirm and examine the consequences of colonialism on the world. Within this theory is the theme of stereotyping, a strategy that was used to understand various groups as homogeneous. Hall discusses the problematic nature of stereotyping arguing that it a signifying practice in the representation of racial difference as it carries with it the construction of otherness and exclusion. (Hall, 2013). What stereotyping does is that it minimizes or reduces people to limited, simple and basic characteristics which are seen as fixed by nature. (Hall, 2013, P. 247). He implores that to understand how
stereotyping works one must first understand what the word typing in this context refers to and how it is important in creating meaning. Hall’s argument is borrowed from Richard Dyers ideas of typing and stereotyping. Human beings understand the world through classifying individuals, people or events based on their culture into which they best fit in. We breakdown objects in our minds according to what our perceived mind about the object looks like and extend the same to people when we try to make sense of people using the roles they play or membership groups they belong to such as class, gender, age. These ordering of people allows us to know who a person ‘is’ based on the information we have about these categories. “’A type’ is any simple, vivid, memorable, easily grasped and widely
recognized characterization in which a few traits are foregrounded and change or
‘development’ is kept to a minimum” (Hall, 2013, P. 247). In addition to the word typing in creating meaning, Hall (2013) presents the value of difference in creating meaning. Binary oppositions are valuable in capturing diversity in the world and they are crucial to the creation of meaning (Hall, 2013, P. 224). That is to say that one thing finds meaning when it is contrasted to another, its opposite – its binary opposition. This way of understanding the world has a reductionist way of creating meaning that takes away all other distinctions that may exist. In addition, there exists very few neural binary oppositions, meaning one side of the binary is usually dominant than the other thus creating tension in regards to relations of power such as upper class-lower class, white-black, Native-alien (Hall, 2013, p. 225).
In a continuous effort to create meaning, cultures allocate things different positions within a classified system. Borrowing from Mary Douglas studies, Hall (2013) discusses that people make meaning of their world by ordering, organizing and classifying systems in their right category which is determined by their difference (Hall, 2013, P. 226). Though this may help in creating meaning it is nonetheless not free from fault like when things fall into the wrong category or are hard to place in any category, leading to unsettling cultures. They are viewed as having broken the unwritten rules and codes resulting to cultures closing up within themselves, closing ranks, stigmatizing, resisting foreigners, intruders and "others" with an intention of not disturbing the order (Hall, 2013, P. 226). Building on the
understanding of ‘type’ then we can come to understand stereotyping as different to
‘typing’ in that stereotyping grabs the few generally recognized descriptions of a person and reduces, exaggerates and simplify them. Whereby then stereotyping “reduces, essentializes, naturalises and fixes ‘difference’” (Hall, 2013, P. 247). Stereotyping closes ranks and
stigmatizes, divides, creating splitting of groups where one is included and another is excluded, where it bonds together all who are “normal” into one ‘imagined community’ (Anderson, 1983) while the rest who are apparently different are left out (Hall, 2013, P. 248).
3.2: Historical repertoires of racializing the 'other'
These repertoires as presented by Hall (2013) stem from various times in history and in particular colonialism, slavery and post-slavery discourses in America and migration of immigrants from the Global South after World War II. How these repertoires have been used through time until this date demonstrates their capacity to influence the behaviors of societies in reaction to people who appear different from them built on their physical features and imagined psychological features. They also show how these ideas have informed habits of stereotyping the "other" based on these features which then reduces and essentializes them to nothing more than the stereotype. In this way, stereotyping forms ways of racializing others creating divisions in society.
Advertising images produced during colonization demonstrated racial differences between the colonized and the colonizers. Stuart Hall states that advertising was one way that
imperial objects were given visuality in a popular medium (Hall, 2013, P. 229). Products such as matchboxes, whiskey bottles, tea tins consisted of images of imperial heroes who
exploited Dark Africa. These images showed the western world how the colonialist was working in civilizing the people in the Dark Continent and created forms of thinking such as white skin was better than black and that the burden of domesticating the colonial world rested on them (Hall, 2013, P. 229). During slavery, the black person was subjugated and given degrading roles. He was regarded as subordinate with seemly inborn laziness and best used for servitude. They were also considered to be naturally primitive and incapable for civilized refinement. The degrading roles they played in an effort to serve their masters was taken as a natural order of things and were witnessed as normal practices. White men sat down while black men stood, white men inspected slaves in marketplaces and punished them at will. Women slaves took roles of dedicated domestic house servants (Hall, 2013). This further informed the white man to see themselves as superior over others and see things as a natural order that any threat to disrupt it was unwelcome. This resistance is continuously witnessed during the time of the abolishment of slave trade where the
demonstration of difference was perpetuated even more intensely through propaganda by the pro-slavery theorist. The racial differences that were emphasized at this time ingrained certain beliefs in white people about the black person based on imagined physiological appearance which was used to explain their mental subordination to the white master.
Likewise, the spread of information regarding the threat on the pureness and superiority of the white race was heightened when it was said that the abolishment of slavery would lead to the black slaves intermarrying with the white and thus degenerating their whiteness and society at large. This put fear and anxiety on the white people who in turn became even more hostile to the black community. Hall's emphasizes that this racialized discourse is structured by a set of binary oppositions (Hall, 2013, P. 232). Where first, the white is deemed civilized and black is regarded as savage, since Africa was portrayed as a place of cannibalism, witchcraft and savagery. Then there is the opposition based on biological and physical characteristics of the white and black races which are to be taken as differences in human species where one is more superior based on these innate features. The civilized white was taken to possess the power to control their emotional, sexual and civil life. Build formal institutions and laws building on their refinement and intellectual development, learning and development which was contrary to the black 'race'. The black ‘race’ was allegedly governed by instincts and open emotions and not intellect. They did not have the power to control their sexual and social life and had a full reliance on customs and savage rituals which are all lined to "Nature" (Hall, 2013, P. 232). The binary opposition also emphasized that the white is of pure breed and the pollution that could occur through interbreeding with black people (Hall, 2013, P. 232).
Nature and Culture distinctions were applied differently within the Racial theory wherein the whites "Culture" was opposed to "Nature" while in the blacks "Culture" coincided with "Nature". (Hall, 2013, P. 233). Next to nature and culture distinctions that were applied differently on whites and blacks, is how the racialised body came to be of great importance in the representations of difference and "otherness". The body was a visual sight where one could see and determine racial difference, a site for the production of racialized knowledge (Hall, 2013, P. 237).
The black man was portrayed in various forms in relation to their physical difference. Cartoonists and illustrators represented black people as having thick lips, fuzzy hair, broad face and nose. This is seen vividly in the comic book The Adventures of Tintin by Herge´ where images are loaded with stereotypes of the African and their environment. This form of representation takes a few essentialized features of the people and reduces them to such resulting to the construction of "otherness" and exclusion.
The emphasis of the physical difference of the black person and the discourses around who the black person was in regard to the subordinate roles they played and attaching them to nature and culture thus asserting that they are permanent and fixed, is the frame of knowledge that was used and still in practice in many instances today within films and rhetoric directed to black people that fix differences between white and black people. By getting hold of these few simple, easily grasped and widely recognized characteristics about a people and reducing everything about the people in to these traits, exaggerate and
simplifying them sums up to the act of stereotyping.
Chapter 4: Methodology
In this research project I am interested in finding out if the life experience of Kenyans living in Sweden is marked by racial stereotyping and what meanings are given to these
experiences. To this end, qualitative research methods were used to gain data from the respondents. I conducted face-to-face interviews using the semi-structured model where questions were posed and the respondent had the opportunity to give additional
information, descriptions and narratives of their experiences.
Predefined questions are usually asked by the researcher in a semi-structured interview and follow up questions are added as the participant responds with an effort to draw greater detail (Savin-Baden, and Wimpenny, 2014, P. 54). I prepared an interview guide with broad questions then had the opportunity for additional questions as the interview went along. Another reason for choosing this method was because the open-ended interview allowed the interviewees to expresses their views on the topic and as a result brought in new perspectives that I had not anticipated. The ease of discussion and introduction of new areas within the topic allowed me to use it on the next interviewee especially when I needed to clarify a point or elicit views on the same point thus allowing some degree of contrast across respondents (Savin-Baden, & Wimpenny, 2014, P. 54).
4.1. Research Conduct
The target audience are Kenyans who have migrated to Sweden. As Kenya has no real history of war, the relocation of Kenyans to Sweden is usually not based on fleeing from war as it the case with some African countries but instead is motivated by economic reasons, study or joining a partner. This is true of my respondents who either relocated to Sweden with a partner or for work related reasons. All the respondents reside in the capital of Sweden, Stockholm and this is thus my primary study location. The recruitment was mainly done by word of mouth, where I would ask a Kenyan acquittance to connect me to another Kenyan residing in Stockholm. This method is referred to as snowballing sampling where you seek respondents who have the same qualities that one seeks and after the interviews you ask if they may know other people that hold similar qualities. (Baker, 1994 (1988), P. 165).
I would then call up the contact and explain my intentions and request if they would be interested in taking part in the study.
The interviews took place in December 2018 in Stockholm, Sweden. All the respondents were Kenyans with various backgrounds in regard to level of education, reasons for
relocating and place of origin in Kenya. There are 12 respondents of which nine are female and three are male within the age group of 19 – 53 years.
The interviews were conducted at different times that best suited the interviewees. As some are students and others working it was important to work with their preferred time that’s allowed them at least one hour of sitting. All interviews were held in cafes during off peak hours to minimise on surrounding noise. This was vital for me as all the interviews were audio recorded. Participants were generally happy to discuss the topics and found it interesting and relevant for research. Some also thought that it gave them a chance to think about parts of their lived experience in ways that they had not explored before making it even the more exciting. English language was the main language used but sometimes Swahili (an official language in Kenya) was also used.
A written interview guide (see appendix 1) was prepared in advance which carried specific questions as well as topics around the subject which were adjusted according to the
respondent's answers and when there was a need for clarifications. The interview was audio recorded at all times. This saved us time as we avoided unnecessary pauses, allowed an easy
flow of conversation where I was able to paraphrase and clarify statements without having to stop and write and also gave me more time later to reflect on responses. The shortest interview lasted about 25 minutes while the longest was about 40 minutes.
The use of an audio device to record the interviews placed some respondents in an
uncomfortable position where I had to reinforce my position that their responses would be used only for the purposes of the research and any misunderstanding would be clarified on the spot.
4.2. Reflectivity
It is important to note that my interest in the topic of integration and stereotyping of the black person in Sweden has a personal attachment to me. I am a Kenyan lady who moved to Sweden to unite with a partner and therefore appreciate the choice of topic is rooted in my experience as an African migrant in the predominantly white Swedish environment. I carry similarities to the participants in the research and may be familiar with the personal
experiences of being an African in Sweden that some of my participants talk about. As each of these variables in one way or another affects the collection and analysis of data, as is usually case with qualitative research, I worked rigorously to minimize them through diligence, transparency and taking ownership (Savin-Baden, and Wimpenny, 2014, P. 84).
4.3. Limitations
Though there was a positive interest in participating by the participants, I only got 12
responses from the 15 initially planned. As mentioned earlier, the movement of Kenyans to Sweden is not driven seeking asylum or as a result of being a refugee but instead for work or joining a partner. In this regard therefore, the number of Kenyans living in Sweden is
significantly low compared to other immigrants from Africa and other parts of the world. Perhaps it may be said that it would have been ideal to look at the experiences of a larger group of immigrants to determine the existence of these racial stereotypes in Sweden, however, I wanted to focus on a minority group and one that is black skinned. This may be seen as excluding in nature but their experiences in relation to these features were crucial for this study.
As I acknowledge the small size of the Kenyan community, I have to mention the issue of the small size of my respondents and the subject of representation. Due to the time frame in
conducting this research and minimal resources available, I was not able to get more than 12 respondents. By this I do not wish to say that the results fully constitute the full
representation of the whole Kenyan community but I believe their responses are rich and varied and offer clear insights of their lived experiences as a black minority in Sweden and can be used to bring some important insights in this field.
Chapter 5: Analysis and findings
In this chapter I present the main findings of my research and place them along the following themes;
I. An unknowledgeable, inarticulate, lazy. II. Invisibility.
III. The push of Swedish culture on others.
IV. The significance of Swedish language and having the “right” name. V. Driven to be alert at all times.
VI. Subtle and unsubtle cues of expressing difference. VII. Mobilizing coping mechanics.
I. As unknowledgeable, inarticulate, lazy:
A feeling of being judged as not performing or not knowledgeable was presented as an experience that is navigated frequently. People asking odd questions in regards to their ability to speak good English or possess a university education was often
expressed. As Christa who has lived in Sweden for seven years narrated;
‘I have had people ask me after I have spoken to them for a few minutes even in my work place, they ask me whether, oh! They are surprised that I speak English, which for me is very odd…I have been asked very frequently and a lot of times…ahhh oh, “how come you speak English so well?”’
She then ponders on this and adds, “Is it that maybe black people cannot speak English or black people should speak English with a certain accent?”
This experience of an unknowledgeable person was also experienced by Isabel who moved to Sweden four years ago and now works at a commercial bank. She explains how she has received questions and statements that expressed surprise at the fact that she held a university education received in Kenya and that it asserted that she must be “very bright”.
‘People ask you “Oh! you have studied to this level; you know you are very bright!” They seemed surprised that a Kenyan has a higher level of education. I do not know if they would ask the same to a Swede.’
Isabel also expresses how she feels discouraged when she and others with foreign backgrounds are overlooked for job positions within the organisation. These positions are given to natives with the assumption that they will do a better job “based on assumptions not test of competence” she adds with a heavy sigh.
Martha who has also lived in other parts of Europe like Germany and Spain moved to Sweden six years ago. Here she explains how she has on several occasions
encountered rude remarks from her supervisors who seem uncertain about her ability to accomplish tasks as good as the rest of her colleagues.
‘It’s as if they have something against us. They seem fascinated by immigrants. Can we not do the same job as Swedes? They consider themselves higher in social structure.’
A similar experience of being met by disbelief in regards to knowledge is also exhibited by teachers who Florence believes ought to know better. She expresses that teachers have a responsibility to clear any prejudices brought about by
stereotyping in society. Florence who studies Swedish part-time, moved to Sweden two years ago and reflects on an encounter that left her feeling undignified,
‘There was this time I was communicating in French with another French guy in the class and then she (the teacher) was like “so you can speak French?” I was like “yeah”. So, she had that question mark in her tone, like, “how?”, “Why?”. Surprised that I spoke another foreign language.’
From the experiences of the respondents, by virtue of being black or non-swede, they were made to feel like they could not possess any worthwhile intellect. When they defy this stereotype, they are met with expressions of surprise, applaud and even admiration. These they express is demeaning and makes them feel particularly differenced.
Jane who left her job in Kenya and followed her husband to Sweden with her
teenage children has had to bear with questions and statements which she describes as “absurd” and “abusive”. The misconception that Africans never keep time have left her on the receiving end of bad jokes and expressions of surprise when she does so. This demonstration that a specific race or people are incapable of being
dependable or accomplishable in comparison to the rest allows the matter of power dynamics to come in play and differencing to manifest within society.
II. Invisibility:
The interviewees revealed testimonies of difference and othering manifested through not being “seen” or invisibility in various experiences and spaces. Christa perceives that Swedes want someone who “mirrors them in every way.” Feelings of being ignored or quickly dismissed have left her trying to figure out the motivation of such treatment. These experiences have also left her with the desire to push harder and louder “to be heard”, an effort that can be frustrating.
‘I have had to go an extra mile to get proper service. I have to go that extra mile to get a service… or to be listened to. I have had that experience in the job market and in the banking industry. I have felt that I have been dismissed simply because I am an immigrant who doesn’t understand the language.’
This sense of invisibility was also experienced by Florence again in the classroom.
‘We had a teacher who was very bias. There was no equality. I was the only African in my class. I felt mishandled. Because I think I am an African. Because like Africans are inferior, you are not here to be heard. “Why are you asking me?” She asked whenever I asked a question. Like the teacher felt like I was challenging her and why should I do that? I am an African. That is the feeling I get because she used to do it several times. I felt like maybe she is doing that because I am African.’
When I probe further on what she means by the teacher “doing that”, she responds by saying;
‘Not listening to me. Not caring about me. Because I am an African am not to be heard? just to sit there’.
The feeling of othering and difference in the position of a black African immigrant is also expressed by Emma. Emma’s family moved from Kenya to the United Kingdom when she was 10 years old. Four years ago, she married her Swedish husband and together with their daughter moved to Sweden. She expressed that she had experienced racism and elements of stereotyping and other prejudices while
growing up in Essex, United Kingdom. She says that when she moved to Essex, it was not very integrated as there were still very few immigrants. Some of the experiences she went through unfortunately, have continued to follow her in Sweden in everyday experiences in various spaces. In our discussions, she mentions that she is not always aware of her “blackness” or immigrant status on a daily basis. This she attributes to having a familiar route and routine of going to work and returning home where she thinks incidences of meeting strangers is to a large extent minimized and therefore likely to reduce her chance of being a target of racial biases from people who do not know her. However, sometimes, one cannot miss it.
‘Once I was travelling on the bus to work when suddenly I heard some conflict at the front where these two people were confronting the bus driver rather annoyed. The bus driver was completely ignoring a Muslim lady and black man who were trying to talk to him demanding for an explanation on some issue. This was getting loud and was a big disturbance in the morning bus. When a white, Swedish lady passenger intervened, the bus driver at this point explained that he had missed their stop. Emma asks, ‘Why didn’t he not communicate the same to the other two? It’s at these moments that issues of race and discrimination conjure in me and am aware of my position as a black.’
When one sees that others, who appear similar to them being mistreated and lose agency, it pushes them to reflect on their own position as immigrants and as an outsider within the environment they live in.
The issue of invisibility was also witnessed through the lack of proper
communication for new comers in Sweden. Jane expressed concern on how difficult it was for her to get by as a new arrival due to lack of information, and in a language that she could understand, in her case English. The language barrier, she says, is the one of the biggest and most significant hurdles she has had to tolerate. She then wonders how Sweden can expect newcomers to feel welcome and equal while there is little effort made in trying to reach newcomers. She also adds that the little
material that is available is written in Swedish and thus considers it “not helpful” and stresses that “they need to share relevant information enlightening newcomers”. The integration policy demands providing equal rights to all residences and stresses on the need to make an extra effort to reach out to new comers based on their needs. However, failure to communicate adequately to new comers is a direct failure to this pledge. It also demonstrates that dominant structures within society exist of those who have the means to communicate and those who do not.
III. The push of Swedish culture on others:
Some respondents have sometimes had to endure reminders that they are different in not so subtle ways. Through various interactions it was not unusual for some Swedes to include in their conversations, such comments as “here in Sweden we do…”. What follows is a list of how people in Sweden behave which is presented as the only normal and ought to be adopted by all others. Hall (2013) remarks that stereotyping has a tendency to arise where there are major inequalities of power and that one of these powers are ethnocentrism – “the application of the norms of one’s own culture to that of others”. (Hall, 2013, P. 248).
As Isabel’s narrates;
‘It makes you feel like or are reminded that you do not belong here. It goes in so many comments, “here in Sweden we speak openly…” It is already assumed that you do not speak openly or do not know how it is done in Sweden. It is a way of informing you of their culture and way of life… regardless of long you have lived in Sweden’.
She deliberates on whether this is their technique of sharing information about themselves but then wonders why it departs from the point of assuming that she doesn’t know. And that they believe that these are very important details she ought to know.
Martha on the other hand reflects on how this push of Swedish culture on others is carried out through their questioning of how long one has lived in Sweden. In her experience, this frequently arises during peak holidays and in ways to suggest that they need to confirm that she knows what is expected of her as such times. One example is Christmas season. She explains that she has celebrated Christmas all her life and doesn’t understand why Swedes think that there is a “Swedish way” to do it or why everybody should have to do it the “Swedish way” as if Christmas is a new concept.
Chirsta’s experience also shows how these acts of accepting one culture over another or refusing to see the value in other cultures contributes to these acts of inclusion and exclusion of persons living in the Swedish community. Christmas season is a difficult time for her when interacting with Swedes because this is when she is most likely to be reminded of her immigrant status. A question such as “how do you celebrate Christmas in your country…?” is often asked. She also believes that the strictness to some Christmas tradition goes to exclude others and include others. Here Christa narrates one such experience in relation to the highly revered julbörd (Christmas table).
‘Oh! I don’t like the Swedish julbörd, its full of raw and cold food that am not sure I like. So I once suggested that I would like to contribute to the julbörd and make some Kenyan dish, chapati (round flat bread). I tell you this was not well received by my husband (then boyfriend). He insisted that the
Julbörd only consisted of very specific traditional Swedish Christmas foods
with no exceptions. And I was like “but it’s Christmas food and chapati is my Christmas food!” I didn’t succeed in convincing him that year but then luckily his sister married a French man who also wanted to have some of his typical Christmas food on the table so we decided to address the family together... Now we each get to bring a dish!’
IV. The significance of Swedish language and having the “right” name:
The capacity to speak Swedish and having the “right” name especially as a surname was another theme that emerged from the study. The respondents consistently repeated how they believed that learning the language was of benefit to them and especially as an agent to reducing the differences between them and the natives. Florence expressed that she felt like “she needed the language to feel fitting in the society.” That in acquiring the language, she would have more opportunities in finding work and it would help even at the family level where she would feel more included if she communicated in Swedish as opposed to English. She felt that language stood as a barrier to seamless communication. A similar sentiment was shared by Maureen who had experienced that people who spoke better Swedish
seemed favoured for jobs as opposed to others who had a weaker Swedish
command. She explains how once a workmate justified an unfair action at the work place in connection to a promotion, by stating that the said person deserved the job because she had better Swedish.
James echoes these sentiments;
‘At the workplace or finding a job the issue of language barrier plays a huge role. It can cause you a job. It can be used against you.’
However, no matter how well one spoke the Swedish language, it appeared that sometimes it was not enough. Expressions of something between astonishment and admiration followed those who could speak it. The revelation that they could speak good Swedish was often followed by questions on how long one had lived in
Sweden. As Maureen explained.
‘They can say “but you speak such good Swedish…how long have you lived in Sweden?”’
For James he found this forward way of questioning one on their capacity to speak Swedish not only begun the conversation on a negative note but that they were also insulting.
‘They ask “do you know Swedish?” in English! Why do you think I need to know Swedish? Why not ask “Can we speak or talk in Swedish?” It feels like you are willing to communicate in a language. When they ask “Do you know Swedish?”, it feels like a condition. “I know” shows unreceptiveness, without knowing your history.’
Not being able to speak proper Swedish has also left a lot of the respondents feeling vulnerable. As a result, they have created different mechanisms in order to manage these insecurities. They range from admitting to themselves that they would never be able to speak Swedish as good as a native to dropping the attempts to speak the language completely and stick to English as the main mode of communication. By this they mean, they want the Swede to come to their level. To be understood and treated with the same respect regardless of their imperfect Swedish. This also provokes them to speak English at all times and risk being regarded as forever an immigrant. Wilson explains;
‘I have come to be comfortable in my own skin. I accept that I am a Kenyan-Swede and my Swedish will never be perfect, even my accent. So, take it as it is. You the person, the contact, needs to understand me at that level.’
Victone tells that he stopped trying to speak in Swedish because each time he did so he was met with odd face expressions and impatience. He later decided that since he spoke perfectly good English, he did not see the reason to put up with all the
prejudices that came with speaking “broken Swedish”. He also endorses this decision as coming with an added advantage.
‘When I spoke bad Swedish, I realised that people quickly dismissed me, what I had to say or paid little attention. However, when I spoke English, I felt like I gained more respect, and more acknowledgement.’
Christa has shared a similar experience.
‘At the workplace I have seen people being surprised that I spoke proper English or with a certain accent. It is often followed by “have you lived in another western country before you moved to Sweden?” They can’t imagine that you are straight from Kenya.’
Christa means that by speaking good English she portrays that she has gone to school thus allowing her to receive some respect while in speaking bad Swedish she
is seen as “uneducated”, “from a poor country” and quickly losses agency. She admits that by speaking English she is quickly seen as an immigrant, not from here, but adds that it is better than being taken for a fool. The English language in this case works as a negative marker of difference. This is also true about speaking poor Swedish in a non-Swedish accent.
The decision to add their Swedish partner’s name to their surname was one that was deliberately done by some of the interviewees. This was motivated after some difficult experiences in regards to having a foreign sounding name as well as the added pressure from some of their foreign friends who testified that having the right name was essential in getting a job or key services. Maureen for example believes that she has had more job interviews since she made changes to her name.
‘The Swedish surname opens new opportunities especially at the work place. I have received much more invitations to job interviews since the change… about 2 years ago.’
Jane who still carries her Kenyan surname as she is also married to a Kenyan says;
‘By looking at your name in a CV (Curriculum Vitae) it is a blockage… but with face-2-face encounters it gets better. One is able to present themselves and what they can do. The name carries too many question marks that they (employer) does not want to get into.’
But carrying a Swedish sounding name as a black person also comes with its
limitations in the same way a foreign name limits one from certain privileges. Isabel explains how having a Swedish name as a black person has made her go unnoticed. A feeling that made her feel invisible and carry no form of agency.
‘I was once at the Vårdcentral (health centre) in Stockholm and had registered my name as one is meant to do. After a while, the personnel came out and called out my name, I stood up but nonetheless he continued shouting my name out, as if I was not
even there. It is until I stepped forward that he was like “oi! Alice…?” He just couldn’t link me to that name. It’s an odd feeling.’
V. Driven to be alert at all times:
Another aspect of being “different” is in the conscious awareness of ones surrounding in public places. Hall et al. (2013) discuss how the definition of
“mugging” from 1972-1973 up to now has come to be directed to one social group - “black youth” (Hall et al., 2013, P. 321). And how “mugging” and “black crime” are seen as one and the same thing. (Hall et al., 2013, P. 321). These negative
representations over time have left a mark on some of the respondents, and gone to influence some of their social behaviours. In addition to this, the stereotype placed on blacks as degenerate through the now abolished policy in the USA of Stop and Frisk by the New York Police of Black Americans and other minority groups as well as the social movement Black Lives Matter is something they discussed.
Martin and Isabel mentioned how these negative representations get stuck in one’s mind that one is made unconsciously, to navigate certain situations and places in Sweden such a Shopping Malls with caution in fear that these prejudices may be directed to them. These transnational experiences are important to note in how they influence the everyday lives of non-whites in Sweden and in particular black people who as a result act guarded and work with caution and alert about their
surroundings.
In the same light, Alice expresses that she is more “guarded” in her self-expressions when she is around Swedes then when she is with other Kenyans or Africans. She says that she is very aware of the stereotype of the “angry black woman” and “deliberately” never wants to perpetuate them. This, of course, she stresses is problematic because while she wants to be herself, she is fully aware that certain behaviours that are typically stereotyped about the black person can be placed on her as opposed to them viewing the behaviour as only unique to her, part of her character, and not an innate Black or African character. “I desire to be the person I am”. She however finds that she is denied this chance in certain situations in Sweden leaving a feeling of ‘not belonging’.
VI. Subtle and unsubtle cues of expressing difference:
An interesting finding of this study was how our participants felt they were always being reminded of their difference through various signals. This sometimes came forward through the manner in which native Swedes interacted with in form of association or speech. James narrates;
’There is always an undertone of not being handled right. I cannot name it exactly but it’s the way people behave differently towards me before I even open my mouth.’
This then leads him to another difficulty, that of wondering whether these actions are racist actions or just plain bad service when, for example, he is at a store purchasing items. He says that he “feels like he has had to navigate different situations and peel off the layers” to see or decide if they are racists actions, bad customer service or something else. This he does by observing how they treat the next person. He finishes by adding “this can be exhausting, the act of eliminating all positions to come to any one conclusion”.
Wilson also has had similar experiences and states “people directly interact with me as a non-swede”. This he says not only comes forward from their choice to speak to him in only English but also from the conversations they choose to have with him. This sometimes puts him in an awkward position because he doesn’t know how to respond while at the same time feels his position as an immigrant becomes centred. He then adds how sometimes he chooses to take such opportunities to “speak his mind” especially on contentious issues, in contrast to other Swedes who wouldn’t dare to appear to be in a conflict. This outspoken nature however, can lead to a heightened sense of difference between “him” and “them” brought about from his dissimilar way of engagement with others.
VII. Mobilizing coping mechanisms:
Some respondents have taken to challenging the negative experiences of being “othered” through owning the immigrant position as a whole. This means that
instead of trying to be more like the Swedes, they have taken steps to reinforce their position as people from another cultural background. These techniques are a result of failure to feel accepted and also understanding or practicing integration in their own way. Some of the strategies include refusing to speak Swedish and instead communicating exclusively in English as well as mentioning whenever necessary that they are first Kenyan than anything else. As Emma says;
‘People like to bring Africa down. I prefer to say that I am Kenyan and British. I want to reveal that I love my country and heritage. But my experience is that I should not wear my Kenyan identify as a badge of honour.’
Tony on the other hand chooses to be seen as an immigrant and says he “feels more comfortable as such”. He does this through exclusively speaking English because trying to speak Swedish “didn’t feel authentic and receivership was not pleasant”. He adds that he has experienced a more positive effect by taking this stand as is
identified as different from the start with “no gray areas of who I am” and in turn feels empowered. In response to my question on whether in so doing only results in separating him even the more, he replies and says that he is aware of this but he however feels “safer” and it is a “conscious decision”. Here he adopts a coping mechanism of being separated and othered by fully owning the immigrant standpoint in order to take back some power but in turn also possibly ends up downplaying the consequences of that difference.
