Motivation In ESL Studies : Context as a motivational device

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Kandidatuppsats

Lärarprogrammet 270 hp / Engelska (61-90)

Motivation In ESL Studies

Context as a motivational device

Engelska 15 hp

Halmstad 2020-10-11

Pontus Qvant, Erik Fred

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Abstract

The purpose of this study was to investigate why some students are more or less engaged in their ESL studies. Through a socio-psychological lens we investigate how attitudes toward

ESL studies are affected and vary between different cultural structures and locations. The study originates in the L2 field explaining whether personality traits and an intrinsic motivation is dominant, or if extrinsic motivational devices can be utilized for progression. Should the variable of context be seen as one of its own or is it, in fact, a key device to create a firmer platform in L2 acquisition. The study shows that specific cultural and social contexts

may create conditions in which students are encouraged to build a higher degree of self-determination and willingness to engage in their own development.

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1. Introduction

As somewhat “new” candidates to the teaching of English as a second language, we, the authors of this study, have had many a discussion about our experiences in the classroom. Our intention was to ascertain if there were any specific aspects of teaching that we both found particularly challenging. There were many. However, a further intention was to narrow the ideas down to the investigation of a research topic we felt could contribute to the teaching of English in Swedish schools at secondary level (åk7-9). In short, there was one challenging aspect of teaching English that neither of us had failed to recognize. It was that some students appear to be less motivated to speak than others during their English lessons.

After discussions with colleagues from our different workplaces (some of whom have had long experiences of teaching ESL), as well as reflecting on our own experiences, we all agreed that there are students that appear to be less motivated or anxious about speaking during the formal process of acquiring of a new language. Our intention with this study was that, by investigating different aspects of motivation, we would acquire more knowledge to help us develop ways of aiding our students become more motivated to speak in their English lessons.

In 2019, it is becoming abundantly clear that English is no longer “just” another class Swedish students are required to attend twice a week at school. In a globalized world, Swedish students in general come across the English language to a far greater extent than their parents ever did. As we both work in different kinds of schools and in different cities in the south of Sweden, we thought it would be interesting to see whether different cultural and environmental contexts have any effect on the phenomenon that we both had experienced. For example, do different institutional cultural and environmental contexts in which learners acquire their English have any bearing on their motivation to speak English during their lessons in the subject?

Through our discussions about motivation in the learning of English in Swedish secondary schools, we ultimately asked ourselves:

• Is there a contextual effect to an individual’s motivation in L2 learning in general? • Do different formal cultural and environmental contexts in which learners acquire their

English have any bearing on their motivation to speak English during their lessons in the subject?

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• With regards to an individual’s motivation in acquiring English as a second language, what similarities and differences can be observed in Swedish ninth graders studying the language in two very different formal contexts?

In order to answer these questions, we decided to compare data generated from two schools in which English is formally taught within different cultural and environmental contexts. One is a large state school with a wide spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds, whereas the other is described as a free “English medium” school, where every lesson, except for Swedish, is taught in English, and where most of the teachers have English as a first or a second language. With these different cultures and structures, we anticipated variety in the participants’ answers.

2. Theoretical Overview

2.1 Motivation

Motivation is a fairly abstract phenomenon and is difficult to measure. It comes in many forms and learners are driven by different reasons with regards to acquiring a second language (L2) (Ellis, 2008; Dörnyei & Ushioda 2011; Lightbown & Spada, 2006). That said, it is widely agreed that motivation, in whichever form it may come, is important for successful L2 acquisition (Ellis, 2008; Dörnyei & Ushioda 2011; Lightbown & Spada, 2006 ). In our opinion, however, it simply begins with an individual’s desire to learn something, their attitude to it and the effort they need to put into the learning process. As Zoltan Dörnyei (2005, p. 65) also points out:

It is easy to see why motivation is of great importance in SLA: It provides the primary impetus to initiate L2 learning and the later driving force to sustain the long and often tedious learning process; indeed, all the other factors involved in SLA presuppose motivation to some extent. Without sufficient motivation, even individuals with the most remarkable abilities cannot accomplish long term goals, and neither are appropriate curricula and good teaching enough on their own to ensure student achievement.

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Dörnyei & Ushioda (2011, p. 14), refer to a variety of concepts regarding motivation in what we believe is a comprehensive description of what we have seen, and experienced in the classroom. In particular, one concept is the need for achievement where individuals seem to be generating their own motivation to “achieve excellence for its own sake” (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2011, p. 14). A fuller concept is the fear of failure where the main drive comes from avoiding a negative outcome. Examples of this in a formal learning context such as, at school, would be comments from peers, failing on tests or receiving a lower grade.

In the following sections, we will explore some of the different forms of motivation, such as extrinsic, intrinsic, instrumental and integrative motivation, as well as some of the factors that may have an effect on motivation.

2.1.1 Intrinsic & Extrinsic Motivation

Early studies in motivation were explained within the field of psychology. In particular, a distinction was made between what came to be termed intrinsic and extrinsic motivation for learning. Intrinsic, or internal motivation is motivation that comes from within. It is stimulated by the learners’ own interests and fueled by their curiosity and interest in a subject. Rewards are found within the individual. When nurtured properly with proper challenges, stimulation and a contextual autonomy, intrinsic motivation is something that is said to make learning flourish (Dörnyei, 1994, p. 275). As teachers, we want to motivate students and make them engage with interest in all aspects of the English classroom. Intrinsic motivation suggests that students who are truly motivated are able to pick out their own learning objectives, choose their own way of achieving such objectives and evaluate their own progress. In contrast, Extrinsic motivation is when the reward has an instrumental end (Ellis, 2008, p.687). To our participants it would be that an individual may be required to use English for applying to a job, or for studying a specific program at school or university or because their parents feel it would be of use to them in the future.

Although we would hope that all our learners are intrinsically motivated, research has shown that extrinsic motivation can undermine intrinsic motivation. For example, when “traditional structures for language learning are built around such activities like tests, correctness, grades and teacher domination, intrinsic motivation may be replaced by such short-term goals (Dörnyei, 1994, p. 275).

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Intrinsic and extrinsic motivational components can also be subdivided into levels or categories. However, it appears that whether a learner is intrinsically or extrinsically oriented depends on the level of self-determination. This will be addressed further in the following sections.

2.1.2 Instrumental & Integrative Motivation

As we have seen, an early distinction was drawn between intrinsic (internal) and extrinsic (external) motivation. However, as Lightbown & Spada (2006, p. 63), point out, motivation in language learning is dependent on two main factors; communicative needs, and attitude towards the second language community. Thus, later distinction was made between what has come to be termed instrumental and integrative motivation. Instrumental motivation, in common with extrinsic motivation, refers to a learner whose need to learn a language is for practical usage only. The goal is simply to learn the language in order to be able to use it. Instrumental motivation is similar to extrinsic motivation in that it is almost exclusively fueled by achieving instrumental ends, that is external forces that require some level of acquirement of the target language.

Second language acquisition is a complicated phenomenon but a lot of research has shown that motivation to learn a second language also has some connection to a learner´s attitude toward the target language community. However, it is not a guarantee or in any way proven that a positive attitude equals success, but it has been shown that a positive attitude increases the willingness to learn (Lightbown & Spada, 2006, p. 87). Integrative motivation, in contrast to instrumental motivation, involves the learner’s attitude towards the L2 community. This is a form of motivation that springs from a desire for personal growth, cultural enrichment and through contact with speakers of the other language, be they native or non-native speakers. This factor has less to do with acquiring a language as a tool, but rather as an inward oriented desire to assimilate culturally and personally with the target language community. Studies of motivation often argue the integrative motivation is “a stronger predicator” for successful learning than instrumental motivation. However, later studies have shown that, in some contexts, instrumental motivation has proved to be just as effective as integrative. Some studies have even shown that trying to make a distinction between the two is impossible, as it all depends on context and situation (Lightbown & Spada, 2006, p. 87).

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2.1.3 Integrative motivation

The traditional view on integrative motivation is that, like internal motivation, it is the kind of motivation that comes from deep within ourselves. It is an inherent will to become better at something and a force that drives us. Ellis (2008, p.678) is of the belief that integrative motivation consists of three subcategories:

• interests in foreign languages and attitudes towards the L2 community. • attitudes towards the learning situation (teacher or courses)

• motivation - the effort, desire and attitude toward L2 learning

In short, we also believe that integrative orientation is the student’s perception of, interest in, and thoughts about their English studies, as well as their attitude towards English learning and English-speaking communities, plus the effort they need to put into their learning.

As we will discuss later, the concept of goal setting is also an important part of any process of motivating development in any form of learning, and that includes language learning. However, just setting goals is not enough to be considered a motivated learner. As Rod Ellis (2008, p.678) tells us, a learner who endorses an integrative will or goal setting when it comes to learning a language, but shows no engagement in such goals, is not a motivated learner.

2.1.4 Instrumental motivation

As noted earlier, it was found that in certain contexts, instrumental language learning could be as effective as integrative. In the last couple of decades, the discussion has focused on contextual differences. Studies have explored how motivation can either be fueled by the desire to integrate into the L2 environment and community, or, simply by fulfilling professional ambitions (Lightbown & Spada, 1993, p. 87). Ellis (2008, p. 678) adds that instrumental motivation is also fueled by the possibility for a “quick” reward – money, praise or even grades. Instrumental motivation is, unfortunately, often perceived to be in opposition to integrative motivation. However, just as studies on the effects of integrative motivation, studies on instrumental motivation have shown a variety of results. Ellis also presents examples of studies which demonstrate that it is a combination between integrative motivation and outside forces that drive learners, and this combination has been shown to have had a greater effect on learning

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achievement (2008, p. 680). Studies conducted by Gardner and Lambert (Ellis, 2008) also show that the contextual situation plays a far greater role where instrumental motivation is key. For example, a study of L2 English learners in the Philippines displayed a far greater use of instrumental motivation due to a scarcity of contact with English speaking communities in their everyday lives (Ellis, 2008, p. 683). The social situation helps determine what orientation the learner takes and what they find most important in language learning.

2.2 Affect

Traditionally, particularly with a main focus on the study of grammar and translation, language learning has been associated with the head; that it is predominantly an intellectual study. However, in later years SLA research has drifted more and more towards a “humanistic-affective current of thought” (Jane Arnold,1999, p. 6). Arnold (1999) states that ‘affect’ also plays a big part in the acquisition of an L2. Affect can be interpreted in a variety of ways, such as emotion, feeling, mood or attitude towards learning (1999, p.1). This wide spectrum of affect-related factors appears to be crucial in how learners perceive information and knowledge. To learn a language well, learners should work both with their heads (cognition) and their hearts (affect) (Arnold, 1999, p. 8). Arnold (1999) further describes how the affective side should not be seen as opposition towards the cognitive side when processing information. It is when they work together that a steady and solid foundation for learning is formed (Arnold, 1999, p.1). Affect plays a large part in integrative orientation.

2.3 Willingness to communicate

Dörnyei in “Attitudes, Orientations and Motivations in Language Learning” presents a schematic representation of variables influencing a “willingness to communicate” (WTC), or the learner’s “(…) consistent tendencies in predisposition toward or away from communicating, given the choice.” (2003, p. 18). The L2 learner’s willingness to engage in communication depends on a variety of factors. The variables stretch from everything from personality and intergroup motivation to communicative self-confidence and the social situation (Dörnyei 2003). Dörnyei (2003, p.18) argues that, in one’s first language, the willingness to speak is more of a personal trait than anything else, whereas L2 usage depends on confidence which is connected to proficiency and communicative competence. However, he continues by stressing

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that WTC and communicative competence are not the same thing. A student with high communicative competence could still avoid communication; such avoidance lies within.

2.4 Identity and self systems

In order to map and analyze the motivational aspect of L2 learning, one needs to remember that each individual brings their own unique condition to the classroom. No two learners are the same in terms of their experiences of and perception of learning English. As such, the discussion about identity has come to gain some significant ground in the SLA field, during the last couple of decades. Dörnyei & Ushioda (2009, p. 2) reason that motivational aspects in L2 learning are far more complex than former studies necessarily acknowledge. In particular, they refer to and question Gardner & Lambert (1972) who claim that the concept of integrative motivation was founded in social situations, much like behaviorism. Behaviorism is, for example, where children acquire their first language by imitating their caregiver’s sounds in order to receive reinforcing feedback. In doing so they gain social identification (Lightbown & Spada, 2006, p. 10). What Gardener & Lambert suggest, and what Dörnyei & Ushioda question, is that that strand of motivation would then be sustained through the process of acquiring a second language (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p.2). Although recent studies reveal some problems with that theory as it is difficult to know “[…] whether we can apply the concept of integrative orientation when there is no specific target reference group of speakers [...]” (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p.2). As this is indeed a question that Dörnyei and Ushioda confront in Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self (2009), we also felt that the question of identity, be it static or dynamic, was another aspect that we would investigate when analyzing our material.

In psychology studies, the concept of self-systems has been discussed for quite some time. The focus has tended to concentrate on the present self – the summary of individual differences and an individual’s self-knowledge of their past (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p.10).

However, an increasing interest in a more dynamic view of the self has emerged in the “L2 motivational self system”, where Markus & Nurius, talk about Possible selves and Future self-guides (Markus & Nurius, 1987, p. 157). As pointed out above, the traditional self-concept has been viewed as an individual’s perception of the self during the present (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p.10). Dörnyei & Ushioda (2009, p.11) also refer to Markus & Nurius when they discuss a more evolved “self-dimension” in possible selves, where individuals instead represent ideas

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of “(…) what they might become, what they would like to become and what they are afraid of becoming.”

2.4.1 Possible Selves

Originally presented by Higgins (1987) is the idea of “future self guides” as mentioned above. Higgins presents two key concepts of future self-guide- the ideal self and the ought self. The ideal self is a representation of the integrative aspects of motivation and a representation of attributes that an individual ideally wants to possess, such as hopes, aspiration or wishes (Dörnyei, Ushioda, 2009, p.10). In contrast, the ought self represents the contextual aspects. This refers to the attributes one believes one ought to possess, or representations of desired qualities in terms of duties, obligations and moral responsibilities (Dörnyei, Ushioda, 2009, p.14) The traditional self-concept refers to the self-imagery in which a person sees him- or herself in the moment. Possible selves offer and emphasize an individual’s idea of what they may become, which proposes a new dimension to self-imagery. Throughout our study, we will use the above definition of self-imagery. We will also talk about self-image referring to a current self state. Possible selves are divided into three main categories: 1) what one would like to become, 2) what one could become, and 3) What one is afraid of becoming (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p. 12)

2.4.2 The Ought Self

One of the two possible selves that we intend to talk about, as well as incorporate in our theoretical framework, is The Ought Self. Humans are social beings (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p. 14) However, social beings tend to step into roles which are highly regulated by a framework of expectations from our social surroundings. Through an orientation of social bonds, we regulate our behavior in such a manner as not to damage or break those bonds (Aspelin, 1999, p. 103). The Ought self refers to the image an individual is expected conform to in order to meet the expectations that surround us. It is “the representation of attributes that one believes one ought to possess.” (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p. 13) It reminds us of the traits that we see in any description or definition of instrumental or extrinsic motivation. The only difference is that motivation “fuels” the student to learn whether it be for money, grades or praise. The ought self is a conforming self-imagery and adapts to the social

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surroundings and the expectations that it sets on the individual. We will, even though indirectly, draw a certain amount of parallels between the two during our study.

2.4.3 The Ideal Self

What is crucial to remember whilst speaking of the ideal self in self guide theory is that there is a major difference between ideal self-guidance and setting future goals. The ideal self is concerned with self-relevant imagery, where the motivational factors consist of affective factors, such as expectances, attributions and value beliefs. The main difference to goal theory lies within the notion that ideal self-theory only involves goal setting and achievement in a larger construct than those of goal theory. The key to ideal self- theory is to consider the possible self as a “self state”, involving goal setting, volition and goal achievement. (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p. 15) However, Dörnyei & Ushioda emphasize a gap in possible selves that needs to be filled - social identity (2009, p. 57). Hence, we need to consider the contextual aspects in our discussions on possible selves, ideal selves and ought selves.

What we do know is that possible selves change over time. Therefore a learner’s affect towards SLA should be better nurtured through long term goals. In the process of self-related imagery, the imagery might change, but if the short term goals take the upper hand, unrealistic and impossible self-visions might grow and that may result in a decrease of motivation

(Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p. 56).

2.4.4 Grading possible selves – self determination

As we mentioned earlier in this essay, the field of L2 motivational aspects is wide. The discussion of whether the aspects of SLA motivation is primarily an intrinsic phenomenon or an extrinsic one is still a debated issue, as it should be. Even though the concept of ideal selves and ought selves does overlap with the concepts of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation to some extent, it is hard to know when one ends and when the other begins. Deci and Ryan´s self-determination theory (1985) states that there could be an internalization made out of external motives (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p. 14). Extrinsic motivation does not necessarily imply any lack of self-determination but instead intrinsic and extrinsic motivation should be seen as a continuum according to the extent that they are internalized into the self-concept (Dörnyei,

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2003, p.39) These levels of motivation move from the lowest to the highest form. Deci and Ryan’s four stages, presented by Dörnyei & Ushioda (2009, p.14), and interpreted by us are as follows:

Our Interpretation of Deci & Ryan’s 4 stages of Self Determination Theory

(1) External regulation, which refers to the least self-determined state of the four. The individual gets their motivation almost exclusively from external devices, such as grades or teacher’s praise.

(2) Introjected regulation means that there are external rules or norms to which the individual conforms.

(3) Identified regulation is when an individual engages in an activity because of the value, and they see its usefulness for their own interests.

(4) Integrated regulation is seen as the most developmental form of extrinsic motivation, which involves “choiceful behavior” that syncs with the individuals’ values, needs and identity (e.g. learning English because proficiency in this language is part of an

educated cosmopolitan culture one has adopted).

Dörnyei & Ushioda state that at a first glance, states 1 and 2 seem to be parallel with the ought self, and 3 and 4 parallel to the ideal self (2009, p. 14).

2.4.5 From 4 stages of determination to E&P Framework

Inspired by Deci & Ryan’s four levels of motivation, as well as Dörnyei’s possible selves theory, but also noticing their limitations, we felt that by combining and adapting the two, we could produce a more effective framework for interpreting our own data. As the idea that Deci & Ryan’s different stages of regulation seem parallel to different possible selves, we wanted to create a framework of a “less distinctive nature”, because of the wide range of answers that would be given during our data collection. Thus, our intention is to use the following adapted framework in our study in order to interpret any data generated which concerns our participants’ ideas of self-determination and possible selves. This is how we use our framework:

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Adapted Four Stage of Self Regulation Framework (4SoR Qvant & Fred)

As we merge the two different theories we have, instead of 4 stages, created 2 stages of regulation where each are interpreted into possible selves in form of “like to become” and “afraid of becoming”. Integrated- and identified regulation – ideal self – like to become. Introjected- and external regulation – ought self – afraid of becoming. From now on, we will be using this adapted framework for the analysis of our data. We will also refer to it as 4SoR, for short.

2.5 Context- social and cultural influences

Many studies of formal learning contexts that we found set out to investigate progress and successful learning. This perspective may be well tested, but we felt that they focused more on a cognitive ability to learn language rather than investigating the possible factors that may be responsible for an increased motivation in learning a language. Looking at the four stages of regulation (self-determination), we felt that the theory is more to do with the context, or environment in which an individual is ‘shaped’, and how they perceive their ESL studies. Due to the fact that this study investigates students studying in different locations and contexts, as well as their approach to ESL learning, it was important to take these factors into consideration in our analytical framework. From a social-psychological standpoint, context is regarded to have various functions. It has moved from an implicit to an increasingly explicit factor and “(…) theorized to influence motivation, but over which learners have no control.” (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p. 216). Dörnyei & Ushioda (2009, p. 216) discuss and describe the Gardnerian

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social-psychological tradition, where one needs to be reminded that the focus in “social” psychology is on the individual (as a social being) and not on a bigger group or a cultural collective. However, Cook & Pavlenko (2002, p. 293) argue from a post-structuralistic viewpoint that human agency is the key factor in learning. Although if an individual decides to learn a second language, human will is only part of the story, as agencies are always constructed. First, they are shaped by sociocultural environments, and secondly, they are co-constructed with the people surrounding the L2 user. Thus, individuals are only able to act upon their wishes if their present context allows them to (Cook & Pavlenko, 2002, p. 293) The context may well regulate how much investment the L2 learner puts in, and to what extent possible self-identification is achievable for the L2 learner.

Among students, school is widely considered as a social arena, rather than a place for academic work (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2001, p.28). In different multilingual communities, such as in Sweden, the need for more than one language to be used in a variety of social situations, ultimately ends up as an extension of a speaker’s communicative repertoire (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2001, p.28). Thus, the contextual aspect in L2 studies cannot be entirely separated from the integrative motivation system. The desire to learn and acquire a second language may well be generated through external forces (Dörnyei, 2003, p. 142).In this study, those external forces take the form of peers, class culture, teacher-student relationship and school culture. All these “forces” are interesting to look at in terms of representation of motivation in SLA. The problem with this “social orientation” is that it is, to a high degree, an integrative phenomenon. So,is it that we project our integrative valuation of the self on our surrounding, or vice versa? Boyatzis & Akrivou claim that it is not all that obvious whether the ideal self represents one’s actual dreams, or if it is peer pressure that creates a social role conformity (Dörnyei, 2003, p. 14). In our view, the different contexts in which our ambitions in SLA are formed contributes to different forms of motivation. It is the social bonds that are created within a school, group or even in student-teacher relationships that contribute to conformity. So, in a way, the integrative aspect in SLA motivation perhaps should not be separated from the contextual.

In Sweden, learning English is compulsory from the moment an individual learner starts school until they finish high school, or “gymnasiet”. However, the formal contexts in which students learn English at secondary level come in a number of forms. In most schools, in the final year of compulsory education (grade 9), learners tend to receive the equivalent of 120 minutes of English lessons, broken up into two lessons a week. In contrast, in recent years, a number of

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English medium schools have been established in Sweden. In these contexts, the learners not only receive lessons which focus on English as an academic subject, they are also taught the majority of their other subjects through English. In a way, these schools are operating immersion type programmes (https://engelska.se/about-ies/command-english, 2019-09-23).

Since our study takes place in two different formal settings as they operate within different geographical and social catchment areas and, thus, attract different clientele, and as context is an important variable in that it can affect an individual’s motivation in the process of acquiring an L2, we felt that it should form a major focus in our study.

Therefore, it would seem more natural for us to approach this from a person-in-context viewpoint. As we believe the Possible self- theory has a minor inadequacy in the discussion on social identity, it provides an opportunity for us to focus on that aspect. The two different settings in our study differ to a great extent in how social roles are organized and also, and perhaps more importantly, to what extent and different social situations the students are exposed to the target language, as well as how that collective cultural aspect influences the individual´s attitude. Basically, what we want to see is if the very different institutional contexts create such an environment where the students’ affect towards English speaking is heightened. The individual interprets and reacts to her environment but is still separated from it through individual and self-contained subjectivity. This is the branch that has nurtured the cultural aspect of the context variable in L2 acquisition (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p. 217). The cross-cultural perspective has a tradition of comparative research. Admittedly, the comparisons that are made usually have a broader spectrum of cultural differences than our own study, for example Western culture vs. East Asia culture. However, Dörnyei & Ushioda (2009, p. 218) argue that that is where the cross-cultural studies biggest flaw lies:

[…] However, in pursuing generalizable claims about one cultural group compared to another, this line of inquiry inevitably goes for broad brushstrokes only, so that the notion of ´context´ is often isomorphic with national culture. In the search for differences between national cultures, we seem to lose sight of variation at local and individual levels, or variation at the level of what Holliday (1999) ´small cultures´.

So, what we are examining in this study is a rather homogenous group (in comparison to international, cross-cultural comparative research) where all the participants are Swedish 15-16 year olds working towards the same outcomes in corresponding forms. The cultural difference and any eventual difference in their

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attitude towards English learning is, therefore, indirectly the different institutional learning environments.

2.6 How the literature relates to our study

In the literature review, having explored different forms of motivation, a variety of aspects of personality that seem to have a bearing on motivation, and different kinds of formal learning contexts, we were keen to investigate whether the two different formal learning contexts in this study might have any direct effect on the learners’ motivation to learn English in general, and, more specifically, on their motivation to speak English in the classroom.

Hopefully, our investigation will reveal how the different settings manage to generate the three components of motivation, namely attitude(courses/teacher), effort and interest (in the L2 community) However, according to Ellis (2008, p. 678) and as mentioned earlier, affect only provides a single component to the motivation concept, but does not necessarily translate to motivation. A learner can find joy or have a good attitude about something, but it does not mean that they are motivated to learn more. We defined the four stages of regulation and interpreted identified regulation and integrated regulation as the “positive” forms of motivation where the “ideal self” represents a desire to become the best version of the learner. That desire comes from within and forges goal setting as well as the effort to achieve such goals. In contrast to this is the “ought self” where the learner conforms to their surroundings and outer expectations. With that in mind, affect could have a positive effect on the student’s motivation in their English learning and the pursuit of the Ideal self, but it is important to remember that it is not equal to the motivational concept as a whole.

The question remains if those aspects and attributes alter in different contexts. Due to our ambition to map differences in a student’s motivation through their perception and affect towards ESL, there is a need for us to broaden our perspective. The study would lose its value if we were to focus on integrative aspects alone, especially as the primary motive for learning a language, whether it is a first or second, is communication (Littlewood, 1984, p.54). The question is in which way, or how, are we exposed to the target language and what needs do we have to learn it? The social and cultural aspects lie within school- and classroom walls and how they vary to a great extent.

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With all things considered, our study of the literature has generated a couple of points that we feel we need to underline and sum up. The “give-and-take” relationship between context and motivation is what will bear the greatest weight in this study.

From what we have learned so far, we now set off to investigate the learner’s perception of motivation. Our understanding is that motivation as a concept is threefold, including 1) affect, which entails variables such as a student’s attitude towards their English studies. A teacher, the course or even friends´ attitudes can also have an effect on how the student perceives their L2 studies. The reason we have discussed affect as much as we have done is due to the effect that we believe the surroundings have on this variable – meaning that the two different locations and context could have different effect on attitudes. Motivation also includes 2) Effort; this means the students can only acquire as much knowledge and development in L2 as the effort they put into it. The effort could be studying extra hours at home, or simply a forced effort, where students who would normally choose not to speak, are forced to do so due to social or formal contexts. 3) Interest. While the other two variables of motivation are more or less governed by outside forces, interest is a variable that comes from within. But we have also learned that given the right circumstances, an interest in the L2 community can start as an outside form, depending on context. Though we were unable to undertake a psychological analysis to find out when and where the students may have picked up an interest for their English studies, we could ask questions that perhaps give us some idea of how they view their L2 learning and if it has changed during their years in respective schools or context.

As we can see, the context plays an important role in building and sustaining motivation. Our study that is based on a comparison between two different context and as our purpose with our study is to…

- Is there a contextual effect to an individual’s motivation in L2 learning?

- Do different formal cultural and environmental contexts in which learners acquire their English have any bearing on their motivation to speak English during their lessons in the subject?

- With regards to an individual’s motivation in acquiring English as a second language, what similarities and differences can be observed in Swedish ninth graders studying the language in two very different formal contexts?

… we want to underline the differences between the two different settings and if there is a difference in how the students perceive and act upon those perceptions of their L2 studies. We

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want to find out if their formal culture and environment provide the prerequisites needed to meet all the variables of motivation.

3. Method

In this chapter, we describe the way in which our data was collected. In the first section, there is general information and some critical views on the process of gathering the data. In the following sections we will consider the interviews and why a qualitative approach is the most appropriate method for our study.

3.1 Collecting data

In order to collect our data, a total of six interviews with 12 participants were carried out. The participants were all school students aged 15 and in their final year of Swedish compulsory school (ninth grade). The interviews were executed in two different geographical locations (Site 1 and Site 2) in the south of Sweden. Site 1 is described as a free ‘English medium’ school, where all lessons, apart from Swedish, are taught in English, while Site 2 is a state school with some 800 students in grades 7-9, and all lessons are taught in Swedish apart from the lessons that focus on the subject of English. That said, there is no guarantee that these latter lessons are exclusively taught in English.

With regards to the two different locations, there are without doubt, other differences that are worth mentioning. First of all, the two different schools operate within different geographical and social catchment areas and, thus, attract different clientele. A measurement in socioeconomic status would show that the participants in Site 1 are probably drawn from a catchment area with a socioeconomic higher status than some of the participants in Site 2. Given that the school in Site 1 is also a member of a free school organization, the school has had the freedom to reflect the organization’s particular ethos and culture as an English Language medium school. With teachers coming from different parts of the world, the students are “forced” to communicate in English on a daily basis. As a result, one could also sense that any motivational attributes (extrinsic or intrinsic) may be very high and through our interviews we saw that a lot of the students have high ambitions for the future.

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Site 2, in comparison, is a large state school that by the time the interviews were executed, numbered some 800 students in grades 7-9. The catchment area for this school varied widely in a socioeconomic sense. About half of the students come from the most socioeconomically challenged parts of the city, whereas the other half comes from the “high end” parts of the city. Looking at final exam results for each school, the number of students graduating with a pass grade in all subjects was higher in Site 1 than Site 2. Some 89.2% of Site 1 students graduated with a pass grade in every subject, compared to a mere 74% on Site 2

(https://www.skolverket.se/skolutveckling/statistik/sok-statistik-om-forskola-skola-och-vuxenutbildning, 2018-09-30).1 However, a comparison of results for students with a passable grade in English does not have quite the same difference. In 2016, 100% of the graduates from Site 1 passed their English studies2, while in the same year, approximately 90% of the graduates on Site 2 passed the subject.3

To summarise, the major similarities between the different sites in which the interviews were conducted are:

• the students are of the same age

• they work with the same curriculum

The differences are:

• socioeconomic backgrounds

• On site A, more than half of the lessons are held in English and more than half of the teachers hail from English speaking countries.

• More than half of the lessons are held in English on site A, whereas Site B has the standard 120 minutes of English/week.

• the students at Site 1 are “bathed” in the English language as a part of their ordinary day in various social situations (https://engelska.se/sv/about-ies/what-we-do , 2018-12-08).

So, there are differences between the sites which we feel are significant, since we believe the cultural aspect plays a large part in our study.

1_{https://www.skolverket.se/skolutveckling/statistik/sok-statistik-om-forskola-skola-och-vuxenutbildning}

(Looking at results from 2016. Data was collected 2018-09-30)

2_{https://siris.skolverket.se/siris/f?p=SIRIS:34:0::NO:::&amne=Engelska&bet=UM&kon=S&diag=com&lan=13&k}

ommun=1380&skola=78323330&jmf=i&jlan=13&jkommun=1380&jskola=71629462&jkgrupp=B3

3_{https://siris.skolverket.se/siris/f?p=SIRIS:34:0::NO:::&amne=Engelska&bet=UM&kon=S&diag=com&lan=07&k}

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In selecting participants to take part in the study, we decided we would like to interview students from an age category which would allow them to provide us with a good amount of information and reflections on their SLA experiences, but who still also had a couple of years left of their education. Therefore, we made the decision to exclusively interview those who attended the ninth grade in their respective schools. The reason for this was so that the students would have had the time to recognize any differences in their perception of English studies that may have developed during their school years. We also suspected that a 15-year old probably would find it easier to reflect on and discuss the questions presented.

We initially decided to pick volunteers at random by asking any interested students to register their interest. Once we had a list of names, we selected a total of 12 students from each site. We also made sure that we had an even distribution in terms of gender. Each interview was conducted with the students in pairs to ensure that each student contributed to the discussion. We carried out the interviews in Swedish to avoid misunderstandings and prevent any eventual miscommunication that could have occurred by doing it in English. Although we realized that we could probably have obtained a lot of interesting insights by doing the interviews in English (for example, observe the students’ willingness to speak English in an interview situation), the requirement to obtain as much information as possible from which to conduct a qualitative analysis influenced our decision to use Swedish.

The interviews were semi-constructed and recorded so that we were able to go back and analyze their reflections. We felt that if the students were allowed to talk somewhat freely about their own experience of the English language including their present use, affect and environmental reflections, the chances were that there would be a wider perspective to comment on which, hopefully, would reveal far more details than a structured interview would. Moreover, with their reflections on their foresight with regards to the future acquisition and usage of the language- we would be able to gain an even bigger picture of the context and still be able to analyze if there were any differences in motivational devices. What could be seen as a flaw is the possibility that our randomly selected participants may or may not have had any motivational issues when it comes to their ESL studies. We are aware of the fact that we have not generated any background information about the individuals through observations in class or gained any former results from the students. What and how they answer in our interview questions was precisely what we wanted to analyze. But we reckoned that even if traces of motivational issues were revealed, we could still discuss and weigh in the possibility of contextual or personal differences amongst the participants answers, as we mentioned above. Based on interviews, this study has an inductive onset, meaning that the interviews were

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prepared without taking any specific theoretical framework into consideration, other than we hoped they would generate data related to motivation. Thus, the interview questions were categorized in such manner that we hoped should be able to shine a light on different aspects of motivation and how different individuals experience SLA and that we could analyze from a phenomenological perspective.

The downside with this method is that we did not really know how or if the students have any specific issue with their ESL studies. However, our goal was to look for perceptions and cultural aspects that might benefit or inhibit their affect towards English studies.

However, one should be aware that it creates a somewhat ambivalent position since our study does require some level of generalization in the discussing of our results, because the choice to do a qualitative study was based on the idea that it would give us the opportunity to really analyze the material in depth. We felt the way the interviews were carried out offered us a better chance to more thoroughly study the material, more so than a quantitative study would. The weaknesses in doing a qualitative study is the idiosyncratic nature of the small samples it provides – especially when Site B has the variety of students that it has. In other words, there is a risk that the student answers are not something that could be generalized and projected to the greater masses, but instead are traits, specific to that individual. Therefore, the risk of making generalizations should be kept in mind and considered. Furthermore, there is an issue of the researchers’ own biases influencing the analysis. However, all things considered, we believe in the winnings of qualitative exposing of personal “telling” as an insight to a phenomenon or specific conditions (Dörnyei, 2007, p. 37). As we wanted to examine our data from a phenomenological approach, we recognize that a quantitative study would prevent us from doing so.

3.2 A Phenomenological Approach to the Analysis of the Data

A lot of the research that we explored during our investigation underlines the importance of a good teacher- student relationship. As the Swedish curriculum also mentions, the relationship between teacher and student aids students’ personal growth (LGR-11, p. 6). So, one must relate to the individual (Arnold, 1999, p.1). But it is not quite that simple, because

development and acquisition of language should also be seen as dependent on the contextual situation – such factors could be mental activities and behavioral changes (Marton, 1981, p. 182). As such, every individual student’s perception of L2-learning could be affected by the

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environment in which it is taking place. (Arnold, 1999, p. 5) In our study, it is the interplay between context and the individual that we have taken into consideration.

The theory of phenomenography considers humans as active beings (Johansson, 2009, p. 46). When we meet the outside world and find ourselves in different contexts, we make it

meaningful. Relations to people, things or situations are always intentional- “Love is always love for something, fear is always fear of something, and understanding is always

understanding of something” (Johansson, 2009, p. 46). This means that subject and object should not be separated, but instead should be seen as a whole. Why we believe context has such an effect on motivation is because the teachers, school policies and students create their context together as a collective. It is our intention, therefore, to take a phenomenological approach to the analysis of the data generated in this study. By taking a phenomenological approach, our aim is not to look exclusively at the individual’s L2 perception of their English studies, but we also consider in what context they create such perception. In this sense, the subject would be the student’s perception of their L2 studies in a certain context, whereas the object is the L2 learning itself.

As our aim is to try and understand why some students have minor or major difficulties with motivation during classes where L2 learning takes place, a study of the student’s perception of their L2 studies simply would not have sufficed. Instead, we want to learn how the students

adapt due to context.

A focus in psychology studies is to examine how the environmental and contextual aspect affects an individual, wherever they position themselves. Development and features of acquisition, such as mental activities or behavioral changes, are dependent on the contextual situation, (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2001, p. 25). The two different schools, as mentioned before, operate two different approaches and policies when it comes to students speaking English during their school day.However, it is very rare that the students begin their English studies at the level we are studying (i.e högstadiet) with the same requirements or external conditions. Therefore, even though one of the schools has a greater amount of English during any given school day, it is not a given that all the students who apply to such a school have had the same experience or perception of English when they begin. By taking a phenomenological

approach, what we want to consider and acknowledge are the two different contexts in which our study is conducted, and how they have an effect on the student’s mental activities and perhaps behavioral changes. From a teacher perspective, a constant and important task is to map and consider levels of knowledge and different needs whilst working with a group of

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individuals. Taking a phenomenological approach to the analysis of our data allows us to map any differences in the perception of the same phenomenon, namely, motivation in SLA.

Imagine that two students are to do the same examination and face the same problem. Let us suppose that they experience the situation in exactly the same way: they

understand the problem in the exact same way; it is equally important for them to solve the problem; they experience their own capability to solve it in exactly the same way, and so on. Their perception of the problem is identical. Can we imagine that one of the two students are successful with the problem, and that the other one fails? Hardly! Neither can we conclude the opposite relation – that two students which have solved the problem have understood it in exactly the same way – but we can conclude that two students who approaches a problem in different ways, also must have perceived it in different ways (Booth & Marton, 2000, p. 146).

Thus, we wanted to take a qualitative approach to our study, due to the nature of our research, where the goal is to study the presence or absence of different learning characteristics or environmental affect. A qualitative study allows for the investigation to be very flexible and more open to respond to new unexpected details that are revealed in the interview. This flexibility also applies to the research questions as the open approach also allows for the questions to change over time, which may result in them developing and be refined if and when necessary during the interview process (Dörnyei, 2007, p. 37).

From a phenomenological standpoint, we knew that context is something that we needed to consider. That is why we decided to execute our interviews in two completely different environments. Two locations would presumably give us two different school cultures, different individuals with different experiences and different teachers, as well as peer

structures. In summary, we felt two different locations were required to map any differences in the perception of L2 due to contextual differences.

In further critical reflections, we decided on only doing interviews even thoughthe aspect of “affect” in English teaching classrooms would probably be benefitted by observations. However, due to the rather small qualitative framework set for this research, we sought another solution. We did not abandon the aspect of affect; however, we did modify “affect” and decided that it revolves more around the attribute “attitude” rather than feelings or moods. It does leave questions in the discussion on the classroom environment, but as a whole (social and contextual aspects of class and school) the discussion remains.

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3.3 Designing Questions

The interview questions that were carried out needed to be somewhat open or leave room for reflection. To narrow the questions would be to narrow the answers. However, we tried to generate questions that addressed several areas that could have an effect on the participants. It is not to confirm or retract any theories on the different factors of motivation (intrinsic, extrinsic and context), but rather to map the individual’s perception on those factors. It is not the questions which have been categorized; it is the answers that will be presented through categories in the analysis. However, we tried to ask our questions to cover the areas in which we are interested. The questions were distributed as follows:

➢ How do you feel about learning English?

➢ At what times do you enjoy the English language? ➢ Is it important to master English?

➢ Have your attitude towards English changed during your school years?

The first questions are directed to the attitude and perception of English learning. The next set of questions are more concerned with an overall motivational aspect:

➢ Is there any time you wish you did not have to speak English? ➢ What motivates you to learn English?

➢ How is the class atmosphere?

And the last set of questions also have an element of the cultural aspect and/or English acquisition devices:

➢ When do you feel that you have succeeded in English? ➢ Is it more important with English now, or in the future?

4. Results and initial analysis

In this chapter we will present the outcome of our interviews. We will present fragments of the answers given to us during the interviews, followed by a minor reflection on each fragment. In the first section we present answers given mostly by students from Site 1, with the exception from a few comparisons with answers from Site 2, and vice versa for section two. Analyzing and presenting the answers from the two different locations separately should

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provide a desired view to be able to pick up on any differences in context and above all – the four stages of regulation. After that we will discuss the results and hopefully see how the environment reflects regulation and motivation in SLA. The interviews were conducted in Swedish, so the answers are translated by the authors.

Before moving on to the analysis of the results, let us have a look at an overview of the interviewees in order to avoid any confusion since we sometimes use reference answers for comparison:

Site Student Note

1 A, B, G, H Free 7-9 Immersion programme school

(English is used in the teaching of a number of subjects and whilst addressing

teachers)

2 X, O, J Local council 7-9 school with standard

categorized subjects taught in Swedish. Only English lessons are taught in English.

4.1 More than a subject - Site 1

In the opening questions, the ones that could be paralleled with an overall mapping of attitudes towards their English studies, many of the students state they have a good or less good experience. However, whether they have a positive experience or not, they praise their English studies and label them as “fun”. Moreover, they argue that the joy stretches to the fact that they recognize the importance of their studies on a personal level. This section considers the statements that reflect attitudes within the frames of the ideal self; the focus here is on the stages identified regulations and integrated regulation.

Site 1

When asked whether their attitude towards English had changed during school years, student H reasons that instead of just “another subject” in school, their English lessons have changed their attitude toward learning English:

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Student H:

As I said, I always thought English was fun, but it was still just another subject that you “did”. I believe it has become more of a subject since you came here. We don’t have glossaries. We talk about everything and read books; we analyze news and articles and stuff like that. We discuss things that happens for real.

Student A reflects on their learning by further analyzing the entire organization of the school: Student A:

That those subjects are in English… like, I feel that it is… it is sort of shaped so that you continue with English the rest of your life if you think like this… English that you do during the English subject is not the only thing you will use in the future… if I choose to work with art abroad, then I am going to have to know those words in English… not only In Swedish… It’s sort of shaped to send you abroad or something… but it’s very interesting to know a lot of words.

This attitude indicates that the English subject in school is seen as something other than a class just to be attended. It would seem as though any device can be used in a motivational aspect; the research participant does not perceive English as anything but a useful addition to their persona. This attitude seems to derive from reflections on the encounter with the target language, as student A says above

"[…] We don’t have glossaries. We talk about everything and read books; we analyze news and articles and stuff like that (…)

The form of exposure to the subject English in school seems to have an effect on the student’s affect. Moreover, a noticeable context-related question reveals itself in terms of student H speaking in pronouns- the word “we” appears to a great extent when asked about his own attitude towards the English language. Instant reflections on their own individual attitude towards English is described with the collective in mind. There is also a sort of underlying degree of goal setting involved.

In terms of goal setting as a crucial part of the development of the ideal self, there are some clues that connects goal setting for motivation- and the environmental, or context based influence the students are exposed to. Student A, who comes from an entirely different context than student X (Site 2), seems more unknowingly used to setting goals that keep their motivation flowing:

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Student A:

(…) Well as I said, I have started looking more towards the future and that it becomes something good for the future, because I used to feel that it was boring and that’s when I wanted to become better at English… But now I feel like I have a goal set up and that makes me more motivated.

Student X:

[…] well yeah, in school it is. You don’t feel like you’ve succeeded if you get an E or… well yes, you do if you really fought for it from an F. But personally I’m satisfied when I get the highest grade because then you feel like you’ve succeeded.

When speaking of goal setting as a motivational device, there are significant differences between the two students. Even though student A’s answer could be interpreted as somewhat conforming in their goal setting in past years (they need to get better at English - comparison to classmates or due to pressure from the teacher), it could also be seen as an unconscious way of setting goals. As we have said earlier, possible selves should be seen as a self-state that changes over time, and that process involves goal setting. On the other hand, student X speaks of a goal setting that is somewhat daring. A goal setting based entirely on grades could be devastating in motivational terms. Using goals as an “end-state” (especially if you do not achieve them) could damage the self-imagery and, therefore, also one’s motivation (Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009, p.14).

Through the lens of our 4SoR (four stages of regulation) adapted framework the students in Site 1 seem more open to including their current environment in their goalsetting. Working in an environment and school that uses the English language in a number of other subjects helps them recognize a wider spectrum of goalsetting.

Student B (on using English in different subjects):

It’s sort of designed to make you continue with English for the rest of your life, because if you think like this… English that you learn in the subject “English” is not the only English you will use in the future… if I choose to work abroad, then I will have to know about all those words…

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In our first location, a lot of the interview statements that are made give us some clues that the contextual input seems more than relevant to the students. Even though some utterances might contradict those beneficial aspects of their surroundings, they could also be seen as a

“positive” form of external motivation and willingness to communicate. Student A:

In the beginning when I attended this school I did not speak English for the fun of it, but because I needed to sound professional. Then, when I think back, I thought my English was pretty good, but when I think about how I speak nowadays – well… In the beginning I thought it was pretty hard because you needed to be good at English, but now it all comes almost natural. I don’t feel any negative pressure but instead I find it great that people expect that I know English.

We interpret this as the strongest display of, not only the final stage, integrated regulation, but it also in that it displays the journey between ought self and ideal self. Not only does the student’s utterance hint of a changed self-imagery through his/her development within the target language, but also a changed attitude towards English. It seems as though anxiety has developed into excitement in what the surroundings expect from the student.

The way of working and the progress in which the students in Site 1 acquire and practice their target language has, through our own interpretation, a positive effect on the student’s affect towards English learning. However, school is not only a social arena but a place where there must be situations where their progress is measured and evaluated. In those sorts of activities where the focus changes and any former positive expectations vanish, a new sort of affect plays a role. Assuming that those activities are executed in somewhat similar forms, there are also similarities between students from the different contexts:

Student B :

Well, if you’re in a class and the teacher’s talking, I say some pretty good things once in a while – because I don’t think too much about it. However, when everyone is focused on you and you stand in front of the class and you’re supposed to do a presentation - things get a little bit harder. You think about how you need to perform.

Student A:

Yeah, well… I personally feel that when I speak to people in my class, then I can slattern a little bit and it doesn’t have to be perfect. But when I’m in front of a group

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and the presentation is grated – all of a sudden I feel that I have to perform and speak flawless English and when you’re “in the middle of it” you ruin it and you think so much about that…! I would rather have the classroom discussions than presentations.

We compare this to a student from Site 2: Student X

[…] If you get a bad grade (laughing) (…) No, but… you feel that you fail if you miss a lot of words and things come out wrong, things like that. Like when you’re doing a

presentation and you know what to say, but things just come out wrong.

It seems as though their perception of different tasks has similarities even though they are active in different contexts. The comparison above is not unprecedented – we found a number of similar comparisons like these throughout our data, and our own experiences from the field match the above points of view. The form of tasks that are concerned with presentations, or any form of formal exposé seems to change the student’s attitude towards English in a positive sense. However, a couple of students from Site 1 argue that the willingness to speak extends beyond the classroom situation:

Student A:

Of course, I speak Swedish with my friends and all… but sometimes it’s fun when me and my friends from this school suddenly starts speaking English when we’re in the city and people starts staring. We kind of sound like we’re from a different country because we’ve had to talk so much with people who aren’t from Sweden and perhaps has an “accent” … that’s when it’s the most fun to speak.

So, a comparison of different contexts shows that when a social aspect versus a traditional teaching platform, the social context could provide some motivation to speak, without any grades or praise.

A lot of the statements about attitude on Site 1, context and through the lenses of 4SoR

adapted framework, the attitude differs on account of how well tasks and activities match their goals and self-imagery.

Another example of how the context affects a student´s self-imagery and within that their regulation and goal setting comes from student G. Their description of environmental change and how it changed their attitude or self-determination is well within the description of stages

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of regulation. However, whereas this should be seen as a form of integrative or extrinsic form of regulation is difficult to ascertain:

Student G:

My attitude has become better I guess… I attended a pretty “lousy” school before… that wasn’t fun. I was ok at English. In the early years I wasn’t good. Then I started try a little harder. I don’t remember why… first I noticed that it was a little harder… still pretty easy, but harder. Then I could keep building on this. And I actually made an effort. I don’t think there is a reason why…

Student B:

It was mostly because of my mother that I am here (laughing). But pretty quickly I noticed how much better my English got and with that I started to think about my future and what you could do… Then it was good that I could attend this school…

Whereas neither student G nor student B can pinpoint ´how´ or ´why´ their attitude changed with regards to ESL studies, it seems as though one could pinpoint a ´when´. They are both reasoning about a changed attitude as they moved into a new context. Even though they attended this school for different reasons and with different prerequisites, their utterances are tinged with positive comments on their current situation. However, as we have said before, if this should be seen as simply adapting to the situation in a form of conformity or if the attitude itself is driven by an integrated regulation, is hard to say. Even though it is quite possible to argue that this expresses introjected regulation (conform for grades or teacher praise) because of the contextual change (to a place where most people like English).

Although, since both of the students reason about their future prospects and also express goal setting due to extensive SLA, one could argue that the context itself has forced their

motivation to the integrated side of the scale (4SoR adapted framework).

4.2 For the fun, the future and Netflix - Site 2

We now move to a different location with an entirely different context and different way of working with English. The students here are answering the same questions as they did on the first location. However, their answers differ slightly. Some things are perceived in similar ways, such as attitude or long-term goals, but some answers differ in terms of context. Not a

Motivation In ESL Studies : Context as a motivational device

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