Arbetsrapporter frän Pedagogiska institutionen Umeå universitet NR 47 1987
ANNIKA ANDRAE-THELIN OCH INGA ELGQVIST-SALTZMAN
SIDE BY SIDE IN CLASSROOMS "AND AT WORK...?
Ideology and reality in Swedish Educational Policy and Practice
Förord
00001023660 Andrae-Thelin, 1 1987 Side by side in class S 38 00047
Frågorna "Hur tillvaratar kvinnorna det utbildningsutbud som utbildnings reformerna möjliggjort?" och "Hur tillvaratar samhället de utbildade kvinnorna?" är föremål för studier i flera projekt vid vår institution. Dessa frågor är också centrala i en internationell "handbook" om Women and Education som redigeras av professor Gail P Kelly vid Buffalo University, New York State, USA. Ett samarbete med Gail Kelly avseende studier av kvinnors utbildning i tredje världen (bl a en i Zimbabwe av Annika Andrae-Thelin) medförde en inbjudan att skriva ett svenskt bidrag till nämnda bok.
Innehållet i arbetsrapporten ärett försök att beskriva hur officiella jämställdhetsmål hanterats och realiserats i svensk utbildningspolicy och i verkligheten. Synpunkter och ändringsförslag mottages gärna.
Umeå 1987-11-24
1
87-11 11. Manuscript to International Handbook of Women’s E d u c a 1: i o n ( e d . G a i 1 P Kelly)
SIDE BY SIDE IN CLASSROOMS AND AT WORK ...?
Ideology and reality in Swedish Educational Policy and P r ac tice.
Annika Andrae-Thelin - Inga E1gqvist-Sa11zman.
"Side by side in classrooms and at work, side by side in the everyday tasks of housework and child care, side by side into political assemblies and administrative departments, equal in terms of power and influence such are the objectives of sexual equality."1*
Under the heading ”Towards the Year 2000”, this firm state ment is to be found in the Swedish Government’s latest report on equality between women and men. In the same report,
developments during the International Women’s decade 1975 - 1985, are described by the Minis ter- responsible for Equality between Men and Women in the following optimistic terrns :
"Compared with most other countries, Sweden has made con siderable progress in the field of equal opportunities. " *
Focussing on women's education, how can this progress be de scribed? Which are the main issues today in the Swedish context, where girls' schooling is concerned?
This article aims at describing and scrutinizing the Swedish
way of handling the equality concept in relation to women's
education and girls' schooling. From perspective's and
inter-2
mittently as researchers the authors wish t o dis cus s to what
extent educational planning has contributed towards an equal
s o e i e t y .
How far has Sweden progressed in elaborating equality goals concerning women's opportunities to take advantage of
e d u e a t ion ? Our an a lysis will particularly focus on the per iod of the great educationa 1 reforms, starting in the 40 ' s ,
during which all levels of education have been transformed.
The structure o f th e S w e dis h e duc a t i ona 1 system is illustra- ted by figure 1.
Insert figure 1 a b out here.
As a background some words have to be said concerning the Swedish reform context the formation of a modern welfare state and the equality policy in a historical perspective.
F o r m at i on o f t he Modern Welfare State
Sweden is well-known for its pursuit of an equal society. A wide ranging program of government services for children and parents beginning in the 30's gave Sweden a world-wide
reputation as the prototypical welfare state. A somewhat later but none the less comprehensive reformprogramme covering all levels of education has also attracted the
interest of planners as we 11 as researchers abroad.3 } The educational reforms have constituted major elements of the d e m o or a t i c re form of t he w h o 1e of Swedish sorie1y. W a v e s of
3
reforms have gone hand in hand with optimism and expansion and have triggered major organisational change in different
social and economic sectors.
Security, e q u a 1 i t. y , d e m o c r a c y , s o 11 d a r i t y a n d e c onomic efficiency became key concepts as they lent direction to a steadily increasing number of political targets within
Swedish society. Initial priorities for the 1 9 3 0 ’ s - 1 9 4 0 ’ s i n c 1 u d e d :
- to forge an active labour market policy with the aim to
eliminate unemployment.
- to provide incentives and subsidies in a housing policy in order to reverse great inadequacies
- to redesign family policies so that a minimum standard of care for young children could be assured and an upward surge in the birthrate encouraged.
A fundamental idea governing the evolution of the Modern Welfare State has been the aim to further social equality
through rational planning. A certain style of public po 1 icy fo r m u1 a t io n has been identified in Sweden, most obviously in term s o f p rocess bu t a Iso to s o me e x t e n t in t er ms of con t ent. Processes have? been described as highly rationalistic,
consensual, deliberative - centralized.4} The policy has tended to base recommendations upon commissioned or otherwise
available research.
It is generally agreed that the modern Swedish reforms have emerged through long patterns of consensus building, of
4
rational decision making and from a background in socio-
pol it i c a 1 v a 1 u e s s li a r e d l) y a 3 a r g e portion of the 8.5 million Swedes. For a long time, Sweden was considered an extremely homogeneous country in terms perspective of race, religion and language. The country has one official state religion, the Lutheran Church, but is mostly described as secular. As one educationa 1 researcher p o i n ted out, the c ount r y e n j o y ed d u r i n g t h e r e f o r m e r a t h e b e n e f i t of o n e 1 a n g u a g e , o n e r a c e
and no re1i gion.>
That situation has changed since the World War II, when
Sweden began to play host to great numbers of immigrants from a variety of different, countr i e s . During the g r e a t exp a n sion of the Swedish labour market in the 60fs, the immigration rose. Roughly one fifth of the population in Sweden is
currently made up of immigrants who hold permanent residence
permits. The total number of immigrants would be considerably higher if one included all people who are in the country on shorter* term perm i t s .
The issues of ”international understanding" and ”equal oppor tunity " a r e o f t e n cluster e d t: o g e t h e r in c u r r i c u 1 a i n form a 1 a s w e11 a s in n on-form a 1 e d u c a t ion. Let u s t a k e a further
look at the concepts of equality and equal opportunity.
E q u a1 Op por tun i t y Pol i c y Re trospec t
The Swedish policy on equa 1 i t y be tween women and mon has a specific concept ”jämställdhet" in Swedish. "Jämlikhet”
5
between all individuals and social groups, based on the belief that all people are of equal value irrespective of sex, race, religion, social class or regional background. Equality of opportunity between women and men is considered one of the most important elements of equality. To a higher degree than in any other of the Nordic countries, which a 1 1 share the ideology of equality and democracy, Sweden has institutionalized the ideology. Besides certain laws and regulations, committees and delegations on different deci sion-making levels, certain research posts have recently been established within the Research Councils.
All the political parties in Sweden support the idea of equal
opportunities for women and men. In essence that means equal rights, obligations and opportunities for women and men
alike:
- to have a job that makes you financially independent - to care for children and the home
- to participate in political and social life.
Progress has extended over a period of many years. A short historical background with particular focus on educational and vocational career possibilities may be of interest:
1842 Elementary education for girls as well as boys becomes compulsory for every municipality.
1859 Women become eligible for certain teaching appointments. 1873 Women become entitled to take academic degrees, with
certain exceptions (theology and higher law degrees). 1919 Women acquire the vote and become eligible.
6
1921 Married women become legally competent at 21. The new Marriage Code treats husband and wife as equals. (Un married women had acquired political rights at 21 already in 1874 . )
1923 Women become eligible for national government appoint ments .
1927 State grammar schools are opened to girls.
1935 Equality for women and men under the national pension
scheme.
1937 Maternity benefits are introduced. 1938 Contraception becomes legal.
1939 The State is forbidden to dismiss women on account of pregnancy, childbirth or marriage.
1947 Equal pay for identical national government appoint ments .
1950 Both parents become legal custodians of their children. 1958 Women admitted to the priesthood.
1962 Nine-year comprehensive compulsory school for all citizens.
1971 Individual taxation of the earned incomes of husband and wife.
1971 A reformed secondary education, integrating theoretical and vocational lines within a new upper secondary
school.
1974 Parental insurance introduced, entitling parents to share leave of absence in connection with childbirth. 1975 New abortion legislation entitles the woman to decide
for herself up to and including the 18th week.
1977 Tertiary education reformed. A new and wider concept of higher education gives among other things university status to educational lines in teaching and nursing tra ditionally dominated by women.
1979 Parents of infant children entitled to a six-hour working day.
1980 Legislation passed prohibiting sexual discrimination at work .
1982 Child care at home regarded as qualifying for the national pension scheme.
1982 Ban on the display of pornographic material in public places .
1983 All occupational categories open to women, including the armed forces.
1984 Equal opportunities agreement for the national govern ment sector.
Looking back we find that several important steps have been taken to guarantee women the same rights as men - firstly in the employment area of society, on the labour market.
Secondly in the field of child care the state has assumed many responsibilities. Lately steps have been taken to promote shared responsibility between parents for home and children.
Sweden became in 1968 the first country in the world to frame a government policy of achieving equality between the sexes by changing the role of men as well as that of women. It was
in a statement to the United Nations the Swedish Government
declared:
"... that every individual, irrespective of sex, shall have the same practical opportunities, not only for education and employment, but also in principle the same responsibility for his or her own maintenance as well as shared responsibility for the upbringing of children and the upkeep of the home
ft G )
Education has been regarded within the Swedish policy as a very important road to an equal society, with everybody
sharing in the social, economic and cultural benefits that an expansive society could offer its citizens. In the next
section the educational policy will be described more in detail with particular focus on the reform era of the past few decades.
Educational Policy
Sweden has long stressed the importance of literacy and schooling. Public school education has been compulsory for all Swedish children since 1842, the compulsion being
recognized not only as the duty of the children to attend school but also as the duty of the community to provide educational facilities.
Even before 1842 almost all citizens in Sweden were able to read. This was due to very effective training in the parish and the family, controlled by the Church. The ability to read was linked to the Lutheran religion and its strong belief in every woman's and man's duty and ability to understand the
"Word" of God. The clergy undertook yearly examinations in the parish of all the members of the households. Before getting a marriage licence both women and men had to prove their ability in reading. In church women and men sat side by side but on different sides of the aisle, singing and praying from the hymnbook. According to the Swedish literacy re
searcher E. Johansson, the hymns were a good test of reading ability.'75 This old church reading campaign before the modern school reforms resulted in a very low illiteracy rate in
Sweden (one per mille of the population over fifteen years of age according to the census of 1930).35
Even if women in the old Swedish patriarchal society were by law subordinated to their husbands, they were equality
entitled to learn to read. There was, however, a difference where writing and counting were concerned. As in other
countries, the Swedish school system was based on a sexually segregated ideology, which was obvious in organisation as well as in the curriculum content.
The public debate in Parliament before the introduction of a compulsory public school reveals the doubts many had concern ing the usefulness of girls receiving the same education as boys, and their capacity for doing so. "I believe that this
minimum of knowledge is far too high, especially for women"
is a statement of one member of parliament.01
It was exclusively boys who had the opportunity of continuing their education. Public grammar schools were opened for girls in 1927. Although girls' municipal schools started in the 19th century, they did not give the same competence as the boys' grammar school until 1909. The objectives and the content of these school forms differed.
The public grammar school was the way for boys to reach a position in society while girls - mainly from the upper
classes - were supposed to learn language, music etc in their municipal schools and to learn good behaviour in the private and fami lysphere.
Linked to compulsory education, shorter courses in citizen ship education were arranged in the early 20th century. In content these were traditionally male or female oriented
(housework for girls and economy for boys). Even within compulsory education and within the same' subject there were different courses for girls and boys, for example in mathe matics. Boys were supposed to take a larger course than
girls.
The basis of this segregation was the profound belief that girls and boys were to be educated to perform different roles and have different positions in society.
The Reform of Compulsory Education
After a twelve year experimental period which began in 1950, a nine-year comprehensive school for compulsory education was established by the Education Act of 1962. Characteristic of this reform was that the aim of formal schooling was defined as "social upbringing". All students were to be provided with as much general education as possible in order to build a common foundation in cultural and political knowledge and values. This was felt to be imperative in the light of their future roles in participatory democracy. Elitism in educa tion, leading to social stratification in the labour market, could no longer be tolerated. Student-centered teaching
methods were to be used, in order - among other reasons - to engage students actively in their own learning. Training in communicative skills and in collaborative work were motivated upon similar "democratic" grounds. One school and the same education for every child between 7 - 16 years of age in Sweden was the password.
The curriculum was centrally issued by the Parliament and valid for all schools in Sweden. The new nationwide Curricu
lum of 1962 took a rather traditional view of sex differences and sex roles. In organisational terms some steps were taken
towards equal opportunity. In handicraft girls were taught woodwork and boys textile work, initially for 20 hours at
intermediate level. Home economics was introduced as a
compulsory subject for both girls and boys in grade 7, as an optional subject in grade 8. Child care was made a general subject in grade 9. Looking at subjects, items of social education and education for family life were stressed within handicraft, home economics, childcare, economy.
In 1969, when the curriculum was revised, schools were given a key function in changing the social sex roles. The tools for a process of change were described, under the heading "Sex-role issues". It was said that all pupils, regardless of sex, should be taught subjects (home-economics, child-care) central to a changed division of labour in the home. It was also stated that all pupils, regardless of sex, should
receive the same treatment and be met with the same expecta tions and demands. Traditional sex role attitudes held by pupils should be challenged, for example in educational and vocational guidance. An "Equal opportunities programme" was formulated by the National Board of Education.
In the third nationwide curriculum of 1980 the goal of general gender equality remained unchanged in its general outline but less space was devoted for "ideological em broidery ".10)
Looking at content, one important difference is that home and family are not mentioned as often in the 1980 curriculum as in the earlier ones. This is illustrated in table 111 ’ below:
Insert Table 1 about here.
the table can be commented in following way:
The goals and guidelines of the 1962 curriculum questioned the sex stereotypes of former curricula and stressed equal rights. In the figure the introduction of this ideology is marked +. A considerable step forward was taken 1969 by formulating elaborative goals, which are marked +++.
At the organisational level a progressive development has taken place, symbolized by an increasing number of + signs. The fact that no subject matter or option is allowed to be segregated due to sex in 1980 is the result of a step-by-step elimination of organisational barriers to an equal opportu nity programme in compulsory education.
Examining the content of the curricula there seems to be a change of focus. In the 1962 curriculum the main discussion was concentrated on questions of sex stereotypes in the
privat sphere - in the home and family. In 1969 the evidence of equal opportunities in society and in the labour market was added. In the latest curriculum the main focus of
interest has been on girls' equal opportunities in the labour market. There seems to be a trend towards less attention to the home/familysphere and more attention to the labour
market .
Current Swedish policies to promote equal opportunities have been fundamentally concerned with the ability of each
individual to achieve economic independance through gainful employment. Let us now see how this goal has influenced the reforming of secondary and tertiary education.
Reform of Secondary Education
The secondary school reform process, which in 1971 resulted in a new upper secondary school, was particularly characte rized by a concerted effort to reduce the difference in
status between "practical" and theoretical subjects. Formerly segregated types of academic and vocational upper secondary school - altogether 2 2 lines of study - were integrated under one roof (today 25 lines).
That it is "a school for all" is reflected in the fact that about 90 percent of an age group continues from compulsory school to upper secondary school within three years of leaving the ninth grade of compulsory school. Since older students can also apply for upper secondary school there is competition. Since 1985 credits have been given to students choosing untraditionally. An obvious sex segregation across lines has prompted the Ministry of Education to allocate a considerable amount of money for information campaigns aimed at making the girls more interested in science and techno logy. Reality as mirrored in educational statistics is illustrated in the next section. But first we have to consider the reform of tertiary education.
Reforming Tertiary Education
About 25 percent of upper secondary school leavers go on to higher education.
Tertiary education has been almost continuously reformed ever since the mid-1940's. Reform activity reached a frenzied peak near the end of the 1960's, a time of tremendous increase in student enrollments.
During the "student explosion" of the 1960's the reforms were characterized by efforts towards efficiency and rationalisa tion, particularly in the unrestricted educational lines of study. At a time of social and economic boom the smoothness of through-put to the labour market became very important. Many measures were taken to reduce the number of drop-outs and to promote the flow of students through higher education. The instruction programme was reorganized in smaller sub courses and groups. A tighter organization of educational programmes, rules for pass-rates, intake restrictions in certain programmes and overall a more rigid organization of university studies was introduced.
In Sweden as well as in other countries, universities in the 70's became "involved in a thorough questioning and rethink ing of the purposes and structures of higher education".12> In 1968 the Swedish government appointed a Commission to reconsider fundamental principles of Higher Education. One important concern was to bring higher education closer to society by reorienting its content. To impose a broad
occupa-tional orientation upon graduate studies, courses were organized according to the following labour market sectors:
- technical
- medical and nursing
- administrative, economic and social work - teaching
- cultural and information professions
A quite new concept of higher education gave in 1977 a number of educational lines the status of higher education, not
least within teaching and nursing, traditionally dominated by women. A new admission system opened the doors for new groups of students, adults with work experience but with less formal schooling.
In the new and broader concept of higher education, three different subsectors were integrated:
- the traditional university sector
- vocational institutions with fairly close university links, e.g. teacher training colleges and schools for social work - vocational institutions having very weak if any connections
to university education, e.g. nursing schools and training colleges
To strengthen the chances of tertiary education being more
socially relevant, the reform called for the inclusion of representatives from working life among members of curricular pianning boards.
So if efficiency had been stressed in the reforms during the 60's, the focus of the 1977-reform was on the goals of
societal relevance and on adjusting university training to the needs of the labour market.
Thus, the same trend as was noticed concerning compulsory school, where labour market considerations occupy a more prominent position, can also be identified in the reform trends concerning education at higher levels.
Adult and Preschool Education
Besides universities and colleges there are other forms of adult education in which several million Swedes over the age of 18 take part:
- municipal adult education, conferring essentially the same qualifications as compulsory school and upper secondary school
- folk high school
- labour market training - study circles activities
Adult education is mostly like other educational activities in Sweden free of charge according to adult education laws from 1967 and 1971.
Preschool education was reformed in 1975. All children aged 6 and over are eligible for preschool education, which is
authorities.
Responsible for preschool education is the National Board of Health and Welfare, while the National Board of Education is the central authority responsible for compulsory school, upper secondary school and adult education (below past- secondary level). Higher education is the responsibility of the National Board of Universities and Colleges.
Equality is the Goal
Equality has been the overriding goal in all educational reforms. Swedish educational policy has been much concerned with underprivileged groups in society, first and foremost with students from working-class homes, but also with adults who have not had the same schooling opportunities as their
children and furthermore with women, whose history of in volvement of higher education is much shorter than men's.13>
What, then, is the situation of women in education, in the labour market and on different decision-making levels in society? Are there differences in women's and men's life- patterns?
In the next part we will present some statistical facts and figures, which have been helpful in recent Swedish discus sions, aimed at achieving awareness of prevalent problems in
the field of equality between women and men in the Swedish Welfare State.
The presentation is based on material from Statistics Sweden (SCB), which recently set up a certain division for producing statistics on equal opportunity.14’
Side by Side? - A Statistical Picture of Women and Men in the Swedish Welfare State
"... side by side into political assemblies and administra
tive department ..."
Let us start by looking at the power structure in society as it is described in figures concerning membership of the
Swedish parliament (figure 2).
Insert Figure 2 about here.
Although women show a slightly higher participation in
national elections than men, the influence exerted by women in legislative bodies at different levels is still low. Women have gradually increased their influence. Since 1921, when the first women entered the Parliament, the percentage of women in the Swedish Parliament has risen up to 31 percent
(1985). Around the same figure is to be found in decision making at county and municipal levels. One fourth to one third of the members in different committees and government bodies are women.
Very few women hold senior executive positions in private industry or in the public sector. Sweden is way behind in this respect compared to some other European countries.181
"... side by side at work ..."
Where are women to be found in the labour market?
Totally the percentage of women in the labour force nowadays is almost as high as that of men's. A rapid increase has taken place in recent decades. By international standards women in Sweden have a high employment rate.
Insert Figure 3 about here.
Insert Figure 4 about here.
One important difference between Swedish men and women in occupational situations is that about half of the women in the labour force work part time compared to a small fraction of the men. Part-time employment is the kind of occupational status which has increased most significantly for women
during the last 15 years.
Looking at average income, this seems to be less for women than for men even for those with full-time employment.
(Compare figure 4.)
How can one explain the apparent existence of one labour market for men and another for women?
When Swedish women entered employment in earnest, during the 1960's and 1970’s, they were recruited for certain occupa tions and sectors. Women's occupational choice became very
much an extension of the traditional role of women, i.e. care and service occupations in both the private and public
sectors.
The heavy expansion of the public sector opened up a large and growing labour market for women and gave women a firm foothold in the labour market. The expanding public service also made it practically possible for women to go out to work by providing child care, care of the elderly and public
transport. However, this process also has a serious drawback in the form of a strict sexual segregation of the labour market. Few women have been recruited for manufacturing industry, transport and communications or technical and economic private service.
Today, when a slower expansion of the public sector coincides with increasing automation and computerization of working life, the sex-segregated labour market has become a threat to women. In times of hard economic reality new investments are mainly reserved for new technology and many jobs held by women may disappear.
Women have a much narrower labour market than men. While women predominate (constitute over 60 percent) in 4 4 occupa tions, men do the same in 138. This means that the ten
commonest occupations for women attract more than half of all working women, while the ten commonest occupations for men attract 35 percent of male employees.ie>
in figure 5.
Insert Figure 5 about here.
"... side by side in classrooms ..."
What is then the situation of girls and women in education? Let us start looking at tertiary level.
Since 1981 women have outnumbered men in total figures.
Women's share in new enrolment figures on undergraduate level is today around 60 percent. This high figure has to be
related to the reorganization of higher education. Looking at graduate level the picture changes. Here women's share is one-third.
As figure 6 shows, there are differences in age distribution between women and men. Women are particularly well represen ted in the age groups 18 - 20 and 40 - 55. An increasing number of mature women have entered higher education during the 80's.
Insert Figure 6 about here.
If we take a look at how women and men spread across the five vocational sectors within the new Swedish "Högskola" we will find a very skew distribution:
As in most other countries, men dominate technology, women the medical, paramedical and educational sectors. If we take a further look into the different sectors we find a clear
tendency that women are clustered around educational lines, traditionally dominated by women and leading to service and
"caring work". Genera 11y we find an inverse relationship between women's participation rates and the status of the occupation to which the education leads.17’
Even at this level great efforts have been made to increase the number of women in the field of science and technology. The number has increased but as figure 8 shows, women still cluster in the "soft" educational lines, like textile
engineering, architecture, chemistry, while the "hard"
technology is heavily dominated by men. In times of growing economic adversity with investments mainly reserved for new technology, the sex distribution is indeed problematical.
Insert Figure 8 about here.
Let us now turn to the sex pattern at secondary level. Here again figure 9 shows the same sex segregated pattern - in spite of very intense efforts to change particularly girls' choosing behaviour.
Insert Figure 9 about here.
The educational statistics show also that girls, as well as boys, who choose untraditionally at secondary level, have a higher drop-out than students who make traditional choices.
Thejre is also a c 1 ear tendency for girls to drop out more often than boys.
What about teachers - key-persons not only in their pro fessional work of transmitting knowledge and attitudes to young people but also as role-models?
As in most other industrialized countries, elementary school teaching is a female occupation.
99 percent of primary teachers in Sweden are women, while 11 percent of headmasters are women.
Even within the teaching profession we find a clear segrega tion of the sexes.This reveals a hierarchy within school:
- the younger the children, the higher the percentage of
femaleteachers. Furthermore we can add the following facts:
- the lower the salary, the higher the percentage of female teachers
- the lower the salary, the more working hours in school.
”... side by side in the everyday tasks of house-work and
child care ...”
The labour and educational statistics have so far shown that women and men use their working time and school years
differently. What about their spare time?
A survey performed by Statistics Sweden in 1982/83 of the amount of time spent on work, studies, house work and repairs
shows that in all age groups women had less spare time than men. There were also significant differences to be found between age groups, indicating that marriage and child
bearing seem to change the life of young women dramatically. (Compare figures 10 and 11.)
Insert Figure 10 about here.
Insert Figure 11 about here.
The above mentioned survey included also some questions on house-work performed by children. To conclude this statisti cal description of reality we would like to mention some of the results. Girls and boys in younger age-groups (5 - 10) do roughly the same amount and type of work. In older age-groups
(11 - 18) however, girls were more inclined than boys to perform traditional women's activities such as cooking, washing up and cleaning, while boys were more likely to do gardening and run errands.
"Equal in terms of power and influence" ...?
The statistics point to differences between objectives and reality in different sectors of society! In the labour
market, where women account for entire growth of employment throughout the 1970's and the beginning of the 1980's, we have identified a men's and a women's side. The women's side of the labour market is much more narrow and generally has lower wages and lower status.
In education where there has also been a considerable increase in the number of women we have found a clear sex segregation at almost all levels in spite of great efforts on the part of educational planners to give everybode the same opportunities.
As for everyday work at home and with the family, the
statistics point to sex differences showing that the Govern ment goals of 1968 (compare above) have not yet been full-
filled. It seems that women and men are not yet equal in
terms of power and influence. Why? What is the explanation of the difference between radical official goals and reality?
Laws and regulations have made it possible for women to enter into what was formerly considered a men's worjd. The state has arranged for child care, for health care, for the sick and the old. Educational reforms have provided all citizens with opportunities of taking advantage of a wide range of
study opportunities aiming at enabling everybody to partici pate in all aspects of community life according to their capabilities.
Is the Swedish school policy a failure or a success regarding sexual equality? Let us take a closer look at that question.
School Policies Regarding Sexual Equality
What can we learn from the research in this field? The
Swedish equality researcher I Wernersson has, in a review of the research on sex differences and sex differentiation in
Swedish schools, found that the body of research is very
small considering the official status of sexual equality as a matter of priority. She found some optimistic results
indicating that curricular changes have had a certain impact, e.g. a study showing that girls' performances on test in
traditionally male areas have increased considerably since the 1960's.18> However, the Swedish pattern of sex differen ces regarding school performance does not deviate from that demonstrated in other countries.Thus , girls tend to receive higher marks and to perform better in languages while boys perform better in science.10)
Studies of teacher-pupil interactions show that teachers in Sweden also tend to direct more attention to boys. One study, focussing on language, showed that boys in elementary school tend to dominate the classroom.201 In general the few Swedish studies on interaction patterns in the classroom point in the same direction as British and American studies. Boys gene rally receive more attention from teachers, they talk more and dominate discussions and debates in school.
In spite of organizational efforts to give boys and girls the same formal coeducation, the informal life in school seems, according to Wernersson, to be highly differentiated by sex.811 A further analysis of the ideology behind the sex equality policy could be one explanation of the differences between goals and reality in school.
Wernersson points out that,in the general political ideology of equality and fairness in the distribution of the good
things of society, sex and social class are regarded as two comparable aspects of social differentiation that are
supposed to be handled with the same tools. Equal responsi bilities are stressed as well as equal rights and equal opportunities. "When translated into practical experiments the ideas tend to come out as a mixture of socialist ideas of changing the base of the social structure and liberal ideas of giving all individuals 'equality of opportunity' in the struggle for the top of the hierarchy.>
The strong belief in the ability of school to break up rigid notions of "male" and "female" and to widen the options of the individuals is manifest in the 1975 "Sex Role Project" of the National Board of Education. Among the no less than 22 different areas of action the most, detailed parts dealt with guidance and counselling. This is the part of the equality programme that has been most elaborated since 1980. There has been an obivous concentration of efforts on making girls
choose traditionally non-female lines and occupation. A
Parliament grant to the Ministry of Labour has been used for different projects aiming at stimulating girls to choose science and technology. There has been a tendency for
economic and other resources of intervention to be chanelled in only one direction - to change the patterns of career choice of girls and women. Wernersson considers it a problem "that the power of the labour market and its high visibility tend to turn the whole issue of fairness and equality between the sexes into a matter of educational choice” ,za>
Today some of the very basic ideas behind the goals of sexual equality are seriously questioned. One example is the idea
that if you treat boys and girls alike you get identical results. Another is the strong belief in changing girls'
behaviour of choice by pushing them towards traditionally male fields. Researchers point to Underestimated complexities of the problem. Today planners at the National Board of
Education recognize the need for further research into how traditional sex role stereotypes develop and affect girls' learning and development and how schools continue to perpe tuate and elaborate these stereotypes by new approaches.24’ The goals of equal opportunity are not questioned, only the means. The struggle for these goals in school has to be seen as a perpetual process with continuous adjustment to the changing conditions.
What about sexual equality in higher education? Let us have a closer look at women in higher education.
A Closer Look at Women in Higher Education
The scarcity of women in science and technology and in post graduate studies had been object of some governmental
reports.20’ In 1983 a report was published under the title "If half of them were women". Besides statistical facts'and data, the report also included reflections from 15 women researchers from different research fields on the question: "What would happen in your research field if half of the researchers were women?"
The report mirrors a new awareness of the particularities of women's knowledge. Most research fields have been dominated of a male perspective and by men's way of defining knowledge. Women's knowledge and perspective have been overlooked.
29
During the last decade some "Women Studies Sections" have been developed at Swedish universities, supported by the National Board of Universities and Colleges. In a number of
fields research from a "Womens’s perspective" or, as it tends to be called, from a "gender theoretical perspective" is
growing. The appointment of six researchers in the field of gender equality at the State Research Councils is a sign of a new awareness of the fact that organizational measures have to be supported by research contributions from different angles.
According to the statistics the number of female students enrolling in higher education is steadily increasing which has started a debate if Swedish higher education will be dominated by women.®8’ Since the sex distribution among levels, sectors and educational lines is so biased (compare above) feminist researchers are aware of the necessity to take a closer look at the situation of female students from their own point of view. Researchers feel that if the total figures are not supplemented with an analysis of the distri bution over study programmes and levels, of drop-outs and of what happens after the education, these figures are very liable to lead to the wrong conclusions.27’ In order to get at the problems of equality in a deeper sense, qualitative analyses of both educational policies as well as of people's reality will have to be made.
In a Nordic joint project some 15 researchers from various disciplines in the Nordic countries cooperate in order to analyse how educational reforms have influenced women's lives
30
and work. By using a 1ife-perspective approach some Swedish studies have highlighted the differences between the "plain sailing" (straight roads) anticipated by educational planners and women's winding roads. Women's life stories illustrate the differences in values in two different segments of the labour market, the paid and the unpaid, the productive versus the reproductive. Theories, passing behind behavioural
patterns to deeper structures of thought, seem to be required in order to understand what happens in education and how
women make use of their education.20’
A study of women graduating from upper secondary school in the 60's showed that they were very much occupied with problems of combining a career with a family. The cleavage between the two worlds of job and home, discussed by
A. Myrdal and V. Klein in their book on "Women's Two Roles", published in 1956, still seems to a certain extent in spite of all reform work.22’ The following question can be raised: Have the reforms in higher education focussed so strongly on adjusting the education to the productive work that other
life roles have been overlooked?
Dual Roles - Lessons from the Past and Looking Ahead
The reform process in the Swedish society started with family policy - initiated by Alva and Gunnar Myrdal's call for
attention to the decreasing birthrate.30’ Alva Myrdal, later one of the key persons in the work of reforming schools, had a great belief in education's role as promotor of equality. As a woman she also realized the problem for "the
childbear-ing sex" to combine the dual role of raischildbear-ing a family and an educational and vocational career. In 1940 she found that the
"disharmony in the relation between marriage and gainful employment is at the bottom of many women’s problems". She was eager to stress that women as well as men had the right and also the obligation to assume both roles and she dis cussed the obligations of society to take women's problems seriously. In 1940 she concluded her book "Nation and
Family", where she had commented on the Swedish family programme as follows:
"The risk is great that society will proceed so slowly in
solving these problems of women's existence that a new and even more desperate crises may invade the whole field of women, family and population."®1}
Today a new downward tendency in the Swedish birth rate has caused new concerns for the fertility pattern. Demographers have become interested in the interplay between education and fertility. A series of studies have been presented pointing to new life-patterns where a "combination strategy" is quite common. Swedish women combine part-time work, education and child care. The educational level has been found to be of great importance for the work behaviour of women.32> The tendency to abandon the "work career strategy" in favour of the "combination strategy" has, according to the demographer E. Bernhardt, been equally strong regardless of the educa tional level of the women.
According to the women part-time work tends to be good for the family but not for the career of these women. One woman puts it like this:
"I feel that since my children were born I am constantly cruising between the demands of working life on me as a professional woman and the responsibility for home and
children."
She concluded her life story as follows:
"There is a constant risk that the life that could make you a whole human being making use of your full potential, can be
reversed, so that the too many different demands make you a disharmonius, divided person."33)
Educational policies have been very pre-occupied with the needs of the paid labour market. Women's choice not to take full advantage of educational offerings has to be related to other life roles, as important to society, but not given the same visibility.
Today feminist researchers question if the equal opportunity policies have always been gainful (an advantage) for women. Some of them plead for more balance between actions directed towards the labour market and the private sector.34' The need for more interchange between the educational, family and
labour market policies is also prevalent. As Hilda Scott said in her review of 1982 of Swedish equality policy, it is hard to attain sex-role equality through a series of separate policies.3”' This was already pointed out by Alva Myrdal in the 40's,
Alva Myrdal's and Viola Klein's book on "Women's Two Roles" was criticized by feminists in the 60's.
"We ought to stop harping on the concept of 'women's two roles'", said Eva Moberg, a popular journalist and editor of the Fredrika Bremer Association's bimonthly Herta.331
"Both men and women have one principal role, that of being people. "
Changing the role of men in the direction of taking more responsibility for the everyday tasks at home and for the family is one important goal in the Swedish equality policy, but much needs to be done. It may turn out to be not a
question of dual roles for women or of one role for both men and women but of making different life roles more visible. The pre-occupation with just one role - the labour market role - has not been good for women.
The issue of gender equality is complex. The Swedish re searcher I. Wernersson found it difficult to describe the policy of gender equality as successful in Swedish classroom practice, but she left it undecided whether it is a failure. H. Scott found that great efforts seem to have produced
insignificant result but she is optimistic in her prediction of the future:
"And, given Sweden's record of designing policies and
measures to meet new social situations, there is every reason to believe that Swedish women will be pioneers in the next phase of the women's liberation struggle - the development of a blueprint for a non-sexist society."a7}
Let us hope that she will also be right concerning girls' schooling and women education.
Fi a ure 2. M em b e r ship of the S w e dis h P a r1 i a m e n t (Riks d ag)
1920 19 8 4. Perc e n t a a e of worn e n a n (i mön .
Per cent
Women
1920 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85
F i g u r e ' Population in the 20 - 64 year age group by
occupational status. Percentage 1970 1984
Women 1984: 2 375 200 Men 1984: 2 422 900
Figure 4. Earned income by level of employment 1982. Average
income for employees in the 20 64 year age
Full-time Long-term Short-term Level of
employment pert time pert time employment
90-100% 50-69% 1-49%
Figure 5. The 20 most, popular occupations in 1980 listed by s i z e .
Hunter W0men Per cent 100 80 60 40 20 0 244200 170200 119400 116700 41700 9500 6600 18200 16600 1900 Men M Number 20 40 60 80 100 88 Secretaries, typists Nursing aides Shop assistants Charworkers Farmers Machine fitters, machine assemblers 92
Motor vehicle drivers 2 Commercial travellers, buyers 98]
I
Toolmakers, machine tool oa Ioperators
o Énglneers and technicians
* (excl. graduate engineers) 98
100 80 60 40 20 20 40 60 80 100
Women Men
Number Per cent Number
100 80 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 100 74600 56100 50000 31600 11800 11300 400 34000 57000 13600 3500 87400 52600 110700 2800 101500 26600 84900 83800 1030600 75800 1803600 -r-97
82 Bookkeepers, office cashiers 18 78 Primary school teachers 22
Carpenters Housemaids (social welfare) Electrical fitters Architects, graduate 17 engineers 53 Secondary school teachers 47
52 Total for the 20 occupations 48 | All occupations 2500 12000 13800 50300 59100 1000 52100 2900 52500 23700 954200 2208100 fOO 80 60 40 20 20 40 60 80 100
Figure 6. Beginners 1983/84 according to sex and age MEN (40%) 1083/84: 72200 beginners Age 45-40-44 35-39 30-34 *25-29 20-24 -19 20% 10 WOMEN (60%) 10 20%
1 7 . Hi? g i n n i.? r s I 11 h i \ \ h er min c a 1 i o n 1 9 8 3/84 . Number of beginners 1983/Q4 % 100 80 72 200 (net ) 7800 10 700 29 700 2400 10900 12100 % 100 80 MEN 60 40 20 20 40 WOMEN 60 j ■ ! i i • • ' • • i • # • » # « • • - Technical sector »
The sector for administration/ wJ
economics and ^social work ——^ \
Separate single-subject courses
—u li’he sector for cultural X
80
C
Educational sector Nursing sector3
60 40 20 20 40 60 100 80 100Source: Statistics Sweden (SCB). Higher education 1983/84. Basic education: Beginners in the academic year of 1983/84.
Figure 8 Sexd i f f erenoes among beginners in general study programmes in the technical sector 1983/84.
100 aO 60 40 20 o 20 40 00 00
%
^Including supplementary study programmes/ local study programmes and other education in the sector.
2)Post-secondary vocational training.
Source: Statistics Sweden (SCB). Higher education 1983/84. Basic education: Beginners in the academic year of 1983/84.
Figure 9. Upper secondary school leavers completing courses in 19 8 2/83 school ye ar
Women Men
Number ««««•*.. Percent Number 100 80 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 100 Women Men 16706 9290 22176 4241 364 8198 1561 3147 6131 4781 7228 148 1868 4383
3- and 4-yeer linas 59 2-year theoretical Unas 411
48 2-yaar occupational Unas 52 I
96 Clothing manufacturing Nursing Distribution undfitadsaL. Social sclancas 160 Economics (2-yaar) 401 Economics (3-ysar) 42
Number percent ,w" Number 100 80 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 100 52985 • 653 121 22352 447 6343 2682 24290 32 1035 87 698 16 35 620 27 68 144 487 73 1613 52 2118 26 3967 10 109 t 87 1250 3104 % " 1 ■' "T ■ ' r '** 7 r" ' 153 Food processing 471 149 Gardening 511 *■ ■ r ■ ---’ 145 Agricultural 551 143 Natural sciences 571
F
Technical (3-ysar) 88 j 1" Technical (4th year) 891 I* Process technical 9111
* i Woodwork 951 1 Operational engineering, ] 1 3 and maintenance 9711
2 Workshop techniques 98 , Electro MI l* telecommunications I 11... ... \2 Motor engineering 981 12 Technical (2-year) 98112 Building and construction 981 1--- ---!| 1 Forestry 99 » i t i . -i --■«_____ 577 126 537 3539 329 7423 5681 672 851 5697 4143 3387 1017 669 4898 100 80 60 40 20 0 20 40 60 80 100 Source: SMU 1984:15 100 80 60 40 20 20 40 60 80 100
guru 10 Timt! use 1982 - 1983 by women In different age
groups.
r—i Maintenance and L“J repairs
n Housework
Repairs to the home Gardening
Care and maintenance of car, boat, bicycle etc.
Leave/collect and take care of children
Helping and caring for grown-ups Buying groceries, buying non-food goods, visiting the post office, bank
Cooking, washing up, cleaning Washing, sewing, knitting
za Studies Also includes travel time
0 Gainful employment Also includes travel time
Number of hours/to**k
Time use 1982 -1983 by men in different age groups
Number of houra/w**k
70___ ___________________________________________ 70
16-24 25-44 45-64 65-74 16-24 25-44 45-64 65-74 years years years years years years years years
Source: Tide nog (Tim* enough). A survey of the um of time by
people In Sweden in 1983 and 1984. Consumer Council report
Figure 11. Time use 1982 - 1988 at different stages in the life cycle. 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Number of hours/ week
□
Maintenance and repairs fl Housework 23 Studies m Gainful ■“employment 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Women Men Young people aged 16-19 years living at home Women Men Living alone 20-64 years Women Men Married/ cohabiting with children 0-18 years Women Men Married/ cohabiting 65-74 yearsTable J . Changes in t he 1962, 1 969 and 1980 rurri cu1 a a s rogn r cl s goal s an d g u i. d o lines, org a n i z content in gender equality.
E d u e a t i o n a 1 s t r u c t u r e C u r r J c u 1 u m 1962 1969 Goals and guidelines + + + f Organization: school structure f - -e -y - s u b j o c 1: s a n d i t e ni s 4 + 4-C o n t e n t :
Important items II o m e / f a m i 1 y Home/family La bour m a r k e t Soc: 1 e t y a t i o n a n d ] 980 ^ + \ Labour marke t S o c 1 e t y
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1} Side by Side. A Report on Equality between Women and Men in Sweden 1985, (Stockholm: Ministry of Labour, 1985.), p. 10 7 .
a* Side by Side. A Report on Equality between Women and Men in Sweden 1985. (Stockholm: Ministry of Labour, 1985.), p. 2. 3 * See D. Monynihan, Foreword to A. Myrdal, N a t io n and F a mi Iy
(M.I.T. Press 1968); see also A. J. Heidenheimar, Major
Reforms of the Swedish Education System, Wor]d Staff Working Paper no 290. (Washington D. C. : The World Bank, 1978.)
4 5 See R. Premfors "National Policy Styles and Higher
Education in France, Sweden and the United Kingdom" European Journal of Higher Education 16:2 (1981) Education, Vo1 16, no 2 (1981), pp. 253 - 262 .
* ^ S. Marklund d u rin g a s c minar a t t he D e p a rt mon t o f E du ca tion, University of Uppsala, March 1979.
* } "The Status of Women in Sweden: Repor t t o t he United
Nations 1968" in E. Dahlström, ed. "The Changing Roles of Men and Wornen. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1971.), p. 215.
7> E. Johansson, "Literacy Campaigns in Sweden", in R. F, Amove and H. J. Graff, National_Literacy Campaigns . (New York and London: Plenum Press, 1987.)
s) Sveriges Officiella Statistik. A: Folkräkningen_1930. Del V och VI. (The Census of 1930, Vol V and VI.)
9} B. 0 ns e11 , Morske män och menlösa m am se11e r E n b o k o m roller och kön. (Bold men and ingenuous maids. A book on roles a n d_g e nder. ) (Stockholm: LT:s förlag, 1978.), p. 61. 1 ° I * * * 5 I . Wer n e r s s o n , G e n d e r E q u a 111; y - Ideolog y a n d_R e a 1 11 y . Manuscript. (Gothenburg: Department of Education and Educa
t i o na 1 R e se a rc h, 19 8 7.), p. 3 .
11 > See A. A n d r a e T h e1 in, E qu a 1 Opportunities for Girls: The role o f t h e P r i in a r y S c h o o I . (Tin* Council of Europe) Paper r e a d (it the 3 61 h E u r o p e a n t e a c hers’ s o m i n a r in Dona u
-eschingen, the F e d era 1 Republic of Germany 22 - 27 June 1987. 1£ } W F . Conne1 1 . A History of Education in t he Twe 1111eth Cent u ry W o r 1 d . ( C a n b e r r a : C u r r i o u lum Dev e lopment C e n tre, 1980.)
I 3 } S e e I . E 1 g q v i s l S a 1 t z m a n & S . 0 p p e r , Equal i ty and Internationalism: Two Concepts at the Forefront of Educa -II o n a 1 T r a n f o r mat io n i n S w e d e n ? P a p o r delivered at 2 5th Annual Meeting of the Comparati ve-Internat ionaJ Education Society in Tallahassee, Florida, in March 1981 and revised in October 1981. Uppsala Reports on Education 12. (Uppsala: Department of Education. )
14} Seo K v inno o ch mansvä r1J i v. Fa k ta om järns t älldheten i Sverige 1986 . (Stockholm: Statistics Sweden.) See also Women and Men in Sweden. Facts and Figures. Equal Opportunity.
(Stockholm: Statistics Sweden, 1985.)
1 w > G. Asplund, Karriärens villkor. (The conditions of the career.) (Stockholm: Trevi, 1984.)
1 B } Side by Side, op c it.
1 T> Compare M. L. Ranour, G. L. Strasburg, Lipman-Blumen, "Women in Higher education". Harvard Educational Review. 52:2 ( 1982 ) .
1 * > I . Emariuelsson & A . S v e n sso n , Does the Level of Intelli gence Decrease? A Comparison between Thirteen-year-olds t e s t ed in 1961, 196 6 and 19 80. Report 1985:2 (Gothenburg: Department of Education and Educational Research, 1985.) See also 1. Werners son, op cit.
1®} See G. B a 1 k e A ur e11 & T. Lin db1 a d, Lär de sig nå go t ? (D o they learn anything? Word and gramntar knowledge in English from grade 5 in the compulsory school to grade 3 in the upper secondary school ) Rapport: no 99. (Gothenburg: Department of E d u c ational Rose a r eh , U ni v ers 11y of Gothenburg.) S ee a Iso L. B e r gm a n, Utveckling a v k ö ns s k i 11nader i skol prestationer me1 lan 10 och 15 års ålder. (Development of_sex differences
in school achievement between 10 and 15 years_of age . )
Rapport no 24. (Stockholm: Department of Psychology, Univer sity of Stockholm.) See also C. Bäverho 1m & U. Nilsson, Några lärares syn på j ämst ä11dhe t mellan köne n .__( S ome t e a che rs * view of gender equality. ) (Gothenburg: Department of Educa - t ion, U n i vers i t y of Go t henburg , ) M i in e o . S e e a 1 so E . H .
Ekstrand, Sex differences in second language learning? Särtryck och småt ryck no 344. (Malmö: Department of Educa tion.) See also I. Emanuels son S. Fischbe in, "Vive la Difference? A s t u d y o f sex an d schooling." S c and1n avian
J ournal of Ed u c a t i on a 1 Research, 30, p p. 71 - 84. S e e als o A. Kelly, Girls and Science. An International Study of Sex
Differences in School Science Achievement. (S t ock h o 1 m : A1mqvis t & Wik s e11 In te rna t io na 1, 19 7 8.) See A . S v e nsson, Relative achievement. School Performance in R e1 a t i on to
Intelligence, Sex and Horn e E nv1ronment . (S t o e k ho1m: A 1 m qv i s1 & Wiksell, 19 71.) See I. Wernersson, Könsdifferent ie ring 1 grundskolan. (Sex differences in the compulsory school ) .
(G o th e nhu rg : A c t a u nivers i t a t i s Go t hobu rg e nsis , 1977.)
i> o ) j p i n a r s s o n & T . Hu 1 t m a n , G n d m o r g o n f 11 c k o r och p o j k a r ? (Good morning girls and boys?) (Stockholm: Liber, 1985.)
a1 } See I. Werner sson, R. Lande r & E . tthrn, Hur b 1ev de t med j ä in s t ä 11 d h e t e n ? U t v ä r d e r i ng a v f ö r s ök e t "Jams t all d s k o 1 a " .
(What became of gender equality? Evaluation of the programme " E q u a 1 School".) ( S t o c k h o 1 m : A r b etsmarknadsdepar t e m e n t e t , J ä m s t. ä 1 1 d h e t s s e k r e t a r i atet, 1 984, )
a 2 > I . Wernersson, Gender E q u a 1 i t y_T d e o 1 o g y a n d R e a 1 11 y , o p c 11 p . 4 .
/ I . Wernersson , G o n d e r K q u a 1 i t y I d o o 1 o g y and R o a 1 i t v , o p |cit p, 13.
2 * ] See A . A nd r a e-T h e1 in, o p cit.
2 3 } SOU 1983:4 Om hälften vore kvinnor.__(If half of t h em were women) (Stockholm: Jämställdhetskommittén. )
A. Svensson, H o g s k o 1 e s t u d i e r - a t t. raktivare för kvinnor? (Higher education - more attractive for wo me n ? ) (St o c k ho 1m: UHXYfoU Projektrapport lOBsTl.)
2 7 } I. E1 g q vis t-S a 11 z m a n, F 1 e r k v i 11 nor i h ö gskolan - problem
eller tillgång? (More women in higher education - a problem or a challange?)' (Stockholm: UHÄ:FOU Skriftserie 1987:3.) 2e) I. Elgqvist-Saltzman, Swedish Educational Reform
Women's Life Stories - What Can They Tell About a__Rational Reform Era? Paper delivered at AERA annual meeting, April
19 8 7, Washington D. C. See also H. Ve, Ideals of Equality in S nh o o 1 System o f t h e W e1f ar e St ate . Paper pr e s e n t e d at t h e
10th World Congress Research Groups 32: Women in Society, Me xi co City.
20} A. Myrdal & V. Klein, Women's Two Roles. Home and Work. (London: Routhledge and Kegan Paul LTD, 1956.)
30> A. Myrdal & G. Myrdal. Kr 1 s 1 befolkningsfrågan_(The population problem in crisis) (Stockholm: Bonniers, 1 935.) 31> A. Myrdal, Na tion and Fami 1y. The Swedish Experiment in Democratic Family and Population Policy. (Cambridge,
Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1968.), p. 426.
32} See SCR, Kvinnor och barn. Intervjuer med kvinnor om f am i Ij och ajjbe tj? . Information i prognosfrågor 1982:4. (S t o c k ho 1 m: S C B . ) See also E. B e r nh a r d t , Women’s ho mo attachment at first birth: The case of Sweden. European Jo u r na 1 of Po p u1 a t i o n , V o 1 2:1 and E. Bernhardt , The Choice of Part; t j m e W o r k A m o ng Swedish One child Mothers . ( S t o c k -holm: Research Reports in Demography 40.)
33> I. E1gqvist Sa 11zman, op cit (28) p. 1.
3 4 ) M . Eduards, Kön,- st; a t o c h j ä m s t ä 1 1 d h e t s p o 1 i t i k ( G e n d c r , State and Equality Po 1 icy) i Kvinnovetenskaplig Tidskrift 1986:3. (Gothenburg)
3 * 1 H . Scott, S w e d e n ' s__ "Right to be Human”._Sex-rolo equa 1 i ty: the goal and the reality . (New York: M. E. Sharpe Inc,
19 8 2. ) .
33 } E. Moberg is quoted in Sheila B. Kämerman and Alfred J. K a hn , eds . , Family P o .1 icy:_Government and Families i n
Four teon C ount ries (New York: Columbia Univers ity Press, 19 7 8 ), p. 33. See also A. G. L eij o n , Swedish Women - Swedish Men . (Stockholm: The Swod i s h Institute, 1968 ), p . 149.
ARBETSRAPPORTER FRÅN PEDAGOGISKA INSTITUTIONEN UMEÅ UNIVERSITET
Tidigare i denna serie utgivna rapporter: 1984
1. FORSKNING OM IDROTTSLEDARE - En litteraturstudie av nordisk forskning om manliga och kvinnliga idrottsledare.
Per-Olof Granström och Eva Olofsson.
2. FORSKNING OM IDROTTSFÖRENINGAR - En litteraturstudie av nor disk forskning om idrottsföreningar.
Per-Olof Granström och Eva Olofsson.
3. IDROTTENS FÖRENINGSLEDARE - En enkätstudie bland ledare i 29 idrottsföreningar.
Per-Olof Granström och Eva Olofsson.
4. UNDERVISNINGEN OM ARBETSLIVET PÅ VISSA YRKESFÖRBEREDAN- DE OCH TEORETISKA GYMNASIESKOLELINJER. En intervjuundersök ning bland lärare.
Ingrid Sandström.
5. WORD COMPREHENSION - settheoretic or nettheoretic formulation. Jarl Backman.
6. A MODEL FOR INITIAL COMPREHENSION OF TEXT INFORMATION. Jarl Backman.
7. FORSKNINGSÖVERSIKT RÖRANDE UTBILDNINGSPLANERING. En litteraturgranskning.
Joel Wikström.
8. PROCESSER I TEXTFÖRSTÅELSE. Jarl Backman.
9. SEGMENTERING OCH KOHERENSKOPPLING SOM GRUNDPROCESSER I EN MODELL FÖR TEXTFÖRSTÅELSE.
Jarl Backman.
10. UTBILDNINGSPLANERING OCH RESURSFÖRDELNING PÅ KOMMUNAL NIVÅ. Grundskola.
Joel Wikström.
11. INITIAL OCH REPRODUKTIV FÖRSTÅELSE VID LÄSNING AV BRUKS- TEXTER.
12. PROGNOS AV FRAMGÅNG I HÖGRE STUDIER, METODER OCH PROB LEM. En rapport inom projektet "Antagningssystemets effektivitet och prognosförmåga.
Sten Henrysson.
13. STUDENTERNA OCH ANTAGNINGEN TILL HÖGSKOLAN. INTERVJUER MED LÄRARE INOM GRUNDUTBILDNINGEN. En rapport inom projek tet "Antagningssystemets effektivitet och prognosförmåga".
Sten Henrysson.
14. VARFÖR SLUTAR IDROTTSLEDARE? - En enkät och intervjustudie bland ledare i 26 idrottsföreningar.
Per-Olof Granström.
15. EN GENOMGÅNG AV SVENSK FORSKNING MED INRIKTNING PÅ LÅG STADIET OCH ÖVERGÅNGEN FÖRSKOLA-LÅGSTADIUM 1970-83. Barbro Åhman.
16. NÅGOT OM FACKLIGA ORGANISATIONERS OCH SKOLÖVERSTYREL SENS SYN PÅ SKOLA, ARBETE OCH KOPPLINGEN SKOLA-ARBETS LIV.
Annica Jacobsson.
17. "ALLA DESSA BARNEN". Sågverksepoken och folkskolans historia i Skön 1850-1919.
Christina Florin och Ulla Johansson.
18. POÄNGSÄTTNING AV RELEVANT ARBETSLIVSERFARENHET. En rap port inom projektet "Antagningssystemets effektivitet och prognosför måga".
Sara Henrysson och Sten Henrysson.
19. LÅGSTADIESATSNINGEN 1983/84. En kartläggning. Margitta Schelin.
20. HÖGSKOLEUTBILDNING, YRKESKARRIÄR OCH FAMILJEMÖNSTER. Kvinnor från tjänstemannamiljö berättar.
Yvonne Andersson och Inga Elgqvist-Saltzman.
21. MERITVÄRDERING OCH STUDIEPROGNOS. Några undersökningar av antagningssystemets effekter.
Sten Henrysson, Monika Kriström och Anders Lexelius.
22. LÄSFÖRSTÅELSE SOM FUNKTION AV SUBJEKTIVT INDUCERADE VARIATIONER I LÄSHASTIGHET.
1985
23. LÅGSTADIESATSNINGEN 1984/85. En kartläggning av lokala projekt. Margitta Schelin.
24. KOSTVANOR OCH KOSTINTAG RELATERAT TILL PRESTATION, BE TEENDE OCH HÄLSA. En kunskapsöversikt med tonvikt på skolbarn av seende metod och resultat.
Gerhard Nordlund.
25. LÅGSTADIESATSNINGEN. Beskrivning av nio lokalt initierade projekt. Karin Rönnerman.
1986
26. MATEMATIK - Är det någonting för kvinnor? Else-Marie Staberg.
27. LÅGSTADIESATSNINGEN 1985/86. En kartläggning av lokala projekt. Margitta Schelin.
28. TVÅ RAPPORTER OM SPECIALLÄRARUTBILDNING. Specialläraren under utbildning och i arbete. Speciallärarutbildning igår, idag och kanske i morgon.
Torsten Edqvist.
29. GYMNASIESKOLA I UTVECKLING - Försöks- och utvecklingsarbetet under läsåret 1985/86 vid tre fallstudieskolor i den norra högskole- regionen.
Inger Andersson och Carl Åsemar. 30. GYMNASIESKOLA I UTVECKLING.
En beskrivning av ett samordningsförsök mellan gymnasieskola och KomVux i Ånge kommun.
Christer Jonsson.
31. DEN SVENSKA SAMESKOLANS HISTORIA. Sten Henrysson.
32. THE LIFE-HISTORY APPROACH - A TOOL IN ESTABLISHING NORTH- SOUTH EDUCATION RESEARCH COOPERATION?
Inga Elgqvist-Saltzman, Annika Forsslund, Keiko Sampei och Margareta Sjöström.
33 ARBETSLIVET I LÄROMEDEL. En studie av hur arbetslivet skildras i läroböcker i samhällskunskap.
