Negotiating cultural identity through eating habits
Second-generation immigrants talk about memories, values and cultural heritage
attached to food
Rossella Tatti
International Migration and Ethnic Relations Bachelor Thesis 15 credits
Spring 2019: IM245L
Supervisor: Beint Magnus Aamodt Bentsen Word count: 12998
Abstract
This thesis explores eating habits among seven second-generation immigrants born, raised and living in Scania, southern Sweden. It does so by using a thematic analysis of data gathered through semi-structured interviews. The theoretical framework combines Douglas’ symbolism, Bandura’s social learning theory and acculturation models. The results show that interviewees maintain memories from childhood and emotions attached to eating habits; parents play an important role in shaping the individuals’ habits as well as their successful assimilation of the majority traditions. Moreover, there is a general preference for social eating rather than eating alone, and a strong connection between traditional food and cultural belonging. Differences in eating habits were recognized as reasons of discrimination and feelings of alienation. However, thanks to their parent’s influence, interviewees negotiate the different cultural realities they live in. The findings contribute to research in the sociology of food and eating and can be employed in policy development.
Keywords: Social learning theory, symbolism of rituals, cultural negotiation, assimilation, Scania
Abstract ... 3
Acknowledgements ... 6
Introduction ... 7
Aim, hypothesis and research question ... 7
Limitations, delimitations and assumptions of the study ... 7
Thesis outline ... 9
Background ... 9
Context ... 9
Previous research ... 10
Emotions and values attached to food ... 10
Socialization and eating habits ... 11
Social connection, eating habits and cultural identity ... 12
Relation to the out-groups ... 13
Social constructivist and naturalistic perspectives ... 14
Theoretical framework ... 14
Post-structuralist approach ... 14
Mary Douglas’ symbolism ... 15
Bandura’s social learning theory ... 16
Acculturation models ... 17
Methodological framework ... 18
Material ... 19
Operationalization and interpretation of data ... 20
Methodological implications ... 22
Validity, reliability and falsifiability of the research ... 22
Strengths and weaknesses ... 23
Empirical analysis ... 23
Emotions and values attached to food ... 23
Socialization and eating habits ... 27
Social connection and cultural identity ... 28
Relation to the out-groups ... 29
Discussion of results ... 31
Appendix A – Interview guidelines ... 42
Ethical assessment ... 42
Themes and sub-questions ... 43
Acknowledgements
I want to thank my supervisor and the teachers who have showed interest in this topic since the first drafts;
thanks to the interviewees who made this work become possible;
and a big thank you to my family who made me passionate about food and has always been interested in this work.
Introduction
This thesis explores second-generation immigrants’ experiences and perspectives on eating habits in the region of Scania, southern Sweden. This is based on the idea that habits have the power to create, influence and divide groups (Hastorf, 2017, p.67). The focus is put on the connection between eating habits and cultural identity. Some of the topics explored are emotional and social values as well as identity formation attached to food. The theoretical framework combines Douglas’ symbolism, Bandura’s social learning theory (SLT) and acculturation models, and the analysis of primary data is done following a thematic analysis framework. Employing a post-structuralist approach to the study of sociology of food and eating (Lupton, 2012, p.12), this research values the importance of factors such as childhood experience and learning process within the familiar sphere (Kaisari & Higgs, 2014), generational change (Lupton, 2012, p.25), environmental conditions (Sekhon & Szmigin, 2011, p.86) and the symbolic power of food and eating habits (Douglas, 1972).
Aim, hypothesis and research question
The aim of this paper is to explore how second-generation immigrants experience eating habits in terms of cultural negotiation in relation to their individual and group identity, as well as to the majority population. Broad research covers both the value that certain cultures give to food and the differences in conviviality patterns existing around the globe (Nilsson, 2017). However, this research aims to examine the connection between value given to food and commensality patterns, adding the topic of negotiation of cultural identities and the parent’s cultural background. It wants to bring up the issue of cultural negotiation attached to eating habits. It will do so by addressing the following research question: What does food mean for the interviewees in terms of cultural belonging?
The research question will be answered through four sub-questions:
• Which are the themes most often named by the interviewees in regard to their memories,
thoughts and values related to eating?
• What role does socialization play in the interviewee’s personal development of eating habits? • How do the patterns identified embody the individual’s cultural identity?
• What is the interviewee’s experience of the relationship with the majority population and
Limitations, delimitations and assumptions of the study
Outlining limitations, delimitations and assumptions gives value to the work and acknowledges the perspective for which “post-structuralist perspective reject(s) pre-suppositionless representation…” (Agger, 1991, p.106). Generalization and bias may arise as a consequence of focusing only on concepts of ethnicity, cultural background and assimilation processes, with a lack of attention on other factors that daily shape someone’s identity (Lawler, 2011). However, this paper does not aim to expose a theory of behaviors and emotions related to food and conviviality experienced by second-generation immigrants. Instead, it wants to highlight key concepts surrounding negotiation of eating habits and cultural belonging. It does want to take position in the discussion surrounding multiculturalism and ethnic variety by high-lighting processes of identity development and negotiation, within and between minority groups, and in relation to the majority population.
Religious origins of the traditional meal
According to Durkheim, “everything is religious in principle” (Datta & Milbrandt, 2014, p.473). Religion takes an important position in the development of conviviality and symbolism regarding food as it informs about dietary habits to follow the time of the day when to eat and pray, the meal to be prepared and the eventual abstinence from food (Kwon & Tamang, 2015; Sibal, 2018); in Islam, fasting during Ramadan “is meant to teach Muslims patience, modesty and spirituality” (BCFN1,
2010, p.10). Religion is relevant in regard to the kind of food chosen and the dish preferred to be prepared and served within a specific group (ibid., pp.45-46; Kocturk, 2002, pp.137-139); for example, in Orthodox Church the Paska bread mirrors “the fact that Jesus was crucified during the Jewish Passover” (Kwon & Tamang, 2015, p.46). However, differences still occur within same-faith groups, which shows the importance of the role played by the individual, familial and other environmental factors on dietary choices (Sibal, 2018, p.4). In this study, the focus is not on the religiousness of the individual, rather on the influence that some dietary rules included in the religion may have on the eating habits of the person interviewed.
With the aim to explore the development of an individual’s cultural identity and the following negotiation with other groups’ identities, this study contributes to research in the context of the development of cultural identity both on the micro- and meso-level. Moreover, as it aims to uncover attitudes towards other groups based on their eating habits, it can be of interest within the area of prejudice development in inter-minority relationships.
Thesis outline
This thesis will be structured as follows. Firstly, a background of the research area and sample will be presented, including demographic, historical and urban features. Secondly, there will be a collection of previous research from a sociological, psychological and anthropological perspective, connected to the field of international migration and ethnic relations. Thirdly, theoretical and conceptual tools essential for the analysis of the material will be provided. Fourthly, the material will be presented to later progress to the analytical section. The last part will summarize the thesis’ aim results in light of the background research and the theoretical and methodological frameworks.
Background
Dinner is something we gather around; we praise our Gods and share stories from the day. Food shapes our identity, be it personal, familiar, societal or national (Sibal, 2018, p.3). It preserves and transmits cultures and can be recognized as a commonality between nationals of the same country who have different backgrounds, or between migrants from a same place who meet in a common host country. Food allows to cross cultures and to create new identities thanks to a cross-cultural understanding of different eating habits (Hastorf, 2017, p.69), of which fusion food or new ways of adapting some meals into another environment are some practical examples (Bellesia, 2017, p.90). Food also helps to learn about a specific culture and to be admitted into a social network when arriving into a new place (ibid., p.85), as food and drinks can work as social lubricants (Fox, 2014, p.12). For a migrant food has the power to connect and ensure one’s own identity and the bound with a group (Gasparetti, 2009, p.2), but also to initiate the process of integration through the host country’s food habits. Food has always represented a broad part of human existence and is therefore a good ground for analysis on an anthropological and sociological level.
Context
Migration during the 1973-1990s economic restructuring (Castles et al., 2014, pp.111-112) led to significant demographic shifts in many European countries. Sweden received 1.8 million new citizens (Nilsson, 2004, p.3). Between 1975 and 2003, one third of the immigrant population originated from Asia, with Iraq, Iran, Turkey, Lebanon and Syria being the most represented countries of origin (ibid., p.96). First-generation immigrants represented 19.1% of the population (SCB, 2018) and second-generation immigrants constituted up to 5.8% in 2018 (ibid.). Multicultural variety motivates inter-ethnic relationships and cultural awareness. Positive effects of these relationships on the individual’s identity have been discussed (Prentice & Miller, 2001) and multicultural endorsement was shown to
the relationship with the others (Hinton, 2000, p.113), and according to Tajfel’s concept of in-group identities, the self-confidence built in belonging to a minority cultural group (Alavi, 2014, p.16), has the power of making different minorities to feel part of a collective wider group.
Since the stronger the sense of belonging, the higher the self-confidence and feeling of acceptance (Nandi & Platt, 2015, p.2), one can say that multicultural closeness leads people to easily open up about issues regarding their cultural particularity. Cultural immersion provides people with multicultural awareness and understanding (Fu et al., 2017; Conroy & Taggart, 2016). Växjö and Kristianstad are multicultural areas and the interviewees either live or often visit Malmö, appreciated for the characteristics previously listed.
People who moved here are still consciously willing of keeping a strong bond with their homelands. Food “can create a sense of continued belonging and reiterate affiliations to ‘home’” (Abbots, 2016, p.1). This also paves the way for a future research regarding the majority outcomes of contact with the minorities when it comes to eating patterns, as according to contact hypothesis “if we can bring the two social groups together in a positive way, ‘…’ the first group will view the second more accurately and stereotype change will occur” (Hinton, 2000, p.102). By presenting the interviewees’ responses on their cultural connection to food, this thesis wants to contribute to the discussion on the power hold by food when it comes to unifying people with different backgrounds.
Previous research
Research that sees food as an important factor in people’s life is found within different branches of academia and levels of society. The micro- and meso-level are explored in sociology with regards to the emotional value attached to food and the understanding of the relationships maintained through eating habits (Albertini et al., 2018). This thesis explores the sociology and culture of food and eating and will therefore navigate previous research in anthropology, psychology and sociology. As the sample is second-generation immigrants, relevant topics are the cultural affiliation felt and represented through eating habits and the acculturation patterns of these people in relation to the majority population. This chapter will focus on the individual’s connection to food habits, discuss the social environments in which individuals learn and develop these habits and their effect on one’s own identity; moreover, the connection between social and cultural identity will be illustrated along with research about the development of in- and out-groups because of differences in eating habits.
Emotions and values attached to food
An individual’s attachment to food habits can be described by developments of the emotional and psychological areas. Identity formation and emotional values attached to food develop in different
sphere (Lupton, 2012; Kaisari & Higgs, 2015) and closely connected to development and communication of love to the rest of the family during childhood years (Lupton, 2012, p.37). Children experience a period during which they grasp demonstration of affect, an essential part of one’s emotional intelligence and something that will be broadly mirrored in their adulthood (ibid., p.46). The family is often responsible for the ritual of eating (Douglas, 1972; Visser, 1993) which in turn will provide the person with adequate emotional awareness and preparedness for adult life.
Two perspectives are presented in academia regarding the place taken and the influence played by food and eating habits in a person’s life. With his “centrality-flexibility” perspective, Sibal takes up the question of whether food plays an equal role in everyone’s identity formation and daily life, or whether this entity is flexible and takes up a different value throughout one’s identity formation (Sibal, 2018, p.11). A person’s behavior in regard to food traditions and habits can be flexible throughout life. This view is agreed upon in studies about the dietary habits of immigrant women in Italy (Casali et al., 2015) and about the dietary acculturation of immigrant women in
Norway (Terragni et al., 2014). Accordingly, women in the first post-migration time go through changes in their dietary habits. Opposed to this view, the immobility of these habits through life is high-lighted. Fischler argues that it is not easy to learn whether cultural traditions define our tastes, or if rather we are able to affect our preferences in terms of food (Fischler, 1980, p.939). Pollan argues instead that traditions of food and eating are “stable and resistant to change” and that “the refrigerator of an immigrant is decidedly the last place in which to look to see signs of integration” (BCFN, 2010, p.11). This thesis sees eating habits as flexible throughout an individual’s life and affected by external factors rather than only by one’s own rational choice and will.
Socialization and eating habits
Relevant in this research, is the importance given to conviviality around food. Academic discussions touch upon concepts of social ties (Sobal & Nelson, 2003), identity formation (Neil, 2015), cultural meaning (BCFN, 2010) and knowledge about the other (Oussedik, 2012). The household is essential for the development of eating habits. In fact, the family holds the responsibility of communicating love to the children and being a first link between domestic life and the external reality in society (Lupton, 2012, p. 37); conviviality is one contributing factor in this process (ibid.). Food can be linked to a person’s life as a tool to express “maternal love, romantic love and wifely concern for the well-being of one’s husband” (ibid.). The meal is more important than only the food, and a “potent symbol of the family itself” (ibid., 39). Family meal and dinner table are used by Lupton to identify the importance of sharing for individuals who will be active participants and social actors
and conviviality (‘con’=together and ‘vīvō’=to live) are employed interchangeably, as researchers in the field have used both terms and the background research was not filtered only through one of them (Fischler, 2011; Nugent, 2010).
It is interesting to explore the entity of food as representative or as a shaper of society. Food can be seen as a representation of society since it is a way to express values (Höijer et al., 2014, p.498), traditions, hierarchies (Mintz & Du Bois, 2002, p.102) and preferences that belong to specific cultures. However, one can analyze food’s power to shape societies and its individuals. We have the understanding of food as an active agent in the social life of an individual (Hastorf, 2017, p.3). Hastorf takes up the issue on whether food reflects social life or whether they are active agents in social life (ibid.). This thesis agrees with both views, seeing food as being a consequence of social norms and behaviors previously developed, but also as a social lubricant and assisting the development of social relationships.
Many cultures see in the provision of food a symbol of motherhood. In Lupton’s argument, food is strictly connected to the concepts of femininity and motherhood and the ‘family meal and the dinner table are potent symbols, even metonyms, of the family itself’ (Lupton, 2012, p.39), a comment which draws upon both Mary Douglas’ concept of metonyms (Douglas, 1972, p.76). According to Douglas, food encodes and gives meaning to social rituals, through which relationships, values and emotions are preserved and developed (ibid.). Nostalgia, for instance, is enhanced by memories of childhood experiences related to food preparation and consumption (Lupton, 2012, pp.49-55), but also by migrants who long to their homeland’s tastes (Terragni et al., 2014, p.277). A migrant experience of connection to his homeland is often centered on the food tradition bound to his culture. Many times, immigrants may look for signifiers in other countries in order to seek connection with their homelands (Gasparetti, 2009, p.14).
Social connection, eating habits and cultural identity
Migrants who arrive in a new country feel a belonging to their lands and community through food traditions they have been used to and that other people share the same emotions for (Nugent, 2010, p.107). In this way, food can be a tool to connect and unify people with more or less similar backgrounds. Additionally, food originating from the host-country can also be a way for people to connect with natives. It is in this context that we can start to talk of the acculturation of food and eating habits among second-generation immigrants. As bi-cultural individuals (Sekhon & Szmigin, 2011, p.83), second-generation immigrants may show attachment to their parent’s culture through the taste of familiar meals, which sometimes is the only bound they have to their ‘home-land’.
We talk of acculturation of eating habits when an individual learns values, norms and behavior attached to food. This occurs thanks to the social environments previously presented and can be identified as an important factor in shaping someone’s recognition of cultural belonging. Acculturation patterns can include for example, patterns of consumption which can be seen as symbols of integration in the context of second-generation immigrants (Sekhon & Szmigin, 2011, p.79).
Not always are second-generation immigrants interested and willing to taste and adopt their parent’s eating habits. “More second-generation immigrants are losing traditional ways of eating and rituals in order to adapt to a more ‘conformist’ eating style” (BCFN, 2010, p.22). However, the fact that second-generation immigrants negotiate a multiplicity of cultures belonging to various minority groups, may show a stronger interest proved by the self-esteem one may feel towards their own cultural group (Alavi, 2014, p.16). This thesis will explore whether the second-generation immigrants who were interviewed do apply to these pattern of disinterest, or if they are connected to their parent’s habits by embodying eating traditions and rituals.
Relation to the out-groups
The development of groups can lead to the development of out- and in-groups dynamics. The difference of habits may motivate the development of stronger attitudes towards one’s own cultural traditions but also judgements of the other’s. Food helps to strengthen our group identity but also to “separate us from the others” (BCFN, 2010, p.12). It can represent a reason for stereotyped rejection of a particular group’s habits. Based on theories of stigma and on academic research regarding judgements of others based on what and how they eat (Stein & Nemeroff, 1995). This thesis will explore attitudes towards others connected to eating habits and from this discussion, interview questions have been developed regarding the effect that the group has on food choice and vice-versa. Coffee culture is not only represented by the beverage but gains the significance of taking a break and getting together among the others (Sibal, 2018, n.d.). In some cultures, “finally being admitted to coffee- and tea-drinking, … is a minor initiation rite: you are old enough to ‘take it’, and by that time you are also likely to know how to ‘behave’” (Visser, 1993, p.48). This thesis explores the cultural connection felt by the respondents through the adoption of particular traditions around the dinner table. By exploring their emotional value, I will gather and analyze data while trying to uncover the meaning given to particular eating traditions and sharing situations. Respondents will be asked about which traditions of their parents’ culture they have adopted and the meaning they think to have grasped through them.
Social constructivist and naturalistic perspectives
In this research a constructivist approach is adopted, seeing identity, attitudes and behaviors as influenced by factors such as age and cultural upbringing of the participant. Anthropological, sociological and cultural were perspectives worth a look at when researching this area of interest. One of the prerequisites for this research is that the perspective a person has on sharing a meal, is deeply linked to the culture he/she has grown up in. It involves a general knowledge or theory – deduction – as a primary tool for the development of the research. It also implies a different development of views, identities and relations to groups that is based on the variety of environments which are offered to the individual. This idea of a variety of realities is antonym to naturalism, based on a unique reality to be believed in, of which knowledge we can only learn by direct observation and without generalizations and deductions.
Theoretical framework
The psychological, anthropological and linguistic perspectives on the topic mirrors the aim of presenting a multidisciplinary work. It can so comprehend the diversity of experiences and opinions regarding individual’s eating habits and their connection to cultural identity. This section outlines theories and concepts employed in this study. A short insight to post-structuralism will be given, followed by Douglas’ Symbolism, Bandura’ Social Learning Theory (SLT) and acculturation models.
Post-structuralist approach
Post-structuralism best defines the research problem focused in this paper. In fact, it adopts a pragmatic view on social behaviors and events (Lupton, 2012) as it focuses on the development of habits and situations. Functional structuralist approaches struggle to see social environments as a determinant for the development of ways of producing, preparing and consuming food, along with little focus addressed to historical factors (ibid., p.10). Critical structuralism is founded in Marxist and feminist theories, with a tendency to focus on macro- rather than micro-level of analysis, as well as on “social inequalities rather than social consensus” (ibid.). Both approaches tend to focus on static habits leaving little space for questions surrounding the change and development of those, such as habits learnt through childhood and their functional needs (ibid.). Post-structuralist theories are instead based on “language, signification and semiotics” (Hurst, 2017). Therefore, the post-structuralist approach was considered the most suitable as a tool to frame the data gathered about subjective experiences of food habits.
Mary Douglas’ symbolism
Mary Douglas is considered an important anthropologist in regard to post-structuralist approaches to food and eating (Mintz & Du Bois, 2002, p.100). The part of her theory useful for this thesis is her focus on micro-level and the construction of social events through the food ritual (Douglas, 1972). Moreover, she includes in her theory the importance of religious realities in shaping eating habits.
Firstly, food is the symbol of a social event, (ibid., p.65). Following Douglas’ logical thought in “Deciphering a Meal” (1972), one should introduce the process of “breaking and code-making” (Douglas, 1972, p.61) something that we may call the significance of eating habits and what they uncover in an individual’s background. The meaning of a meal in her opinion mirrors its role as a “structured social event” (Atkins, 2001, p.4).
"families reaching out to the meal structure of their cultural environment develop it and interact with it according to their intentions"; "To sum up, the meaning of a meal is found in a system of repeated analogies. Each meal carries something of the meaning of the other meals; each meal is a structured social event which structures others in its own image" (Douglas, 1972, p.69).
This leads us to the second important pillar of Douglas’ theory, namely the family as an important environment and sphere where habits are being developed and preserved. In fact, Douglas highlights the importance of asking why specific habits are used in specific environments and groups, such as families. Symbolic structures are used by a family and a neighborhood on different degrees and are influenced by the symbolic structures of relationships between social events, in the bigger scale - they become a synthesis of different traditions. Families do adapt traditions that are followed on the macro-level and make an own version of them depending on the needs of the family members (Douglas, 1978, p.69). In her book, she sees consciousness as important in defining, recognizing and accepting that a meaning is embodied and communicated through a meal. A connection can be made between her idea and Social Learning theory’s pillar of observational learning, where Douglas’ idea covers this gap. In fact, an individual and a group most likely need to accept and recognize the value attached to a meal in order to preserve it, opposed to SLT where learning of habits does occur even trough observation and without a recognition of the situation.
Douglas treats the issue of religion, asking how it is possible that within the Jewish rules governing meals, only three of them have persisted throughout years (Douglas, 1972, p.79). It may “seem that whenever a people are aware of encroachment and danger, dietary rules controlling what goes into the body would serve as a vivid analogy of the corpus of their cultural categories at risk”
(ibid, p.79). Douglas therefore concludes that a particular set of rules may be used within a religion or a family but is shaped by the social structure and relations acting within them (ibid, p.69).
Douglas is employed in this study for three reasons. Firstly, she focuses on the micro-level and the importance of the familiar sphere in the development of eating habits. This thesis is interested in the subjective experience of eating habits and how individuals negotiate their parents and their own identity in their daily life. The domestic environment and childhood upbringing, which are also more deeply presented through Bandura’s SLT, are regarded as important factors in the development of these habits. Secondly, not only she sees the meal as a symbolic identity, but she adds a new view of the meal as a ritual and active agent in shaping society. In fact, as named in the previous sections, this thesis accepts the view of the meal both as a representation and as an actual shaper of society. Thirdly, she brings religious reality on the table as an important factor in shaping one’s eating habits and traditions. She also uncovers the issue of why some rituals survive while others are forgotten throughout generations. This theory can be used in order to explain why second-generation immigrants still use a precise set of rules.
Bandura’s social learning theory
One way to see communication and development of habits is to look at how behavior is introduced and absorbed in different socialization environments. According to Social Learning Theory (SLT) observation is responsible for learning symbolic representations of modeled activities, namely a set of behaviors (Bandura, 1978). Differently from other approaches to cognitive learning, Bandura goes further the concept of learning throughout “trial-and-error performances” and instead pronounces himself as following:
"Social learning theory assumes that modeling influences produce learning principally through their informative functions and that observers acquire mainly symbolic representations of modeled activities rather than specific stimulus-response associations”
(Bandura, 1978, p.6)
We talk about behavior as learned from the environment through a process of “observational learning” (Bandura, 1977) and not only through behavioral reasons (Edyniang, 2016). Besides one’s rational choice, focused on in other behaviorist approaches, we are influenced by other factors that we acquire and learn unconsciously, through the observation of such.
negotiating cultural identities in a multicultural environment, leads the individual to accept their own identity and more self-consciously practice it. However, in regard to the aim of this thesis some gaps of SLT will be discussed. Firstly, SLT does not focus on the importance of consciousness and wish to reproduce the behavior, as observational learning is something that already occurs since a child is really small. Direct instruction is not needed in order to learn a behavior (Bandura, 1977), rather modeling by observation is usually occurring. Secondly, observational learning mostly focuses on a set of behavior rather than on the particular existence and meaning communicated by singular actions, and eventually, traditions. Finally, encoding can be connected to the concept of symbolism. Therefore, in order to fill these gaps, Mary Douglas’ symbolism was chosen as to complete the theoretical framework. The theory will be employed as a tool to explore and analyze the role played by parents and childhood environment in the development of food habits, values connected to eating and commensality. The children learn a model of behaviors and encodes them, something that occurs in different stages and spheres of socialization.
Acculturation models
Different acculturation models have been developed within anthropology, sociology and psychology. This thesis explores the experience of eating habits per se, but also how acculturation and negotiation of cultural habits occur on a daily basis and how these relate to the formation of an individual’s cultural identity. We look at the transformation of habits among people who are in contact with different ethnic groups, through the lens of acculturation models. Acculturation is the general “process by which the cultural patterns of distinct groups change when those groups come into contact with each other – sometimes resulting in two groups becoming less distinct culturally” (Bartram et
al., 2014, p.8). In this thesis, we speak of acculturation both on a group and individual level in regard
to cultural learning. Childhood exposure gives the ground for an individual’s “acculturation into norms and expectations around eating preferences and practices and bodily deportment” (Lupton, 2012, p.37). Assimilation can be regarded as “the process by which immigrants become similar to natives – leading to the reduction (or possibly the disappearance) of ethnic difference between them” (Bartram et al., 2014, p.15).
According to Berry’s fourfold model of acculturation (Berry, 1997, pp.5-29), an individual’s relation and belonging to a cultural community is determined by the degree of appreciation of their own – or their parent’s culture - and that of the country they have moved to or have lived for their entire life. In these terms, integration defines the condition where an individual is able to show knowledge, relation, connection and appreciation of both cultural realities (Jun et al., 1990,
pp.77-p.83) as one is able to balance different aspects of the two cultures (ibid. p.81), embodying an attitude of negotiation required on a daily-basis (ibid. p.83). Besides a traditional understanding of acculturation models, this thesis’ theoretical framework will also include Peñaloza’s perspective that acculturation changes throughout generations (Sekhon & Szmigin, p.88). Although Peñaloza’s model presents the stages of resistance, acculturation, assimilation, segregation but does not present integration as Berry’s model (Sekhon & Szmigin, 2011, 1993, p.82), her understanding was important to define the sample, the time frame and to identify the importance of identity affirmation in second-generation immigrants within this thesis.
People migrate to a new place and learn the new country’s dietary habits (Terragni et al., p.275; Gasparetti, 2009, p.15). Second-generation immigrant’s attitudes towards their parents’ dietary habits, including preparation and consume of food, therefore their acculturation (Neil, 2015, p.23; Kifleyesus, 2016, p.268). Thirdly and finally, research is available regarding people’s attitudes towards other individuals and groups dietary habits (Stein & Nemeroff, 1995, pp.480-481). The three are the evidence of the existence of research on the topic and ground for the need for filling gaps in the research area.
Methodological framework
This study presents the results of an analysis of data produced through semi-structured interviews. It is therefore a study based on qualitative analysis (Silverman, 2014, pp.4-5) of primary produced sources. Semi-structured interviews are a type of ‘open-ended’ interviews (ibid., pp.166) and are in this case employed as a way to understand people’s eating behaviors and habits on a daily basis. The method belongs to the methodological framework usually employed in the fields of anthropology (Gasparetti, 2009), sociology (Hindriks et al., 2011) and psychology (Brown et al., 2013). Multiple studies have followed the same theoretical framework to explore topics such as the development of acculturation patterns in second-generation immigrants (Sekhon & Szmigin, 2011).
The questions were developed after an analysis of the topics that have been explored in previous research and organized in themes according to four areas of interest2, which would help to
answer the four sub-questions of the research. The themes were developed in reference to the themes of “acculturation, generational influences, izatt, bi-cultural identity (the bi-cultural self) and consumption” employed in a study about second-generation Indian Punjabis in Britain (Sekhon & Szmigin, 2011, p.86). Moreover, three of the themes chosencan be related to the concepts of “social
identities, collective representations, and intergroup attitudes”3 (Prentice & Miller, 2001, p.3), areas
often explored within studies of cultural contact and intergroup relations (ibid.). The themes chosen are named and explained in the appendix, along with the questions and their direct connection to the theoretical framework and literature review. When elaborating data, thematic analysis was employed, and keywords and key subjects were identified in order to highlight the most recurring and relevant issues when talking about eating habits. This is one of the pillars of thematic analysis, which aims at “interpreting the resulting thematic structures by seeking commonalties, relationships, overarching patterns, theoretical constructs, or explanatory principles” (ibid.). The recorded interviews will be analyzed and systematically elaborated through a framework of themes connected to the main research question and the fours sub-questions, as follows; 1) Emotions and values attached to food; 2) Socialization and eating habits, 3) Social connection and cultural identity and 4) Relation to the out-groups..
Material
The sample chosen for the semi-structured interviews is second-generation immigrants defined as “the children of immigrants, born in the country to which their parents have migrated” (ibid., p.124), aged between 18 and 35 years old, who were born and raised in Skåne. In order to find second-generation immigrants (Bartram, 2014, pp.124-128) connected to the migrant background of Scania, this research limits the time frame of the migration year between 1960s and early 2000s, and the age of the interviewees between 18 and 35. The initial aim of the research was to focus on people related only to the city of Malmö. However, during research I came across three additional people, who were born and raised in Kristianstad and Växjö besides Malmö. This gave me a chance to test the other interviewee’s answers in regard to relevance of the concept in a broader group of people, and reliability outside the subjective perspective of the specific interviewee. Therefore, adding three people with a slightly different background than the one chosen offered a possibility for generalization of the responses and ground for further research, as specific topics were in fact proven to be right outside the sample previously chosen. We assume a continuous negotiation and comparison between their habits and those adopted by ‘ethnic-Swedes’, or ‘majority group’ as the people living in Sweden, the same country as their parents were born in. The interviewees were reached through snowball technique and social medias. The reason for choosing second-generation immigrants is more folded. Firstly, second-generation immigrants learn to negotiate two cultures from
a very young age, and therefore usually have a high degree of integration compared to those who moved to another country at a later age.
Moreover, the ability to relate and appreciate two cultures on a daily-basis makes second-generation immigrants more used to show and use intercultural communication skills and therefore more likely prone to talk about issues regarding cultural differences and identity, something also confirmed by one of the interviewees (see theme 2). With regards to age, on a first evaluation the range was set between 20 to 30 years old. However, because of the difficulty to find people available to participate in the study, the researcher chose to extend the age from 18 up to 35 years old. Secondly, second-generation immigrants are more or less affected by their parent’s cultural habits and food norms. This paves way for the third concept that is outlined in the background section of this thesis, namely that the cities are a highly multicultural environment but was also accessible for the process of data collection (Eco, 2015, 47). A total of seven people was interviewed. Three of them were born and raised in Malmö, one of them in Växjö and one in Kristianstad; moreover, one grew up in another location in Skåne and moved to Malmö in early 20s, while one grew up in Italy and moved to Malmö in his early 20s.
According to social learning theory (Bandura, 1978), the identity of an individual is determined by external factors than their self-identity, namely environmental factors. Connected to this, the third reason of the sample, mostly connected to the age of the interviewees, is connected to 1) the ability of the interviewees to relate to questions regarding self-identity and cultural belonging, and 2) the contact developed with the majority population and tradition, in multiple areas other than family and school, such as for example job and/or academic environment, multicultural relationships, etc. Finally, by focusing on Scania as a demographical area close to the researcher, it was possible to gather primary data although limited resources thanks to data reachability (Eco, 2015, p.47).
Operationalization and interpretation of data
The analytical part of this thesis will be based on data produced throughout semi-structured interviews. The questions were developed according to four thematic categories4, following the order
already used in the presentation of previous research, where the focus was firstly put on the micro-level to move forward to the meso- and macro-micro-level of analysis. The themes were developed according to 1) methodological guidelines employed in previous research and 2) theoretical concepts explored earlier in this paper. Although both the questions and the responses will cover a variety of disciplines and relate to different parts of the individual’s daily habits, the questions are categorized
according to the main concepts to be explored. The four categories will be presented in order to provide the reader with the link between the methodological choice and the theoretical framework.
Emotions and values attached to food
The section “Emotions and values attached to food” will set a ground for the interview to explore values and emotions attached to food and to the traditional meal will be explored, based on research in nutritional science and psychology. The way these values are developed throughout childhood thanks to the parents’ influence will be slightly highlighted. The researcher uses this section as a tool to learn about the respondent’s memories of emotions and situations related to their childhood. Focus is put on the development of eating habits within the familiar sphere, especially related to the importance of motherhood and maternal feeling expressed throughout the act of food provision. Concepts of love and affection are provided to an individual since their earlier years of life (Lupton, 2012). The future predisposition and ability to nourish the partner, is developed through dynamics which often come occur during the family gathering, most often at dinner. (ibid.). The respondent will be questioned about memories related to the idea of a family meal and the eventual emotional meaning given to a specific celebration occasion or/and a specific food. Moreover, the interviewee will respond in regard to the emotions now hold during his/her life, maybe with a wish to take it further to their family.
Socialization and eating habits
Socialization and eating habits will be analyzed in the second section, touching issues such as differences in eating habits depending on the people one shares food with, the importance given to eating together and whether there is a day reserved to eating together in the individual’s daily routines. Moreover, the ways interviewees have learned and assimilated their eating patterns will also be included in this section. In SLT, people grasp and maintain habits and behaviors throughout the inputs of the social surroundings (Bandura, 1978). This put the ground for the development of questions in this structure, where the social eating habits of the individual are explored. The respondent is asked about how often they eat with the family (Sobal & Nelson, 2003, p.182) in company or alone, with whom they usually eat and how they think that their eating behavior change in connection to the people they share food with. Besides the upbringing in the family, school environment and friends are also taken in count, with an additional focus on whether or not the person felt discriminated in certain contexts, as well as the expectations of the different social groups present in the respondent’s daily life. This section helps to test the concepts for which food is a representation of social life while
Social connection and cultural identity
In this section, the connection between cultural belonging and longing to the parent’ culture is explored. Food and meals as a myth are important concepts in this part of the analysis, as participants are asked about the connection they feel to their parents’ homeland as they adopt eating habits that are traditional in that culture. Moreover, questions related to the interest in and knowledge of particular food preparation and traditions were asked. Acculturation is brought up through questions that address the negotiation of habits most adopted in the majority and the minority culture that the respondents are immersed in.
Relation to the out-groups
This section mainly focuses on the relations and connections between the respondent’s and the majority population, and it uses concepts of acculturation as tools for the development of questions. Do the respondents feel included in the society as a whole although their habits differ from those of the majority population? Have they faced situations where they were discriminated or felt outside because of cultural habits that they adopt? Moreover, what are their comments on the majority’s eating habits with a focus on sharing meal and other traditional habits?
Methodological implications
Filling research gapsResearch about food, migration and conviviality has been carried in many countries and cities. However, there is limited research in Scandinavia. Moreover, literature gathered showed that studies on generational change of attitudes towards dietary habits has mostly focused on second generation immigrants whose parents originate from African countries. This research aims at giving an overview of generational change in families originating from European and Middle Eastern countries. Finally, food has mostly been studied focusing on the meal itself, but conviviality patterns have not been taken in count as interesting topics part of the cultural tradition brought by their parents, something that this research is based on.
Validity, reliability and falsifiability of the research5
Two approaches were chosen to ensure validity throughout the research. Evidences showing both strengths and weaknesses of the findings as connected to the theory will be presented. Reliability will
be ensured by showing the method of data gathering, the transcription of data itself as well as its analysis. In light of the previous research reported and of the high possibility to gather data needed for the falsifiability of the hypothesis (Okasha, 2016, p.11), principle introduced by Popper, will be ensured. The principle to set a limit to the knowledge one is able to grasp without being influenced by the observer’s and the participant’s knowledge and perception. (Moses & Knutsen, 2012).
Strengths and weaknesses
The open design for interview will give the chance for participants to offer their own view on the importance of sharing a meal. Interviews have a strength in giving space to learn in a more broad and varied way, as the interviewee can tell about things that the researcher did not think about or be asked about something that was not planned before by the researcher. Therefore, new interesting concepts may arise during the interview. Moreover, the semi-structured interviews allow for the discussion of specific topics found interesting, but also leave space for additional discussions that may arise during the interview session, because of the researcher’s interest or of the participant’s own view of a specific topic. Interviews also put the basis for learning about the interviewee’ personal view in a deeper way.
Interviews offer flexibility in data collection and an understanding of the issue on a more individual level. It will also give the chance to grasp concepts that were not thought of or considered important previously. These additional concepts may be included in the current research or considered important for future research within the area. However, standardization and comparability of data may be threatened as the interviewer may start asking different things to different interviewees (May, 2011). On the side of the strength, we see clarification, as both interviewer and interviewee can ask for better explanation of the questions, and elaboration, as the data gathered orally would be broader and more in-depth than through a structured interview for example (ibid.). Moreover, the time-consuming characteristic of interviews is a strong weakness.
Empirical analysis
There is an overlap of the concepts encountered in the different themes, something which was even more observed in analyzing responses. Therefore, some concepts are present multiple times throughout the different analytical sections, but focus is rather put on keywords and situations expressed by the interviewees, which mostly relate to the specificity of the theme.
Emotions and values attached to food
When talking about values and memories related to food, community and togetherness6 were the most
common topics among the interviewees’ responses. Five respondents reminded how in their culture it is common to receive guests and to sit around the dinner table for hours, talking loudly and being happy. Food is often served to large groups of people in different occasions and is prepared both from guests and hosts as a sign of appreciation for each other. Being together while sharing food is a pattern recognized throughout all interviews. According to Sanaz, asking someone to pick bread or move food from a side of the table to the other is itself a simple gesture that help people to bond and make the meal very loud and lively7.
One interviewee has taken up the concept of genuineness as a value related to the Italian culture, that is strongly mirrored by food and eating habits. "My wish to eat food and the routine is almost inbuilt and assimilated on a genetical level. I almost have a need to eat Italian food, especially because I grew up with it"8. Even more interesting is the reference the same interviewee made to food
as an “artifact”, almost as a book or some products of art, that has a code and hides something else behind the food or the meal itself9. This helps us understand the emotional connection developed
towards food by the interviewee.
It is in the familiar environment that most of the values and memories connected to food situations have developed in the life of interviewees. Family is in fact the third mostly named concept named by the interviewees. In the familiar sphere, women are those who usually prepare food more often. Either if it is about daily routine preparation and serving or traditional meals served in important occasions, women are those that know how to prepare traditional food and actually take care of this part of the domestic tasks. In the Eritrean case, coffee still is prepared and served by women only, and the respondent herself “never saw a man roast and brew coffee beans”10, although women and
men do sit together when it is time to drink the beverage. The mother is often holding multiple roles connected to the learning of eating habits. The diversity of cultures represented by the sample gave us a reliable and relevant image of the expectations and role attached to the female role in providing, preparing and serving food. Mothers are usually those in the family who know how to prepare food, - and in specific how to prepare traditional meals (see also theme 3), and in general be responsible
6 Gemenskap och samhörighet 7 Sanaz (Appendix B, p.47)
8 "La mia voglia di mangiare cibo italiano e le mie routine sono quasi inbakade e assimilate ad un livello genetico. Il mio
è quasi un bisogno di mangiare cibo italiano”. Tom (ibid.)
for domestic duties. A common pattern of these habits is related to the importance to communicate love, and make sure that the children learns an important part of the parents’ culture.
Love is mirrored in ensuring the family to be provided with sufficient, high-quality and tasty food, taking care of preparation of meals appreciated by all family members. The prepared food is the prerequisite for the family to gather around the dinner table and enjoy the time they share. Most often the respondents have referred to meal sharing as taking place in the evening, when everyone is at home. One respondent recalls how he has often felt like he lacked an important part of socializing with his family, as he grew up. According to him, this development of social relationship is really important and surely is developed while sitting at the dinner table and sharing stories from the day11.
Nostalgia was named also by Sanaz, who recalls family meals as very loudly and happy moments, were a lot of food was served12.
Five respondents named the mother as the parent who mostly often take/took care of food preparation. She is also the person from whom respondents mostly referred to when talking about learning how to prepare food and in specific traditional dishes. The care that the mother communicates by serving food and taking care of the family by preparing food from the traditional cuisine, was sometimes referred to as fulfilling the wish to take care of other people. Moreover, two respondents remind how their mother directly showed them how to prepare specific traditional dishes, with the wish that they in turn would be able to satisfy their partner by being able to prepare food, and most specifically traditional food1314. The importance of women in the provision of food for the
partner is also discussed in theme 2 and 3, with more focus on the influence it has on shaping cultural identity and eating habits, rather than on the emotional value related to it. Respondents have therefore offered a strong memory and image related to the female presence at home – both represented by mothers and grandmother – in building the memory of motherhood throughout their lives. This image is the one most often named – five respondents – when taking up memories from childhood. "My mum was always preparing, and I was always curious to see and learn, we were always showed and got to taste”15.
The theme of memories from childhood was treated differently among interviewees. Most of the interviewees have memories of their childhood connected to the traditions related to their parents’
11 Marco (Appendix B, p.47) 12 Sanaz (ibid.)
13 Ibid.
14 Martha (ibid.)
culture. Traditional meals, with a lot of food and many relatives or friends, were often named by Sanaz, Selima and Ranja. On the other hand, one respondent was very nostalgic about their childhood memories. For him eating has never been an occasion for sharing, discussion and exchange of daily events from the different family members, as his parents were seldomly at home, and eating with siblings was not the same as sharing a meal with the family. Simply, he missed and still does feel that he lacked that kind of emotional sharing throughout childhood years16.
In regard to symbolism, six out of the respondents regarded it as a concept recognizable in their eating habits. For the Eritrean respondent, for example, we see coffee as being a unifier in different social situations. In birthday parties, weddings, family lunches but also funerals, coffee is reported as being a connecting factor in a variety of social situations. Those who roast and serve coffee, usually women, let the guests smell the seeds, introducing the quality of the coffee that will soon be served, representing on its turn appreciation for the guests. Injera, a dish that inspires sharing as it is made of a big plate of sauces to be eaten with bread and hands, is often connected to traditional celebrations in Eritrea. When visiting relatives or friends, you bring sweet things to offer and give money to the children. A popular Iranian dish is rice with meat, which Sanaz told of as being connected to her cultural heritage. Proving the point of Sibal and Visser (see p.18) coffee is not only a product to be drank, but through the coffee ceremony it embodies the importance of the meeting between people, it can be defined as an important social lubricant. Coffee, together with traditions of Ramadan, are signifiers help to connect to other meaningful aspects of a specific cultural group and heritage (Gasparetti, 2009, p.14).
Although only one interviewee explicitly pronounced herself about nostalgia of her parents’ homeland, there is a general feeling of missing out on their parents’ cultures and wish to learn more of the cultural luggage in order to preserve cultural heritage. The respondents tell about situations of assimilation, such as not having much contact with their parents’ culture as much as before, not sharing food with large groups of guests as during childhood or remembering how after childhood the food prepared at home started to adapt more to the Swedish side. This shows the relevance of the thesis standpoint, according to which an individuals’ eating habits are flexible throughout life. Respondents negotiate their habits in different periods of their life and in relation to their family habits and the people met during those years. This leads us to the important role played by socialization in influencing people’s heating habits.
Socialization and eating habits
2. What role does socialization play in the interviewee’s personal development of eating habits?
As described in theme 1, food is used as a tool to express caring and love. Different factors were recognized by the interviewees as affecting their habits surrounding food. The family is named by all interviews as being the trampoline for assimilation of behaviors around the dinner table and emotional value attached to it. The parents’ wish and influence on how to raise their children was seen by the interviewees as playing a big role. Two interviewees specifically told how their parents wanted them to eat everything in school, also as a way to assimilate the Swedish culture. As many habits are learnt throughout socialization and during childhood, it was important to analyze according responses. Mothers and grandmothers usually have the role of providing food and teaching children how to prepare food, in particular traditional food. It is interesting to note that when fathers were able to make food and often took this duty in the household, usually they focused on more creative and not traditional meals. Making traditional food is something that usually mothers take over as told by interviewees. The majority of six interviewees reacted positively when asked about social eating and eating in large groups of people. According to one of the respondents, “loneliness is nothing good”17,
and explained how he, through spending time with people and eating food in company, is able to present a real image of himself. This opposed to when, because of his routine as a student, he is forced to eat alone and is not able to appreciate the meal likely much.
Socialization in school was reported by at least one respondent as likely important as that within domestic life. This respondent had a rather negative experience of development of eating habits through the contact with school mates. She recalls how her eating habits were strongly connected and affected by their classmates, especially when taking food at the school canteen, she every time went last in que so not to have eyes on her when she was picking up food. Additionally, as she grew up in a neighborhood widely populated by Muslims, she felt the urge to adapt to their eating habits in order to be accepted and not be discriminated. Until high-school she therefore stopped eating pork, although she was not Muslim. This happened also when, attending birthday parties, she threw things in the bin if there was pork or food that was not halal, in order to be accepted by the other kids. Differences with the majority population and other groups as well as discrimination related to it, will be discussed in theme 4 more thoroughly.
Different patterns were recognized when talking about the interviewees’ habit to eat alone or in company. One can say that half of the respondents have a preference for eating in company and connect this to the fact that they were raised up like that and eating alone feels therefore strange. Two
of the interviewees are living together with the rest of the family, which makes eating dinner together part of the routine, and only in certain occasions one eats at different times. However, most of the interviewees did have specific days, although on different degrees of occurrence, to gather with their family, relatives and maybe friends. Sanaz had recently traveled alone and experienced eating alone for the first time in her life. At first it was really strange, but then she started to realize how much one can focus on themselves and appreciate the food in another way, when sitting alone with your meal.18
In general, contact with others and specifically the parents’ relatives were regarded an important factor affecting the formation of eating habits, and as we will see soon, this also supports preservation of cultural heritage in the individuals (see theme 3).
Social connection and cultural identity
3. How do the patterns identified embody the individual’s cultural identity?
In this section, focus was put on the cultural meaning that interviewees attach to their eating habits in regard to their parents’ culture, but also to their identity. Thematics that were highlighted were the connection to a specific culture depending on the dish and the eating tradition, the feeling of belonging to the majority culture mirrored in food, and the negotiation of different habits on a daily basis, embodied in and mirrored on food.
The Eritrean respondent presented the tradition of the coffee culture as connected to family celebrations and cultural maintenance: "even if i don’t drink coffee, when I will be older, I will probably also have this pan for making coffee"19.
The place taken by religion in shaping eating habits was encountered multiple times in the interviewees’ responses. Islam tells to eat halal food and among the others do not eat pork, a rule that one of the interviewees reports to follow together with her family. However, Martha explains how this is probably not exclusively connected to religious reasons, as half of the people in her family do eat pork, but still follow Islam as their religion. This is also confirmed by Anna, who explains how according to Hinduism one is not supposed to eat cow. However, she does not eat cow meat herself although not for religious reasons. On the other hand, her father is practicing the religion but at the same time he has chosen to eat cow meat.
Socialization and eating behaviors are often shaped by people one is hanging out with. Both Martha and Marco told about how they behave when meeting people and in relation to their cultures,
18 Sanaz (Appendix B, p.47)
19 Även om jag inte dricker kaffe, när jag blir äldre så kommer jag troligtvis också ha en sån stekpanna för att rosta kaffe”.
however following different patterns. Martha recalls how in Bosnia people usually argue on who should offer and pay when eating out. She still experiences this when spending time with Bosnian friends in Malmö, but as soon as she hangs out with people from other cultures or most specifically with ethnic Swedes, it comes normal not to do that and instead pay for themselves, it is not a big deal.
“I do not think it is strange, everyone is different” said Martha when explaining the behavior.20 Marco
instead named how, when going out, he behaves in a similar way with the people he is hanging out with, independently of the cultural background on the person. Namely, he directly offers coffee or pays for lunch, without expecting or asking any money back, even refusing them when the other offers to21. It was interesting to hear Marco tell about his recognition with other people from Latin
America, and of the important role played, in his words, by the environment you grew up in. According to him, in Malmö there is such a strong network of immigrants that you will always belong to a group independently from your origin22. He thought that it was hard to grow up in a neighborhood
with a low rate of immigrants, because he did not have many references23. It was hard to develop a
strong cultural identity back then, and he experienced “racism and exclusion” and therefore discrimination when growing up.24 When he moved to Malmö he heard people saying that it was not
at all like that in Malmö, there was a lot of “community and togetherness”. Differences and discrimination will be treated later in theme 4.
Relation to the out-groups
4. What is the interviewee’s experience of the relationship with the majority population and
other ethnic groups?
The pattern of response in this section was generally positive in regard to the habits adopted by other minority groups and the majority population. Negotiation between one own’s cultural identity and majority and/or other minority groups is treated and maintained as a natural mechanism on a daily basis.
Although the interviewees have said not to struggle because of their need to negotiate different cultures on a daily basis, there are some situations that make them think about those differences more than others. Two interviewees told about reactions received at restaurants, from waiters who are surprised about them not being Muslim although “looking like” a Muslim, and consequently of them
20 Martha (Appendix B, p.47) 21 Marco (ibid.)
22 Ibid. 23 Ibid.
eating pork meat – Sanaz and Anna – the first was disappointed by how people reacted, and the second seemed to understand that people may be confused, as there are very few second-generation immigrants of Indian origin in Sweden.
Some interviewees had the impression that Swedish people eat less in company than in their own group. Ranja told of a culture shock related to when, as a child, she visited a friend and when it was time to eat, the friend would be called by her parents to the dinner table, but she (Ranja) was left alone in the room, waiting for the friend to come back. But she also named a friend who she used to invite at dinner once or twice a week before an activity they used to join together, but during the few years that happened, she was maybe invited twice at the friends’ place to eat. However, she thinks “Before I thought about it much but now not too much”25. In general, she has never eaten alone during
her life, but now that she is living alone, she often takes her meal and sits on the couch and watches tv while she eats.
Opposed to this, we have Marco who always saw big difference from how he grew up and the Swedish eating habits. He was used to have friends who would eat together with their families every day, while he often sat alone or only with his siblings at the dinner table, because parents were often at home during dinner hours. Besides highlighting differences with more or less positive perceptions, a feeling of belonging and togetherness was strongly recognized in regard to Malmö as a city of multicultural diversity.
According to sharing a meal with family, both Sanaz, Martha and Marco had their own take on it. As seen before, Marco did not share much of his time with the family when eating, and as a child was quite jealous of those friends who usually said to eat dinner with their family every day. Now, he appreciates eating together and tries to do this as much as possible with his wife and children26
Talking about perception and negotiation of cultural differences, many interviewees talked about the acceptance they feel as second-generation immigrants living in Sweden. Martha feels that in Sweden one never feels outside because of a specific food preference, which for example is defined by one’s religious belief.
“The majority in Sweden eats pork, but I do not feel as an outsider really often, because yeah, wherever you go there are always alternatives to….yeah other meat types you can choose between. At whatever event you always get the question about your food preferences, and
