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The World’s oldest Profession does Not have a
Place in Modern Feminist society –
a qualitative analysis of Talita and KOK e.V.’s described work for trafficking
and prostitution victims
Thania Persson
International Migration and Ethnic Relations Bachelor Thesis
15 Credits Spring 2020
Supervisor: Anders Hellström Word Count: 12520
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ABSTRACT
The aim of this study is to compare organisations that help victims from human trafficking and prostitution with a focus on undocumented migrants. Germany is one of the chosen countries in this study because of the legalised and regulated prostitution policy and will be compared with Sweden with the contrasting policy in which sex purchase is criminalised but not to sell sex. To answer the study’s research question ‘What are the differences and
similarities between the German and Swedish organisations’ approach in providing beneficial needs for the victims such as medical and economic resources?’ a thematic analysis will be used to find similarities and differentiation of the organisations describing methods that is stated on their websites. The paper uses feminist theories through approaches from feminist Empiricism, feminist Standpoint Epistemology, feminist Liberalism, and feminist Marxism. It is mainly through the feminist Liberal theories that explains how organisation in Germany differentiate in their handling of helping undocumented migrants in prostitution combined with Germany’s laws regarding illegal migrants. Contrary to Sweden that has feminist
Marxist point of view regarding the prostitution policy since Sweden recognises all prostitutes as victims. The paper also finds that, by using the feminist empiricism and Standpoint
epistemology, the organisations describe their work in similar ways regarding creating awareness of human trafficking.
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Table of Content
1 Introduction ... 4
1.2 Purpose and research question ... 5
1.3 Background ... 6
1.3.1 Terminology and Problem definition ... 6
1.3.2 Prostitute ... 6
1.4 Earlier Research ... 7
1.4.1 Sweden’s prostitution policy ... 7
1.4.2 Germany’s prostitution policy ... 8
1.4.3 Discussion of Germany’s and Sweden’s prostitution policies ... 10
1.4.4 Undocumented migrants in prostitution ... 11
1.5 Theories ... 13
1.5.1 Feminist theory in the field of Migration ... 13
1.5.2 Feminist empiricism and Feminist Standpoint Epistemology ... 14
1.5.3 Feminist Marxism ... 16
1.5.4 Feminist liberalism ... 17
1.6 Method ... 18
1.6.1 Qualitative text analysis of organisations ... 18
1.6.2 Thematic analysis ... 19
1.6.3 Sampling and Data collection ... 20
1.7 Analyse Conduction ... 22
1.7.1 Result ... 22
1.7.2 Health care ... 23
1.7.3 Analyse discussion of the category of Health Care ... 23
1.7.4 Economic resources... 24
1.7.5 Analyse discussion of the category of Economic Resources ... 25
1.7.6 Social Resources ... 26
1.7.7 Analyse discussion of the category of Social Resources ... 27
1.7.8 Other resources ... 27
1.7.9 Analyse discussion of the category of Other Resources ... 29
1.8 Theoretical reasoning of the research question ... 30
1.9 Conclusion ... 34
2 References ... 36
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1 Introduction
Human trafficking is a modern slave trade that affects millions of people around the world. Traffickers lure women, children, and other men into the sex industry giving an increasing outcome to build a wealth empire by exploiting other human beings. Human trafficking and prostitution are in essence related to one another, yet some countries in Europe have legalised and regulated prostitution laws that consequently attract sex tourism and traffickers to exploit and sell vulnerable (mostly) girls and women. Human trafficking is in fact the fastest growing type of organised crime and alongside weapons and drugs, the most profitable. The demand to buy and access another person’s body is the reason to why trafficking for sexual exploitation still exist and the myth about prostitution being the oldest profession must be dispelled
because pimping is the oldest, and the only inevitable fact about prostitution is the pimps who sell women and children and the men who demand it (Talita, 2020 & Raymond, 2013, pp. 2). Sweden is well known for introducing the Swedish Sex Purchase Act in 1999, that criminalise sex purchases but not the prostitutes for selling sex. Platform for International Cooperation on Undocumented Migrants (PICUM, 2019) states that this law got support and was
implemented by Iceland, Norway, France, Lithuania, Northern Ireland, and Serbia in the last decade. Undocumented migrants in prostitution are positioned in a double dangerous situation regarding authorities, because of the additional discrimination and violence that are grafting the stigma and prejudice that sex workers do encounter, and due to multiple layers of criminalisation because of their residence status and type of work (PICUM, 2019). Around 2000,000 up to a half million women are working illegally as sex workers in the European Union, and in Germany 75 percent of the sex workers are believed to be foreigners (Williams, 1999). According to Nationellt Metodstöd mot prostitution och människohandel (NMT, n.d.) there are likenesses with Sweden since foreign women who are temporarily living in Sweden make up a significant proportion of women in prostitutes who are usually originated from poor countries such as Romania, Bulgaria, and Nigeria.
This study opts to compare organisations that deal with helping victims in prostitution and sex trafficking focusing on undocumented migrants, by choosing two contrasting countries - Sweden and Germany. By applying feminist theories with the
perspectives of feminist Empiricism, feminist Standpoint epistemology, feminist Marxism and feminist Liberalism to find similarities and differences between two organisations from
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A false distinction between prostitution and trafficking for sexual purposes is often drawn. However, neither Talita nor the general Swedish discourse make a clear divide between these two categories. In
fact, the Swedish law against the purchase of sex implemented in 1999 is based on this understanding—that prostitution and human trafficking are intrinsically related.
(Talita, 2017).
1.2 Purpose and research question
The purpose of this study is to compare similarities and differences in the methods of dealing with undocumented migrants falling victims of sex trafficking in the divergent policies in Sweden and Germany, that the largest non-profit organisations Swedish Talita and German
Bundesweiter Koordinierungskreis Gegen Menschenhandel e.V. (KOK e.V.) are
experiencing.
The aim is to investigate what actions and focus these organisations publicly state that they do and have on their websites. In addition to investigate the possible reasons why the organisations are different and alike. The methods are described in themes that comprises beneficial terms such as health care, economic resources, social resources, and other resources. The research question that this study strives to find is:
What are the differences and similarities between the German and Swedish
organisations’ approach in providing beneficial needs for the victims such as medical and economic resources?
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1.3 Background
1.3.1 Terminology and Problem definition
1.3.2 Prostitute
Prostitute is derived from the Latin prostitute. Some sources cite the verb as a composition of “pro” meaning “up front” or “forward” and “stituere”, defined as “to offer up for sale”
(Perkins & Lovejoy, 2007, pp. 2-3). Prostitution is an act of exchanging sexual services for money but also other services or goods (Swanson, 2016, pp. 593). When talking about prostitution in the context of human trafficking we speak of forced prostitution unlike
voluntary prostitution. Hence, prostitution is compulsory in one way or another and this study will use the term prostitute to explain and describe victims of human trafficking for sexual exploitation.
According to the organisation Talita (2020) that helps girls and women out from prostitution, there are two main reasons to why individuals end up in prostitution, internal and external pressures. Internal pressure means that there is self-harming behaviour involved, along with shame, anxiety, and an unconscious hunt to regain control (ibid). When we hear about migrant prostitution we generally think of the external pressure which drives victims into prostitution either from a pimp who forces them to, or due to other life circumstances which drives individuals to prostitution for their own - or families survival (ibid). Moreover, it is also proven that children who have been sexually abused increases the chances to become prostitute in their adulthood (Talita, 2020).
Swanson (2016, pp. 593) mentions the argument that promotes prostitution which claims that sex work is a legitimate profession and an expression of women’s choice and agency. However, this argument seems to be improper and cynic since there are factors of internal and external pressures that plays a big role. Another argument that promotes
prostitution is that it is inevitable because it has always been a part of the society for centuries and therefore ought to be in the future (Raymond, 2013, pp. 2). In Europe, the Netherlands and Germany have a huge responsibility for its policy and practices that has contributed to a strengthened sex industry that consequently make traffickers, pimps, brothel owners etc. able
7 to build up a wealth empire (Raymond, 2013). According to Swanson (2016) some scholars claims that where prostitution is legal it increases the rates of victims in human trafficking because of the open demand for sex. Thus, this could be challenging for authorities and police departments to tackle because the question is how to distinguish victims of human trafficking with external pressure from prostitutes with internal pressure. Victims of human trafficking are generally threatened and scared of their pimps and madams and would not trust the authorities or police in a new country.
1.4 Earlier Research
1.4.1 Sweden’s prostitution policy
The new unique law that criminalised only the buyers of prostitution, was introduced for the first time in Sweden 1999 after many years of discussions and debates (Svanström, 2006, pp. 67). The new law was promoted as a ‘feminist law’ and Sweden recognised prostitution as a form of violence against women (Proposition 1997/98:55, cited in Svanström, 2006). Trafficking in women and forced prostitution are in the same concept of violence against women which includes violence within marriage, female genital mutilation, and sexual harassment at work (Proposition 1997/98:55). The notions of women’s and men’s different roles in the society such as men are superior and women inferior, and the lack of equality are contributing factors to men’s violence against women (ibid).
Furthermore, the most common prostitution is the heterosexual, where men are the buyers and women the sellers and therefore, the focus must be put to a greater extent on the buyers to prevent prostitution (ibid). If there was no demand to buy women’s bodies for men’s sexual pleasure, prostitution would not have been such a widespread problem in society. The Council of Ministers and Home Affairs in EU adopted a joint action in 1997 to combat trafficking in human beings and the sexual exploitation of children. Thereby, the ministers of justice and equality adopted a declaration with guidelines that would help the prevention of trafficking women (ibid). This means that the member states should for instance choose a national rapporteur on the issues of trafficked women (ibid). Since the National Police Board has knowledge that is required to fulfil the assignment the Government has
8 nominated the National Police Board to be the national reporter for Sweden (ibid). In the proposition (1997/98:55) these assignments are to gather information of trafficked women in Sweden and other countries on the behalf of working preventing and combating the problem, which then should regularly be reported to the government (ibid).
Moreover, throughout the years since the new law prohibiting the purchase of sexual services in 1999, Sweden has also accomplished some changes in its legislation that could be beneficial for the prostitutes and victims of sex trafficking. The Swedish
Government introduced in 2015 an action plan for a feminist foreign policy that includes to strengthen the human rights of migrant women and girls and to prevent and combat domestic violence but also focusing on prevention and combating human trafficking (European
commission, n.d.). More to come, in 1st of July 2018 a new law came into force, the so-called consent Act which criminalise sexual intercourses that do not occur voluntarily. The law is beneficial for prostitutes as there are many factors that forces them to sell sex, especially traffickers and pimps, which can penalise clients for negligent rape. By acknowledging what is consent, it is notably that a person’s consent cannot be for sell.
1.4.2 Germany’s prostitution policy
According to United Nations (cited in Cho, 2012, pp. 4) Germany is classified as one of the major destination countries for victims of human trafficking. An estimated number between 600 to 1,200 of victims are identified every year, with sexual exploitation in form of
prostitution as the major occurring case (ibid). Since 2002 prostitution has fallen within the regulationism model, meaning that some sex work in some contexts is legal, as the national law was regulating indoor and outdoor prostitution which was then considered as regular work (European Parliament, 2005 & PICUM, 2019). In the European Parliaments study (2005) it is described that there were no benefits to be entitled to before 2002 as a sex worker, such as health care and insurances, social security measures in unemployment and pensions schemes etc. However, it is estimated that the kind of prostitution that existed before the legislation of 2002 is the same that exist today, with a limited or absent of street prostitution (Weitzer, 2017, pp. 378). The backsides of these policies is that the prostitutes can only work within a certain area and time or else they will be fined or in case of migrants, deported if they do not follow these regulations (European Parliament, 2005). Another bad aspect of the time
9 and area restrictions is that it has created a significant mobility of prostitutes which has
created difficulties to identify victims of trafficking (ibid).
Additionally, apart from strip clubs, erotic bars and peep shows, Germany have Eros centres such as hotel brothels and sauna clubs. According to (Weitzer, 2017, pp. 378) the prostitutes must pay an entry fee but can retain all the money they earn from the customers. However, this is surely not the whole truth. Simon Häggström is Swedish police specialising in prostitution and human trafficking and has written books about his witnessing at work in the context of prostitution. In his second book “Nattstad” he accompanies German colleagues Kriminalpolizei to do a control at the FKK (Freikörperkultur) or (Free Body Culture) brothel Aphrodite. The information Häggström gets from the German kriminalpolizei is that the prostitutes have to pay a fee between fifty to seventy euros per shift and over and above that, give money to their pimps which subsequently do not leave much money left to the prostitutes (Häggström, 2016). The owners of the brothels want to seem as good guys but in reality the police get information about how the owners put demands on the prostituting women in forms of working hours, prices and what kind of sex act they must do and these things are difficult to prove (Häggström, 2016, p. 85). Furthermore, according to a German kriminalpolizei in Häggströms book (2016) it is not unusual that owners of the brothels are cooperating directly with human traffickers to make their business as lucrative as possible.
Germany follows the law of human rights which is described in article 1 as in the basic law for the federal republic of Germany [Human dignity- Human rights- legally binding force of basic rights]. “Human dignity shall be inviolable. To respect and protect it shall be the duty of all state authority” (Bundesministerium der Justiz und für
Verbraucherschutz, 2019). Article 3 in the basic law for the federal republic of Germany [Equality before the law], it is said that “[a]ll persons shall be equal before the law. Men and women shall have equal rights. The state shall promote the actual implementation of equal rights for women and men and take steps to eliminate disadvantages that now exist. No person shall be favoured or disfavoured because of sex, parentage, race, language, homeland of origin, faith or religious or political opinions “(ibid). However, in Germany it is not allowed for immigrants working as prostitutes as they need a work permit (AuslG, Law on foreigners, cited in Danna, 2003, pp. 11). The prostitutes who have work permit are equated with occupations such as health checks, respect of forbidden zone and the rules that engages in it, if breaking the rules there is high chance of being expelled (Danna, 2003, pp. 11).
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1.4.3 Discussion of Germany’s and Sweden’s prostitution policies
In contrary to Sweden, where it is illegal for procuring activities, in the German legislation it is not an offense for pimping or procuring activities as long as a prostitutes freedom is not restricted or “personal or financial independence” is infringed (Weitzer, 2017, pp. 379). In a study of Yondorf (1979, pp. 427) it is stated that there are around 80 to 95 percent of the prostitutes who have pimps in West Germany and some of these pimps are in some cases their lovers, friends or even husbands who are managing the affairs between prostitutes and
purchases. It is unclear why prostitutes have pimps in West Germany since it is legal but one reason would be that it is primarily the lower-class prostitutes who have pimps since they are in need for security (Yondorf, 1979, pp. 428). This eventuate to, regarding migrant prostitutes which mainly comes from low developed and poor countries, concerns about them having pimps who are managing their affairs and money despite the security.
Germany has changed its prostitution legislation in 2017 with an aim to boost the welfare protection for sex workers. The new law was allowing them to register for social security but only 76 women out of an estimated number of 200,000 women, were registered in the state service in 2018 (DW, 2019). The government believes that legislation’s limited impact could be due to the prostitutes wishes of continuing working anonymously (ibid).The traffickers bring an enormous numbers of victims to Germany because of Germany’s
organised prostitution such as brothels and the liberal prostitution laws that was reformed in 2017 that turned Germany to the “brothel of Europe” (MacGregor, 2019).
Since prostitution in Germany is not criminalised and is both legal and taxed, a more liberal approach would be beneficiary in describing Germany’s policy due to the fact that liberalist feminists believe women have the fully right of their own bodies which therefore, make them have the full right to sell sex if they want to. While in Sweden it is illegal to buy sex but not selling of one’s own body, a feminist Marxist theory would be beneficial in explaining the reason to the implemented legislations in Sweden since Marxism feminists believe that all prostitutes are victims and have limited freedom
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1.4.4 Undocumented migrants in prostitution
According to Platform for International cooperation on Undocumented Migrants (PICUM) undocumented migrants in prostitution face many layers of discrimination such as social exclusion, theft, violence, harassment, exploitation, evictions, and homelessness (2019). Being illegal in a country make them unable to report crimes to the police because of the fear of being deported, or on the other hand, being exposed to violence from the police which is not uncommon (PICUM, 2019). Furthermore, these groups of migrants have limited access to essential services which includes health care and face barriers for accessing protection and justice (ibid). Migrants in the sex industry were estimated to comprise over 65 percent of the sex worker population in Western Europe from the last available estimate in 2008, and it is particularly undocumented migrants who adds up the population of being in the sex industry due to poverty, discrimination and lack of alternative employment opportunities (ibid). Herewith, those migrants who are already suffering because of the factors that drew them in to the sex industry, gets more penalised due to their illegal status. Women and children in trafficking are transported from their home communities to destination that are unfamiliar to them and are separated from important individuals and institution that are necessary for their safety (chapkis, 2003). Kempadoo (cited in Chapkis, 2003, pp. 931) points out that:
“the Third World prostitutes becomes positioned as incapable of making decisions about their own
lives, forced by overwhelming external powers completely beyond their control into submission and slavery”.
Chapkis (2003, pp. 931) explains that most nations have many laws that are prohibiting kidnapping, rape, forced servitude, and debt-bondage that could be used to prosecute those who abuse migrants and those that are engaged in prostitution. “Yet language within the bill suggests that such laws are impotent in the face of sex trafficking” (ibid). One reason to that is offenses against prostitutes and illegal aliens are considered as less serious than similar crimes towards people who are portrayed as innocent victims (ibid). Thus, it is unsustainable to draw a line between the innocent victim and the wilful illegal immigrant with the intention of determine punishment and protection, considering that many victims in trafficking are also economic migrant with a victimisation that mostly involve high debts and abusive working conditions (ibid). Additionally, according to O’Neill Richards (cited in Chapkis, 2003, pp. 931-932) many victims who have been seriously abused do resist assistance because of
12 distrusting the law enforcement and fearing deportation even more than being continuously exploited. In Doezema study (cited in Chapkis, 2003, pp. 928) it is presented that sex worker’s rights activists have become as concerned as anti-prostitution feminists because of the danger of a forced and free distinction, as it will determine which prostitutes deserve protection from abuse. Moreover, Doezema points out the problem of laws only focusing on victims of forced prostitution as it would leave most sex workers outside of the protection. “It is one thing to save innocent victims of forced prostitution, quite another to argue that
prostitutes deserve rights” (Doezema, cited in Chapkis, 2003, p. 928). There are many ideological differences among feminists on the question of decriminalisation of commercial sex, even though both anti prostitution activists, who see all sex workers as victims, and sex worker’s rights activists, who demand rights for all those engaged in prostitution- are agreeing that consent should never be a factor to determine which victims deserve assistance (chapkis, 2003, pp. 929).
When talking about the policies about prostitution of the European Union there are three different levels that must be taken into consideration: 1) the declarations of the states, 2) the laws) and 3) the practices dealing with prostitution (Danna, 2003, pp. 1). As Danna (2003, pp. 1) states, “the E.U. is nearly all abolitionist by declaration, with few countries adopting public regulation of prostitution and non-prohibiting the exchange of sex and money”. To understand Germany’s and Sweden’s differences and similarities how they support undocumented migrants in prostitution, one must look at each countries’ laws and practices of dealing with undocumented migrants. In Sweden since 2013 undocumented migrants are entitled to medical assistance such as emergency care and treatment, maternity care and contraceptive counselling and care in abortion, health examination and dental care in acute situations (migrantsinfo, 2018). Moreover, undocumented children between the ages of 6 and 18 have the right to attend school and even though the children have no obligations to attend school, the school and social services have no obligation to notify police authorities about undocumented families (migrationsinfo, 2018). The victims of sex trafficking who are in Germany illegally, get benefits according to the German Law on Benefits for Asylum Seekers, for the reason that the full medical and psychological assistance that is state-based is only granted to persons who are in the country legally (European Commission, n.d.).
In this study, I want to find out the similarities and differences that the Swedish and German organisations Talita and KOK e.V. approaches’ the handling of victims who are undocumented as they are in the country illegally. Since Sweden and Germany have different laws and measurements in dealing with this group of victims, I want to know how each
13 organisation describe their support of undocumented migrants and what benefits they are entitled to.
1.5 Theories
1.5.1 Feminist theory in the field of Migration
In the field of migration, sex trafficking is not incorporated in a larger extent of the migration research and literature (Nawyn, 2010, pp. 758). Even though, some important research from a feminist standing point such as the connections between sex trafficking and violence which are factors that forces women to leave their countries, there is not enough literature of it in the migration field compare to for example labour migration (ibid). Evidently, studies about women in the migration field is largely ignored and hypothetical due to sexism and that non-feminist migration scholars do not take the experiences of women seriously (ibid).
What feminist migration scholars have made clear is that gender is more than an individual-level binary category ascribed at birth. In fact, some feminist scholars would argue that gender is not an individual characteristic at all. It is rather, a system of power relations that permeates every aspect of the migration experience. (Nawyn, 2010: 760)
For this study about sex trafficking, it is useful to implement feminist theories since it is feminist scholars who try to attempt a better understanding of the gender and power relations. Sweden for instance, as the Swedish law prohibiting the purchase of sexual services is a result after many years of feminist debates and challenges that turned the view of prostitution upside down (Björk, 2019). The feminists have succeeded in more countries than Sweden since the law (that was first called the Nordic model but changed to the “equality model”) has been implemented in other countries such as Canada, France, Ireland, Iceland and Norway (ibid).
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1.5.2 Feminist empiricism and Feminist Standpoint Epistemology
Empiricism is a form of epistemology “way of knowing” thus the knowledge is based on experiences and since empiricism has the belief that all knowledge obtains from sensory experiences that includes an everyday understanding, and is through the objective
measurements, it is validated as true by its reliability (Hesse-Biber, 2014, pp. 15 & Code cited in Hundleby, 2011, pp. 29). In the 1960s until the 1980s there were some vast reactions from feminist researchers about the androcentric and male biased research which was the majority being published (Hesse-Biber, 2014, pp. 4). Thus, the feminist empiricists introduced
women’s perspectives into the research projects across academic disciplines such as
philosophy, psychology, sociology, education, history, anthropology, language and within law and medicine (ibid). The ground-breaking anthologies of feminist research were published during the 1970s and 1980s and in the 1990s the feminist researchers stepped up with a different approach in challenging traditional approach (ibid). By creating new sets of feminist epistemologies and methodologies from creating the question what is the nature of social reality? it was able to interrogate and modify the dominant models of knowledge building (ibid).
Furthermore, Hesse-biber (2014, pp. 4) points out that the radical challenged to the traditional research began from a critique of positivism. According to Comte and
Durkheim (cited in Hesse-Biber, 2014, pp. 4) “[t]he basic tenets of positivism are (1) scientific objectivity - the concept of ‘value free’ science that stresses the detachment of the researcher from the researched, and (2) universality- the concept that the researcher can discover the 'truth' of the 'social reality' that exists outside of the researcher”. It is of essential importance to acknowledge that the feminists in the 1980s and 1990s wanted knowledge to be achieved by women’s individual lived experiences and not through what was done before, by correcting or supplementing the mainstream research just by including women (ibid).
Feminist empiricists believe that a systematically applied scientific methods are sufficient on the part of eliminating sexist science and to find the possibility to separate a purified science from the twisted effects of society (Sismondo, 2010). Furthermore, the feminist empiricism is in some sense the root to other feminist approaches in science (ibid). This approach Haraway describes as the feminist “uses of Marxian resources to get a theory of science which continues to insist on legitimate meanings of objectivity and which remains
15 leery of a radical constructivism conjugated with semiology and narratology” (Haraway, 1988 :579). Additionally, feminist science projects give a richer, adequate, and better account of the world for a more critical input in practices of domination and other unequal parts of privilege and oppression (Haraway, 1988).
However, Standpoint theorists are critical towards the empiricism since it believes that science can be objective through difficult methodology (Borland, n.d.). According to the standpoint theorists, one is more likely to acknowledge the importance of standpoint when one starts from the perspective of women and other marginalised people, in order to create knowledge that is embodied, self-critical and coherent (Borland, n.d.). The feminist standpoint epistemology is rooted in Marxist and Hegelian idea that an individual’s material and lived experience structures the individuals own understanding of the social environment (Hesse-Biber, 2014, pp. 6).
An example is the comparison between a slave and the master which is more completed through the perspective of the slave since he or she must not only comprehend his or her own world, but the master’s, in order to survive (Hesse-Biber, 2014, pp. 6). From the slave women’s standpoint, people came to understand the institution of slavery as a whole through the eyes of slave women and from that starting point, the brutal institution could be fought (Brooks, 2007, pp. 3). The standpoint of slave women can be analogous with the expression of women’s contemporary experiences of oppression, which feminist standpoint scholars and researchers try to implement solutions for (Brooks, 2007, pp. 7). The feminist standpoint epistemology highlights the victims of the ones who are silenced and oppressed into the mainstream dialogue (Brooks, 2007). For the feminist standpoint theorists, women’s oppressed position in comparison to men, allows women to achieve a more nuanced
understanding of the social reality than the dominant group, men (Brooks, 2007, pp. 9). This theory is a philosophy of knowledge building for making us to acknowledge and understand the world through the oppressed women by their experiences and to apply this vision and knowledge into social activism and social change (Brooks, 2007, pp. 3).
Critiques of the feminist standpoint claims that it “unfairly collapses all women’s experience into a single experience [...] for example, race, class, and sexual orientation” (Hesse-Biber,2014, pp. 3). The standpoint epistemology has a diversity in its perspective, but all standpoint theorists emphasize the importance of the experiences in feminist theorising. “Consciousness raising (CR) was a strategy of knowledge development designed to help support and generate women’s political activism.” (Hesse-Biber, 2014, pp. 29). After shared experiences on an individual level the women were able to see that the
16 problem of women’s oppression is shaped by social structural factors which needed political solutions, and the women working collectively were able to solve and analyse these processes (Hesse-Biber, 2014 & Fisher, 2001).
1.5.3 Feminist Marxism
When this theory was launched the key questions was how to analyse women’s oppression under capitalism in the best way (Hartsock, 1998). Marx did not analyse women’s oppression, but his work has provided important tools that offer ways how to get to the vast structure that is underlying the observable phenomenon of women’s oppression (Hartsock, 1998). Marxist feminists believe that the “capitalist mode of production relies upon both productive and socially reproductive labour” (Cruz, 2018, pp. 68). Bryson (cited in Cruz, 2018) shed lights to the capitalist relations of reproduction, which is not only economic, but they are gendered, racialised and legal. Furthermore, the Marxist feminism recognises dialectical relationship between the self, such as subjectivity and experience, and the society which means in this case, capitalist relations of (re)production (Cruz, 2018).
“This means that however much certain actors coerce and exploit workers it is imminently possible, and necessary, for workers to act upon these relations in organising for control over their labour and lives.” (Cruz, 2018, pp. 69)
When left parties feminist tested Marxist theory on a social development against feminist theory, they observed that the view of human is changeable as he or she is an active, social and a creature of consciousness, that creates, maintains and changes his or her living conditions (Vänsterpartiet, n.d.). Because every person is born into an existing society with more or less permanent economic, political and cultural structures that they are formed of. Also, the notion that the unequal power relations in society are historically conditioned and therefore changeable, and how we can acquire knowledge about the world and how our consciousness and knowledge are shaped based on our needs (Vänsterpartiet, n.d.).
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1.5.4 Feminist liberalism
Embla (2017) describes that liberal feminists believes that everyone should be treated equally based on human rights. The liberal feminists believe that equality can be achieved through spreading knowledge about injustice and that it is more crucial to change people’s attitudes rather than changing rules and society (ibid). According to Baehr (cited in Cruz, 2018) the liberal feminist theory of justice is the key commitment for individuals to uphold their own capacity of self-determination and choice to be ensured a certain constitutional arrangement which includes the rule of law and human rights.
“In classical liberal feminism this tends to yield a focus on the removal of coercive interference with a woman’s person and her ability to acquire, control, and exchange property, including property in her person (Dickenson cited in Cruz, 2018, pp. 73)”
By this mean, the coercion is defined as forcible interference with a woman’s person or property by the state or market, and its’ an absence that is ensured by the legal political rights (Baehr cited in Cruz, 2018, pp. 73). This is why some sex work scholars and activist use this classical liberal feminist framework, for the sake of arguing that in case of exploitation sex workers are indeed slaves, but they voluntarily contract to sell their bodily property (Cavalieri cited in Cruz, 2018, pp.73). However, migration for sex work and trafficking for sexual exploitation should not be mixed up or interlaced with one another (Cruz, 2018, pp. 74). Another argument that sex worker rights activists and academics use in the liberal approach is that trafficking could be better dealt with in case of combining human rights for voluntary migrant sex workers and a victim centred rights agenda for victims of trafficking (Cruz, 2018, pp. 84). The human rights agenda was criticised for being a conscious response to individual cases of exploitation and forced prostitution (ibid). Shamir and Kotiswaran (cited in Cruz, 2018, pp. 84) explains that the agenda fails to deal with the root that causes trafficking. Hence, in the human rights case law confirms the state’s role in violation of Article 4 which explains that member states have obligation to take substantive measures to prevent slavery, and trafficking and in addition with requirements from the European Court of Human Rights member states must enact criminal laws and immigration rules that will be for trafficking disadvantage (Cruz, 2018, pp. 84). In contrast to the feminist Marxism perspective that believes many migrant sex workers have a very limited freedom, the classical liberal perspective from the sex worker rights activists and academics claim that the majority of
18 migrant sex workers sell their bodies from free will and are not trafficked, coerced, or even exploited (Cruz, 2018, pp. 65).
1.6 Method
1.6.1 Qualitative text analysis of organisations
The aim research for this study is to compare the methods between Germany and Sweden when dealing with victims of sex trafficking and what the similarities and differences are, with a focus on undocumented migrants. This would be more valid by using a content analysis whereby the techniques that are used to draw conclusion takes the objective and systematic description and specification characteristic into consideration, in different messages (Holsti cited in Bryman, 2011, pp. 282). Content analysis is described by Bryman (2011) as a method that includes analysis of documents and texts that could be either printed, handwritten or in electronic form. For this study, the data will be collected on Talita’s and KOK e.V.’s websites and compare texts and descriptions for the purpose of answering research questions. This form of analysis method is suitable for finding patterns in a bigger material and to roughly sort out categories (Bergström & Boréus, 2019, pp. 50). In order to collect relevant data, the texts on the websites need to be read several times because when it comes to categorise manually for comparative, it is important to not miss important
descriptions.
For content analysis it is important that the explanations or descriptions of phenomenon in a study is written with an objectivity of the researcher (Neuendorf, 2017). By this mean, and for the sake of giving a reliable result, I as a researcher will not interpret contents of the organisations to make it fit my beliefs of how I think the result will be.
Moreover, Barelson’s (cited in Bryman, 2011, pp. 282) definition of content analysis is except the objectively, quantitative in which the aim is to collect quantitative description from the raw material. However, many times studies that are characterised as qualitative is actually quantitative but the phenomenon that is studied is qualitative in nature as well as, qualitative analysis that are empirical are very useful in content analysis (Neuendorf, 2017). Schreier (cited in Bergström & Boréus, 2019, pp. 50) describes qualitative content analysis as a method to systematic describe the meaning of the data by successively categorise parts of the material through a coding frame. The data collection in this study will be achieved in that
19 way, by collecting themes or categories from the organisations that are predetermined to be health care, economic resources, social resources and an unspecified theme that is called other resources.
Furthermore, according to Barelson’s definition the content analysis is referred to a concrete or manifested content which means that it is focused on getting a picture of the tangible content in the matter of interest (Bryman, 2011, pp. 282). The themes that is needed to find in matter of answering the research questions, must also be similar in the organisations description otherwise it would not be trustworthy as a different researcher could interpret text differently. It is important as a researcher to not interpret the content from the analysis but to clearly discuss how the themes are described and the result of the differences and similarities between the organisations. As Bergström and Boréus depicts (2019), the importance of a content analysis is the ability to describe how the result was made.
1.6.2 Thematic analysis
In the interest of collecting themes from the organisations that will be put in a coding framework to ease the comparison, the tool of thematic analysis will be used. According to Bergström and Boréus (2019, pp. 52) in content analysis one can draw different themes from the texts, such as counting how many times certain themes have been brought up in new articles. A thematic analysis is an approach within many qualitative analyses such as the content analysis and for some authors a theme is more or less the same as codes (Bryman, 2011, pp. 528). When searching after different themes Ryan and Bernard (cited in Bryman, 2011, pp. 528-529) recommends to focus on: 1) repetitions, themes that are repetitive, 2) Local typologies or categories, local expressions that are unfamiliar or that are used in unusual ways, 3) Metaphors and analogies, how participants (in interviews) describes their thoughts in terms of metaphors and analogies. 4) Transitions, how different themes changes in transcripts and other material. 5) Similarities and differences, surveys in how participants (in interviews) can discuss themes in different ways or how to see texts being different from one another. 6) Linguistic connections, such as the use of words “because of” as these words can highlight causal connections to participants awareness. 7) Missing data, to reflect why certain things are missing in the data and for interviews, getting answer by asking the participants
20 why certain things were excluded in their answers. 8) Theory related material, the use of social science concepts as a starting point for themes.
These recommendations will be taken in considerations and used as guidelines when reading the content of the organisations websites to collect the different themes that will be used in the coding framework. The thematic analysis has the opportunity to code and categorize data into themes so this study opt to do so through collecting materials on the organisations websites, which then can be displayed according to its similarities and differences (Miles and Huberman cited in Alhojailan, 2012).
1.6.3 Sampling and Data collection
Data collection will be done by comparing Swedish and German organisations Talita and KOK e.V. and how they through their countries’ legislation, apply their methods and
approaches about benefits and residence permit for sex trafficking victims. This study seeks to find themes in the texts that will be needed for the result. By using organisations websites, the study opts for the German organisations KOK e.V. because it is most appropriate as it is the biggest organisation that tackles the issues with trafficking and violence against women in Germany. The Swedish organisation Talita is chosen for the same reason and contributes to an equal comparison. Since the documents are official the study does not need to take the
research ethical principles into consideration.
According to Bryman (2011) content analysis can only be good if the documents that the study is based on, are adequate. Some recommendation how to assess documents is through following criteria’s: 1) authenticity, ensuring that the document is what it claims to be, 2) credibility, making sure that the documents are not false or distorted in any way and 3) sensitivity, the documents that are studied are representative for all other relevant documents (Scott cited in Bryman, 2011, pp. 296-297). The content of KOK e.V. and Talita’s websites should be reliable as them both are big organisations that have many experiences of helping victims with collaborations that KOK e.V. have with German institute for Human Rights, and the collaboration between Talita and the police and social services. To be able to analyse the content the study will be done by using a convenience sample method to collect relevant data that will be categorised into themes from the German and Swedish organisations.
21 Coding Framework
Measures: Health care Economic
resources Social Resources Other Resources Talita Sweden KOK e.V. Germany comparison/ comments
The scheme above shows how the study categorises different measurements in themes such as health care, economic resources, social resources as mentioned in the appendix above. The complete frame code is available on the last page of this paper in the section 2.1. These are the measures that this study of the organisations Talita and KOK e.V. is interested to find. This will be made by collecting texts from each organization's website and put into each box. The health care includes anything that is relevant to human health. It could be from medical supplements, access to psychologist or counselling. In the box of economic resources, it is relevant to find how organisations help victims financially by clothing, food but also other money related issues that organisations describe of providing. Social resources mean support provided by the organisation from a social input such as support in meetings with authorities,
22 help in seeking jobs and accommodation. In the section “other resources” there will be
measures described on each organisation, beyond those that were predetermined.
1.7 Analyse Conduction
1.7.1 Result
The organisations that are compared in this study is the German organisation Bundesweiter Koordinierungskreis Gegen Menschenhandel e.V. (KOK e.V.) as it is a non-profit
organisation that engages on a regional, national and international level in combating human trafficking and promoting migrant’ rights (ibid). KOK e.V. is the only organisation in Germany, bringing 37 women’s organisations including counselling centres for victims of trafficking, migrant focused project, women’s shelters, counselling services for prostitutes and single women (ibid). Plus, the Swedish organisation Talita that is also a non-profit
organisation with a mission “[...]to fight the sexualized slavery in all its forms through prevention, outreach, and rehabilitation” (Talita,2020). In this section the result of each themes will be described and after every category there will be a discussion comparing the organisations description.
The differences that was noticed while collecting the themes is that the German KOK e.V. have more embedded descriptions of the legislations in Germany and how the organisation works affected by the legislations. While Talita has a more direct approach when describing what measurements, they use to help victims of sex trafficking. And these
differences will be taken into considerations in the analysis. The organisations in this study is clearly not embedded in the same structure as Talita is more independent with other Talita organisations internationally, while KOK e.V. have 37 women’s organisation that does not only work with prostitution and trafficking but violence against women in a broader scope.
In the following section there will be result of the analysis from the different themes: health care, economic resources, social resources, and other resources, followed by a discussion after every theme. Lastly at the end of all analysis and discussions there will be a theoretical discussion of the study’s research question.
23
1.7.2 Health care
Talita offers a 12 month rehabilitation program that is evaluated by the Malmö University with positive outcome and is based on the Talita method (Talitametoden) which Talita has formed during 20 years of gathering knowledge by working with the target group. The program has given good result as women in prostitution have left prostitution for good after completed Talita’s program. Talita organisation is also able to extend support to women for additionally a year in pursuance of securing her possibility for the future. On KOK e.V.’s website under the title of “Human Trafficking”, “Compensation” and “civil claims resulting from tors”, it states that:
“Civil claims can be made, as stated in § 823 I of the German Civil Code (BGB). In accordance with § 823 I BGB, any person who, intentionally or negligently, unlawfully injures the life, body, health, freedom, property or another right of another person is liable to compensate the other party for the damage arising from this. As the objects stated enjoy special protection, no employment contract is required for the enforcement of § 823 I BGB.” (KOK e.V.).
Moreover, “In accordance with § 253 II BGB, financial compensation may be claimed for any injury to body, health, freedom or sexual self-determination. (KOK e.V., n.d.)”
Under the title “Member Organisations/ Counselling Centres” it describes centres of specialised counselling in Germany that are also Non-profit or Non-governmental organisations (NGO). It also states that “[d]epending on their concept and professional
equipment the centres in general offer support in the following issues:” with a followed list of support such as crisis intervention and first conversation, continuous psychological
counselling, advice and placement in accommodation and medical health care.
1.7.3 Analyse discussion of the category of Health Care
In the circumstances of health care, a lot of things are included, such as medical care or mental health care etc. Talita described the work for the mental health in forms of
rehabilitation program that has given good results on victims. There was nothing described about the medical health such as medicine or other supplements that could be helpful for
24 example sleeping disorder or anxiety. However, this matter could be included in the full-board that will be further described in the next paragraph about economic resources.
On KOK e.V.’s website the health care is more described in compensation claims that victims have the right to do in contemplation of the German laws. Other
description about health care is described when talking about other member organisations of KOK e.V. and counselling Centres. The difficulty is how to interpret the texts correctly, if it is KOK e.V. themselves who are handling the psychological counselling and medical health care, or if it is other member organisations that take care of that part. Moreover, since it states that the centres generally offer support on issues regarding health care, it is not clear which organisation that does or even if KOK e.V. has that possibility.
1.7.4 Economic resources
For acute situations, Talita is providing help financially through a so called full-board “helpension” which includes accommodations, food, clothing and hygiene items for new arrived girls that have been brought from the police or social services to one of Talita’s protected shelters. Talita provides long-term help for victims in prostitution and sex trafficking through “[...]safe housing, trauma therapy, teaching planning for the future, internship as well as transition to independent living and integration into society” (Talita,2020).
In KOK e.V.s’ website under the title “Human trafficking” and “compensation” there is a paragraph describing the compensation by offenders in criminal proceedings. Victims of trafficking can enforce their claims for wages and damages before a criminal court during the criminal proceeding (KOK e.V.). It would compensate for immaterial and material damages, but it can only be made if a criminal proceeding has been started. KOK e.V. also states that the ”advantage of this procedure is that the civil claims of the trafficked persons can be examined during the criminal proceedings and that evidence is presented, e.g. to show that the person has suffered physical harm” (KOK e.V.).
Moreover, together with the German institute for Human Rights, KOK e.V. have created a poster with collaboration with the European project COMP. ACT., that is compiling action guidelines regarding compensation measurements. This poster that could be
downloaded on KOK e.V.’s website, shows an overview of rights of trafficked persons that describes how to proceed from when the crime has occurred and regarding what background
25 the victim has, such as voluntary or involuntary work within sex industry, the poster shows the suing process and the possible compensation claims. Furthest down on this poster there is a note “important note” that says” Undocumented migrants can also invoke compensation! (Caution: Giving personal data may lead to being reported to the immigration authority)”. Under the title of assistance and financial support KOK e.V. describes the possibilities for benefits if a victim wants to testify against someone who has committed criminal acts. These benefits come within the law pertaining to benefits for asylum seekers that will ensure
benefits to the victim throughout the investigation and the court proceeding. However, victims who are citizens of EU are eligible for benefits under the Social Welfare Code (SGB II or XII) for temporary crisis situation. Thus, if a victim is illegally in Germany there is not financial support eligible. Although, an illegal resident in Germany can still contact counselling centre in all confidence because there will be no legal action towards the migrant, such as
deportation (KOK e.V. n.d.)
1.7.5 Analyse discussion of the category of Economic Resources
The major difference how these organisations describe economic support to victims of trafficking and prostitution is that Talita describe what the organisation does for the victims briefly, but somehow more accurately as they mention the accommodation, help pension which includes food, clothing and other necessities. In the next section of social resources, it is described that undocumented women who have been victim of sex trafficking are welcome to Talita’s shelters which should therefore include them in the assistance and financial help. What is not mentioned is the financially support in long-term for clothing, food etc.
KOK e.V. website describes the financially support in the way of the German laws and how Germany provides a legal basis of compensations. The compensation can be claimed from the criminal court but in court evidence is needed. What is not described is what they do with victims who cannot prove that they suffer physically, since the evidence is important in the matter of victims getting compensation. The poster created by KOK e.V. and the German institute for Human Rights with collaboration with the European project COMP. ACT., for the compiling action guidelines regarding compensation measurements, describes on a small note how undocumented migrants also have rights to claim for compensation even though they can be reported to the immigration authority when giving out personal number. Moreover, undocumented migrants are not eligible for benefits in a temporary crisis situation.
26 By not giving undocumented migrants the same support as documented migrants or other German citizens, one could think that Germany does not follow the article 1 and 3 mentioned in earlier research, that everyone is equal before the law.
There is a higher chance that undocumented migrants in trafficking who are in need of help and should have the right of compensation for immaterial damages such as pain, injury, psychological disorders, permanent physical injury but also in case of loss of wages, would not try to get the help that is needed which is explained in earlier research, for the fear of deportation.
1.7.6 Social Resources
Talita organisation works in collaboration with the police who usually brings victims to Talita’s shelters. Talita provides support at the police hearings and counselling with an
interpreter available for translation if needed. Additionally, by providing transition apartments Talita states that “if necessary, we are able to extend support to a woman for an additional year, giving us more time to secure her possibilities for the future.” One of the safe houses that Talita provides is Villa Talita that is located on a secret address in Stockholm where police, social services and other authorities are able to find when women are in urgent need of help and protection. In the Villa there are overnight staff present when its required, otherwise there will be staff during daytime and a 24/7 hotline. Talita is welcoming all “[...]women regardless of whether another authority pays for her expenses or not, which allows [them] to even welcome undocumented women exploited in prostitution of human trafficking for sexual purposes” (Talita, 2020). Another safe house was opened up in Gothenburg ‘Lilla Talita’ which offers both acute assistance and long-term support and the staff are ready on a 24/7 hotline to accept placements by the police, social services and other authority.
KOK e.V. have many member organisations and counselling centres that in general offer support by providing advice and services for free regarding social and resistance rights and support in living assurance, advice and placement in accommodation, educational arrangements, and recreational activities. Moreover, depended on the organisations concept and professional equipment, they also offer help by arranging lawyers, attendance by visits of for example courts and authorities, support in the search for jobs and lastly support in case of departure where advice in help services in their home countries also is provided. The centres are available for all women who seek refuge and KOK e.V. (n.d.) states that “[m]igrant
27 women can also seek advice from specialised social centres for migrants and other women’s centres.” Furthermore, through the violence against women support hotline available 24/7 victims get offered competent advice securely, anonymously whenever they need. “The counsellors provide women with confidential support and if needed can help them find appropriate local support options in their area” (KOK e.V., n.d.). This support service provides a concrete social need and is important for directing victims, relatives of victims, friends, and professionals to appropriate support resources.
1.7.7 Analyse discussion of the category of Social Resources
Both Talita and KOK e.V. member organisations provide support through attending court, police hearings etc. Talita has two protected shelters, one in Gothenburg and one in
Stockholm where every woman who has been in prostitution and sex trafficking is welcome, as legally migrant, or not. The staff in Talita are either present in the shelters or available on a 24/7 hotline. In collaboration with the police and social services who assist victims to the secret addresses, no one needs to fear the laws of deportation. KOK e.V. provides advice and placements in accommodations also but it is through member organisation and counselling centres, which are many in Germany. Apparently, the number women can dial in case of being exposed to violence, is a national helpline number in Germany and not directly linked to one organisation such as KOK e.V. Both websites describes there is a 24/7 available helpline hence, the number on Talita’s website is directly linked to them either to Stockholm or Gothenburg, whilst the number on KOK e.V.’s website is a national number regarding support to women exposed to violence.
1.7.8 Other resources
Talita offers long-term help in the home country of victims in trafficking as many of the prostitutes and victims have children or families in their home countries and wish to go back. Talita helps to apply a return program that is offered by Sweden’s Gender Equality Agency (Jämställdhetsmyndigheten) that is in collaboration with the International Organization for Migration (IOM) (Talita, 2020). Because of the need for many of the women and girls who
28 have been victim in sex industry, to go back home to their families, Talita created the project “Breaking free” that is an improving support service for women and girls in Romania who have been exploited in prostitution or sex trafficking (ibid). Many of the girls who reach Talita’s shelters are from Romania and Talita wanted to investigate through a survey the need to start a business there to be able to ensure that the women had access to the support that they would receive in Sweden through Talita’s protected shelters (ibid). It emerged to a
collaboration with an existing local organisation, Associatia F.R.E.E. that made is possible for women in Talita’s target group to go through Talita’s long-term program in Romania. Apart from Romania, Talita exist also in Mongolia (Talita Mongolia) and in Kenya (Maisha Talita). Maisha Talita works together with the organisation Maisha and help girls and women to leave the sex trade in one of Nairobi’s largest slum areas, Majengo (Talita,2020). Maisha already help provide shelter and accommodation but Maisha Talita will work through prevention, outreach, and rehabilitation in collaboration with authorities and other actors.
Talita Mongolia was founded in 2013 as the first organisation in the country licensed to work with children who has been victims to sexual exploitation(ibid). In Mongolia, the Talita method is applied, and the organisation is financed by Talita in Sweden(ibid). Financial contributions are also something that Talita Sweden does to other similar organisations.
Moreover, Talita organisation is also working in prevention and bringing
awareness between pornography, prostitution, and trafficking. The witnessing of how women ended up in the sex industry through pornography, or how prostitutes being filmed while being bought and put up online, made a clear link between the pornography, prostitution, and sex trafficking (ibid). Because of the little knowledge about pornography industry in Sweden, Talita was first creating a survey about the Swedish porn industry (ibid).
The study clearly shows that the pornography industry exists Sweden, and profits from exploiting young, vulnerable girls. It is a brutal form of the sex trade, and although it is a form of prostitution, the Swedish government has yet to address this type of prostitution. (Talita, 2020)
The counselling centre staff of KOK e.V. provides assistance to migrant victims in returning home and also with the help from International Organization for Migration (IOM) that will pay for the victims flight and give small sum of money to help the victim get started on her return. KOK e.V. also states that if victims accept this offer and later choose to return to Germany, they will be legally obliged to repay these funds (KOK e.V., n.d.). KOK e.V. will
29 also help to get in touch with families or relevant support groups in the home country.
An aim that KOK e.V. has is to promote the human rights of trafficked persons and other migrants experiencing violence. KOK e.V. believes that the crime of human
trafficking is deeply rooted in racism and sexism and the strategies to fight human trafficking have to be embedded in a wider framework including both phenomena (KOK e.V., n.d.). The network is active against all bodies, organisations and legislation which exclude migrants from social, political, and economic participation (ibid). It believes in equal rights and opportunities for all, including persons working in prostitution and other informal economics (ibid). KOK e.V. (n.d.) aims to improving living conditions for exploited migrant women in a sustainable way by demanding social equality for prostitutes, demanding an independent right of residence for spouses right at the beginning of a marriage, improve the judicial and social situation of people affected by human trafficking and enhance rights of residence and labour rights for female migrants.
Another goal is to create awareness for the complex topic of human trafficking in general and among scientific public and to end racial sexual discrimination of female migrants. Moreover, by promoting the recognition of trafficking as a human rights violation and the condemnation of trafficking of women as a form of violence against women (ibid). KOK e.V. (n.d.) describes that the implementation of political and social arrangements for affected people and against trafficking of human beings on a regional and national as well as on a European and International level. The organisation wants to combat all levels of human trafficking (ibid).
1.7.9 Analyse discussion of the category of Other Resources
In similarities with Talita, KOK e.V. provides support together with IOM for returning women who are victims of prostitution home. Another similarity is that both Talita and KOK e.V. describes the creating of awareness of human trafficking. The differences in Talita’s and KOK e.V. approach of describing these measurements would be that KOK e.V. states that when helping migrant victims to return home they get paid for the flight and are given small sum of money to help them get started on the return home, with a risk of having to repay this if they consider coming back to Germany. Migrants in prostitution do not seem to be willingly supported even though KOK e.V. states that they aim to improve the living conditions for exploited migrant women and demanding social equality for prostitutes. If this would be the
30 case, that KOK e.V. demands to work equally with all prostitutes, why is there a need to write about the legislation of Germany? The differences between Talita’s and KOK e.V.’s
descriptions of each theme are that Talita does not describe laws and how Sweden would act against a detected prostitute who is undocumented. Talita describes what the organisation itself does in providing assistance to victims that for example arrive to their protected shelter. KOK e.V. describes how they want to improve the judicial and social situation of victims in human trafficking and to enhance rights of residence and labour rights for female migrants, at the same time describing legislations that would work against undocumented migrants.
1.8 Theoretical reasoning of the research question
By applying feminist empiricism, feminist Standpoint epistemology, feminist Liberalism and feminist Marxism, the research question of the study “What are the differences and
similarities between the German and Swedish organisations’ approach in providing
beneficial needs for the victims such as medical and economic resources?” can be clarified.
The medical health care support of the organisations Talita and KOK e.V. can be explained by highlighting the perspective of a feminist Marxism perspective. Talita and KOK e.V. both describe psychosocial support rather than the medical one which would contribute medical supplements. Marxist feminist perspective sheds light on the relations between subjectivity, experience, and structures of the society (which Cruz explains in the section 1.5.3) is capitalist relations of reproduction. In this case, the subject is the victim who is seen as a human in completeness who is in need of treatment to cure for example trauma, that will last on long-term for her better wellbeing. The experience is what the victim has traumatically experienced while being forced to sell sex followed by all psychological factors.
The research question regarding the descriptive differentiation between Talita’s and KOK e.V.’s description of health care, is the compensation claim that can be explained through a feminist Liberalist reasoning of how everyone is equal before the law of human rights and therefore entitled to compensation claims when beingintentionally or negligently, unlawfully injures the life, body, health, freedom, property or another right of another person is liable to compensate the other party for the damage arising from this. Even though KOK
31 e.V. have similarities with Talita by explaining through a feminist Marxist point of view about psychological counselling, the description of compensation claim is more outweighing as it is a description of the German law, and therefore has differentiation from Talita who does not describe from a Swedish law perspective.
The economic resource support of the organisation Talita and can be explained by applying the perspective of a feminist Liberalism (that Embla describes in the section 1.5.4) is based on human rights and that equality can be achieved through spreading knowledge about injustice. Talita describes their economic resources in terms of
accommodation, full-board “helpension” which includes clothing, food, necessities, and that everyone is included in their incorporated support, as well as undocumented migrants. To be able to understand why Talita also include undocumented migrants one must first understand the legislation of Sweden which is described in earlier research under the title of
undocumented migrants. Undocumented migrants in Sweden has from 2013, the laws on their side when it comes to getting health care and support. This explains why victims in
prostitution and sex trafficking who are undocumented, are entitled to any help that other victims are entitled to at Talita’s organisation. Another way to explain why Talita supports undocumented migrants would be by highlighting the feminist Marxism perspective since Marxist feminists believe that all prostitutes are victims and have a very limited freedom, compared to the liberal feminists who claim that majority of migrants sex workers are in prostitution from free will and therefore not exploited. By this means, Talita recognises everyone in prostitution and sex trafficking as victims and do not need to consider which victim is entitled to support. Support as accommodation, food and clothing are categories of economic values that embraces any victim to be a part of in the organisation of Talita.
KOK e.V. describes that undocumented migrants are not eligible to claim compensation nor benefits in a temporary crisis. Therefore, it is difficult to implement theories to answer the research question about this differentiation why KOK e.V. disregard undocumented migrants in prostitution when it comes to compensation claims and health care, which is mentioned in the previous section. The question of health care was being highlighted trough the feminist Liberal perspective. Alas, it is through this theme of economic resources that explains that undocumented migrants cannot claim for compensation without the fear of being deported since KOK e.V. describes that undocumented migrants in Germany can be reported to the immigration authority when giving out personal information. This means that undocumented migrants who are victims of prostitution would face the same difficulties in
