ÖREBRO UNIVERSITY School of Humanities
Education and Social Sciences Spring 2016
“HOW DOES ONE BRING THIS UP
WITHOUT STIGMATIZING AND
GENERALIZING ALL MUSLIMS?”
A Study of the Reasoning of Editors-in-chief within Public Service
MA thesis Journalism Connected Supervisor: Leonor Camauer Author: Fredrik Lindé
2 ÖREBRO UNIVERSITY
School of Humanities
“HOW DOES ONE BRING THIS UP
WITHOUT STIGMATIZE AND
GENERALIZE ALL MUSLIMS?”
A Study of the Reasoning of Editors-in-chief within Public Service
Author: Fredrik Lindé
Abstract
This study aims to examine the reasoning on publishing on Muslims of editors-in-chief within Public Service. This topic is specified in concrete questions: What is understood as newsworthy when it comes to reporting on Muslims? How are Muslims represented in the reasoning of the editors-in-chief? And what are the difficulties related to reporting on Muslims?
This study utilizes a qualitative methodology based on semi-structured interviews. The theoretical approach includes theorizing on representation and the postcolonial concept of othering. The results of the study show a complex and nuanced understanding of Muslims in general in the reasoning of the editors-in-chief, even if radical Muslims are more stereotypically understood. This is relevant in regard of previous research which has shown media representation of Muslims as stereotypical. In this sense the thesis contributes with new empirical understanding and proposes with an understanding of previous research.
Keywords: Muslims in media, Representation of Muslim identity, Construction of Muslim identity, Public Service reasoning.
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Content
1. INTRODUCTION ... 4
1.1. RESEARCH PROBLEM ... 4
1.2. PURPOSE AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS ... 5
1.3. SCOPE OF THE THESIS ... 5
1.4. PUBLIC SERVICE NEWS ... 6
1.5. OUTLINE ... 6
2. PREVIOUS RESEARCH ... 7
2.1. MUSLIMS IN SWEDISH MEDIA ... 7
3. THEORIES, PERSPECTIVES AND CONCEPTS ... 10
3.1. THE POSTCOLONIAL CONCEPT OF OTHERING ... 10
3.2. A THEORY OF REPRESENTATION ... 11
4. SAMPLING AND METHOD ... 13
4.1. RESEARCH DESIGN ... 13
4.2. QUALITATIVE INTERVIEWS ... 13
4.3. RESPONDENTS ... 15
4.4. INTERVIEW SCHEDULE AND INTERVIEW PROCEDURE ... 16
4.5. INTERVIEW ANALYSIS ... 17
4.6. ETHICAL DISCUSSION ... 17
4.7. SCIENTIFIC STUDY ... 18
5. RESULTS AND ANALYSIS ... 19
5.1. NEWSWORTHY REPORTING ON MUSLIMS ... 19
5.1.1. Newsworthiness ... 19
5.1.2. Public Service ethics ... 20
5.1.3. Critical examination of Muslims ... 21
5.2. REPRESENTATION OF MUSLIMS ... 22
5.2.1. Approaching a definition of ‘Muslim’ ... 22
5.2.2. Muslims as ’us’ ... 23
5.2.3. Strategies of nuanced representation ... 25
5.3. DIFFICULTIES WHEN REPORTING ON MUSLIMS ... 28
5.3.1. Critical reception ... 30
6. CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION ... 33
6.1. NEWSWORTHY REPORTING ON MUSLIMS ... 33
6.2. REPRESENTATION OF MUSLIMS ... 35
6.3. DIFFICULTIES WHEN REPORTING ON MUSLIMS ... 36
6.4. MUSLIMS MISREPRESENTED? ... 37
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1. Introduction
In this chapter I introduce the topic of research. I present the problem of research followed by the purpose and the research questions of this study. I summarize the scope of the thesis and give a brief review of Swedish Public Service.
1.1.
Research problem
Muslims have been a recurrent topic in news reports of recent years. The current war in Syria and Iraq and the situation in Nigeria related to Boko Haram are two examples of foreign reporting whereas the Charlie Hebdo attack and the suicide bombings in Paris and Brussels brought these events of reporting to the European level. At a national level, reporting on Muslims has been actualized by the recent migrant situation. Muslims in the media are often stereotypically represented. But far from all Muslims are militant and female Muslims claim that they are not oppressed by Islam.
Media researcher John E. Richardson claims that the media shape peoples’ understandings of the world. He writes that “[t]he way people are named in news discourse can have significant impact on the way in which they are viewed” (Richardson, 2007, 49). The mere designation of someone as a Muslim usually triggers a certain understanding, and since the news is most often negative, readers are affected by a negative understanding of Muslims, which in the long run may affect social cohesion.
Although there has been some debate on how Muslims are represented in media the research has been limited (Axner, 2015, 17). Most of this research has focused on analyses of news content, which has shown that Muslims have been stereotypically represented. All though, there is a lack of research on the production process of news about Muslims.
News are often considered as direct reflections of events and not as products of a certain pre-understanding. But since pre-understanding plays a main role in decisions, as to what is considered newsworthy and further shapes how the news are presented (Richardson, 2007, 49–50, 75–94), it is crucial to take into account the presuppositions that tinge newsroom work. This is where I hope to contribute with a new understanding.
How to report on Muslims in Sweden is an important topic. One eminent issue is how editors-in-chief – as heads of newsrooms – reason concerning their representation of Muslims in Swedish media. Since previous research mainly seems to have been framed by the question of negative representation in media (see chapter 2), it is highly relevant to investigate how editors-in-chief reason on the reporting of Muslims in a more general sense.
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1.2.
Purpose and research questions
The purpose of this study is to investigate the reasoning behind what is being aired about Muslims in Swedish Public Service media. More specifically, I intend to study how editors-in-chief reason about reporting on Muslims.
In this study I have decided to focus on newsworthiness, representation and difficulties. What is newsworthy is relevant since this is essential to what is being published, representation is justified as one eminent question in previous research, and difficulties are investigated since they might impact how news are produced. The three themes could be formulated into three concrete questions:
- What is understood as newsworthy when it comes to reporting on Muslims? - How are Muslims represented in the reasoning of the editors-in-chief? - What is thought as difficulties related to reporting on Muslims?
1.3.
Scope of the thesis
There are many news media companies in Sweden. This study is delimited to the reasoning of editors-in-chief in Swedish Public Service media. Such delimitation is interesting since the Public Service media of The Swedish Radio (SR) and The Swedish Television (SVT) hold by far the highest credibility of all the news media companies in Sweden (SIFO, 2016).1
This delimitation gives the study relevance since the representation of Muslims by these companies is to be understood as the most trustworthy. Another, more practical, factor for this delimitation is that none of the private news media that I contacted wanted to participate in this study.
All of the interviewees are the highest editorial leaders in their news rooms and have the final responsibility for the news published. They are officially entitled publishers rather than editors-in-chief since the Public Service companies are not only news companies. In this thesis I am using the title of editors-in-chief and for the sake of simplicity I sometimes use editors as an abbreviation.
1 According to SIFO, an opinion research company, 70 % of the Swedish population has trust in the news by SR and 66 % in SVT in 2016. This figures can be compared to the trust of local newspapers in general at 46 %, the major newspaper Dagens Nyheter at 46 %, or the biggest tabloids Aftonbladet at 14 % and Expressen at 10 %.7 According to this research SR is the most trusted company in Sweden amongst all investigated companies together with Systembolaget (70 %) and SVT is the second most trusted. The health care is trusted by 61 %, the Swedish National Bank 52 % and the Swedish Riksdag (the national legislature and supreme decision making organ) is trusted by 33 % of the population (SIFO, 2016).
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1.4.
Public Service news
Here is a brief review of the Public Service companies and the news that they produce.
There are three Public Service companies in Sweden, SVT (The Swedish Television), SR (The Swedish Radio) and UR (The Swedish Educational Broadcasting Company). The purpose of UR is to produce training and adult education programs, and they do not broadcast news.
SVT and SR produce news in national and local formats. Both media companies have stations in Stockholm where they broadcast national and global news, and several local stations where they produce local news for specific areas. SR has 26 local stations in Sweden and SVT has 33 local stations (SVT, 2016; SR, 2016).
In this research I’m interested to hear the reasoning of editors-in-chief on both the local and the national level.
The Public Service media is owned by a foundation that is to ensure the independence of the three companies SVT, SR and UR. The three Public Service companies are nongovernmental and noncommercial, and are funded by a radio- and TV fee (UR, 2016; SVT, 2016; SR, 2016).
1.5.
Outline
The structure of the thesis is as follows. In chapter two I describe previous research relating to this topic. In chapter three I present the theories that are to be used in this thesis. In chapter four I explain the sampling and the method of the study. In chapter five I present the result and analysis of this thesis. The structure of this chapter is based on the three research questions. In chapter six I discuss the findings of this thesis to conclude the study.
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2. Previous research
In this chapter follows a review of previous research about Muslims in Swedish media.
2.1.
Muslims in Swedish media
Much research on the construction of Muslims in Swedish media has been inspired by the groundbreaking work by Edward Said (1981 and 1997). Said showed the mainly North American representation of Muslims to be built upon stereotypical ideas about Muslims. Muslims were constructed as a threat and represented as violent, fundamentalists and terrorists (Axner, 2015a, 18; Hultén, 2006, 24).
Similar constructions were to be found in Swedish news media. Håkan Hvitfelt showed in his research (1998) on Swedish TV news media that 85 % of the reporting on Muslims was about violence. Here he claimed that the representation was strengthening the stereotypical understanding of Muslims (Axner, 2015a, 19–20; Hultén, 2006, 24).2
In a study on the representation of Muslims in Swedish news media after the 9/11 terrorist attack, Marina Ghersetti and Anna Levin (2002) draw the conclusion that about 80 % of the reporting on Muslims was racist and represented Muslims as a threat. The Arab world was shown to be constructed as one stereotypical cluster (Axner, 2015a, 19–20; Hultén, 2006, 24).
This overall negative representation of Muslims seems to have affected the opinion. Gunilla Hultén (2009, 83) claims in her research that the general opinion have a more negative understanding of Muslims due to the media’s reporting on the 9/11 terrorist attack.
A recent study on Muslims in Swedish media was published by the Equality Ombudsman (Diskrimineringsombudsmannen) in 2015. Here Marta Axner investigates how Muslims are represented in Swedish news media (SR and SVT are investigated together with 11 other Swedish news media). This mixed method study consists of two parts. The first part is a quantitative analysis of news publications where keywords are being used to gather data. Here Axner argues that Muslims are represented in a stereotypical sense and that the representation hardly has changed in the recent 20 years (Axner, 2015a, 59–60). Muslims are most often represented as violent, 57 % of the articles gathered relates to violence. This can be compared to the 9 % which relates to Muslims in Sweden or the 1 % which relates to integration (Axner, 2015a, 44). 53 % of the articles related to Muslims are found in the
2
Research conducted before 9/11 usually shows a stereotypical representation based on an understanding of the orient as different, while media afterwards is influenced by the terrorist actions of 9/11 (Axner, 2015a, 17–8).
8 foreign reporting and Axner argues that the foreign reporting often comprises of grouping of Muslims (the foreign reportages in Axner’s data consist mainly of reporting of IS in Syria and Iraq) (Axner, 2015a, 40, 48). In the second part, which is an abductive interview study of newsroom staffs, Axner discusses the result of the first part with the editorial staff. Here she shows that they are well aware of the problem but that they do not know how to face it.
As funded by the Equality Ombudsman the study revolves around the question of discrimination in news media representation (Axner, 2015a, 65–6). (The theme of discrimination also seems more or less apparent in all of the above mentioned studies.)
The main conclusion drawn from the study is that Muslims often are represented in a negative sense by the Swedish media (Axner, 2015a, 67). This is hardly surprising due to the journalistic method. The journalist chooses an angle, makes generalizations and clarifies conflicts to tell a story. When creating a certain conflict the differences are highlighted rather than overlooked. Axner claims that such a journalistic method is problematic since it opens up a possibility of creating stereotypes (Axner, 2015a, 61).
The reception of this research amongst journalists stresses my study further. The opinion writer Johannes Forssberg of the tabloid Expressen dedicated an opinion piece on criticizing this research. He wrote that “the one who would like to avoid the critique of Axner should probably completely avoid reporting on Muslims” (Forssberg, 2015, my translation). He points out that the choice of the media is between reporting on the violence of IS or to not report at all (to avoid a violent representation). The only other way would be to pretend as if IS did not claim to be Muslims, which Forssberg understands as an impossible standpoint in reporting. He also points out that the real problem is that people are committed to terrorist acts in the name of Islam, and not that the media representation is stereotypical. That the Swedish media rarely makes mention of a person’s religion makes Islamic terrorist groups stand out even further, he argues (Forssberg, 2015).
This reply is not academically founded, but it sheds light on Axner’s research. When asked to reply on this particular critique, Axner wrote that “One of the main conclusions of the research was that the overall picture becomes one-sided although every publication is objective and follows the ethics of the press” (Axner, 2015b, my translation).
In this way the question on how to report on Muslims appears to be a complex one. On the one hand, Axner’s research shows that the representation by the media is stereotypical. But on the other hand, the reporting seems to be done according to journalistic methods, rules and practices. The reception and reply by Johannes Forssberg lets us know that alternatives to
9 the present reporting could imply an absent of reporting on the topic or that religious belongings constantly would be attributed in all reporting to balance a negative usage.
Thus, it appears as if the negative reporting on Muslims exists due to violent actions performed out of Muslim understandings.
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This brief review raises several questions. One eminent question is how editors-in-chief reason concerning Muslims in Swedish media.
Axner (2015a, 20–1) stresses that there is a lack of research on how the question of Muslims in media is understood in different newsrooms and by journalists. Her study partly brings relevant insights into how Muslims are understood by newsroom staffs when she highlights issues on how stereotypical ideas are dealt with, the problem of labeling and strategies for a more nuanced representation of Muslims (Axner, 2015a, 61–5). Her research is important but there is still a gap in regards to how editors-in-chief reason about reporting on Muslims in a more general sense, since her study focuses on the question of discrimination. Furthermore, the interviews in the study of Axner were not conducted with editors-in-chief, but with five respondents in the positions of news editor, deputy editor, managing editor and editor for opinion pages (Axner, 2015a, 35).3
By approaching issue of how editors-in-chief reason on reporting on Muslims in a general sense, not only approached out of the question of discrimination, the aim of this study is to contribute with new empirical knowledge.
3
The informants were from The Swedish Radio, Expressen, Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet and Upsala Nya
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3. Theories, perspectives and concepts
A postcolonial theory is used to approach the question of othering in the reasoning of the editors-in-chief and a theory of representation is used to identify constructions of identities and their potential impact. The theories have inspired the analysis and the conclusions. Here follows a presentation of the theories.
3.1.
The postcolonial concept of othering
Postcolonial theory and more specifically the concept of othering is commonly used in media and communication studies. Since this study approaches a field that has previously been researched from this specific perspective I choose to hold on to this theory when taking a different angle within the same field of study. This also allows for comparison with and evaluation previous research easier. I also use the theory in my analysis, although it is primarily used to implement the research on the same premises as previous studies. Here follows a short review of this theory.
The distinction between ‘us’ and ‘them’ is a foundational understanding in the research by Edward Said on the orient, and later on in postcolonial theory. Said claimed that the understanding of the orient was shaped by western presuppositions whereas the orient was constructed as different from, or ‘other’ to, the west (Loomba, 1998, 43–51).
As already noted, the theory of othering is commonly used in media and communication studies. The media researcher Prasun Sonwalkar understands the structure of ‘us’ and ‘them’ as a basic element in mainstream media. News are presented to be of interest to ‘us’, which represents the cultural mainstream in a certain context. Such a starting point requires a counterpart – a ‘them’. This is the basic structure in othering (Sonwalkar, 2005, 262–4).
The reason for making these differences can be understood as a requirement from language. The linguist Ferdinand de Saussure (1857–1913) argued that differences are fundamental for creating meaning, for example to be able to distinguish between a sheep and a sheep. Saussure never turned to questions of power in language (Hall, 2013a, 16, 19). This is precisely what Said did. Based on Foucault’s critique of hidden power structures in language Said used this theory to expose power structures (Loomba, 1998, 43–51).
As a way to address power structures in language, Stuart Hall makes a distinction between typing, which is a foundational linguistic construction, and stereotyping, which he describes as:
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Stereotypes get hold of the few ‘simple, vivid, memorable, easily grasped and widely recognized’ characteristics about a person, reduce everything about the person to those traits, exaggerate and
simplify them … It divides the normal and the acceptable from the abnormal and the unacceptable.
It then excludes or expels everything which does not fit, which is different (Hall, 2013b, 247).
Rather than a linguistic presumption, stereotyping can be understood as an instrument of power. Stereotypes are a construction of what is not acceptable, and different from ‘us’ (Hall, 2013b, 248).
For this thesis I’m interested in the construction of the ‘other’, which is a matter of identity. Postcolonial theory explains that western identity was constructed during the colonial era. When races and cultures were ranked in comparison to the western identity, the foundation of the collective understanding of the western identity was formed. The western identity became the norm in this process and what was divergent was stereotypically presented as ‘other’ (Thörn, 2012, 120–3). This process was also shaped by an evolutionary understanding where the western culture and worldview were presented as the most developed whilst the ‘other’ was understood as inchoate (Thörn, et. al., 2002, 30–1). The scholar Ania Loomba writes that this process of creating stereotypes
involves a reduction of images and ideas to a simple and manageable form; rather than simple ignorance or lack of ‘real’ knowledge, it is a method of processing information. The function of stereotypes is to perpetuate an artificial sense of difference between ‘self’ and ‘other’ (Loomba, 1998, 59–60).
In the perspective of the postcolonial concept of othering it is clear that the construction of the ‘other’ is a result of (conscious and unconscious) exercise of power. This is how the theory often is used related to studies in the field of media and communication and in regard of the editors reasoning on Muslims this theory can be used to show colonial tendencies.
3.2.
A theory of representation
Representation theory is another important theory within media and communication studies. According to this theory, representation is a process in which meaning is produced. The usage of such a theory can be motivated in different ways. In this thesis I’m interested in the formative role of representations. The representation of Muslims in news media is not the sole influence on public understandings of reality, people, groups, etc., but it is certainly one
12 important factor in shaping these understandings. Hall et al. claims that representation plays an important role in shaping identity (Hall, Evans & Nixon, 2013, xix–xx).
Representation is a theory which relates to the formation of values and perceptions. The representation provides with a certain framework which allows for a certain understanding (Lidchi, 2013, 163–4). Henrietta Lindchi reasons on the representation of a culture alien to the observer. She argues that representation must be understood as an interpretation of a society which is shaped by certain preconceptions and opinions. Such representations are to be understood as partial since they can only ever comprise a part of the whole and since they are represented in a subjective manner. Further, such a representation shapes the understanding of the observer, especially if the presentation is one of few on a particular culture (Lidchi, 2013, 167–70, 173).
The reasoning of Jostein Gripsrud relates the theory of representation to the news production. He claims that the production process has a certain structural power and that the editor-in-chief influences public understanding, since the content produced oftentimes sets the premise of the public debate (Gripsrud, 2011, 12, 382–3).
For this thesis I make usage of this theory to assist the analysis and conclusion. My usage is based on the fact that media is one voice that shapes understanding and frames discussions. People of today have access to an immense amount of information on Muslims, not least through the internet. Further, Muslims are not to be reduced to simply alien cultures. Muslims are part of the Swedish society, and are therefore not only to be reported on as foreign. The fact that there are Muslims in Sweden does also give the opportunity to get to know Muslims in person and thereby get another understanding of Muslims. In this sense media are not the only factor in shaping people’s understanding of Muslims. But since the media is one important factor in this process it is still relevant to make usage of such a theory in the thesis.
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4. Sampling and method
In this chapter I present and discuss the study’s sampling and method. The chapter accounts for how the respondents were selected, how the data was gathered, processed and analyzed, the ethical considerations of the study and a discussion of the scientific quality of this research.
4.1.
Research design
Rather than investigating news texts or the reception of news I am studying an aspect of the news production process. Such study sheds light on the process behind the content produced. Here I focus on one dimension of the production process – the reasoning of the editors-in-chief. The editors–in–chief are responsible in the final instance of what is published and are in charge of the production – even though responsibilities often times are delegated. The reasoning of the editors is approached by qualitative interviews. This method focuses on the understandings of the interviewees (Bryman, 2012, 470), which is relevant since the study aims at bringing understanding to the reasoning of editors-in-chief. I aim at understanding each editor on his/her own premises. Thus, the study investigates the reasoning that shapes news reporting.
4.2.
Qualitative interviews
The qualitative interview study is a broad method which can be performed in different ways. Interviews can be unstructured and basically start of from one wide question such as “what has shaped you into the person you are today?” and then continue as a wide unguided conversation. Another approach is the semi-structured interview where the researcher brings prepared questions or topics to the interview. The structure of the questions can differ depending on where the interview turns and questions can be added to clarify or to follow up interviewee’s reasoning (Bryman, 2012, 470–2).
The possibility of discoveries within a field unknown to the researcher is one main advantage of an unstructured interview, which can be crucial when studying in an unfamiliar context. The problem, on the other hand, is that this approach often requires time with the interviewee and provides a large amount of data which can be too extensive to process in a thesis (Bryman, 2012, 472).
The semi-structured interview on the other hand is guided by the questions of the study which results in a more reasonable amount of data (Bryman, 2012, 472), which is desirable
14 for this study. The semi-structured interview is also more relevant to a study with a certain focus and with a pre-understanding (Bryman, 2012, 472). In this way the semi-structured interview is relevant for this study. For this sake the interviews are conducted in a semi-structured approach which is guided by an interview schedule – which is discussed below.
Furthermore, a qualitative interview can approach the interviewee in different ways. To be able to fulfill the purpose of this study the interviewees are approached as respondents. By such an approach the interview focuses on the interviewees: the interviewee is invited to share his/her on thoughts and the selection is based upon certain experiences or roles (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, 178–9).4 In this way the editors-in-chief are approached as individuals with relevant roles and experiences.
Finally, the researcher has an important role in the qualitative interview study. A qualitative interview study is not simply managed by asking questions and receiving answers. The interview situation is more correctly understood as a creative event or an active process where knowledge is produced by the art of conversation. It is a craft that requires personal judgment since the interview situation doesn’t come down to simple rules. Since the interviewer is the one who is to get hold of the knowledge, he/she needs to be able to guide the interviewee through knowledge and methodological skills. (Brinkmann & Kvale, 2015, 19–22, 106–9).
For instance the interviewer could take different roles, as a pollster, a prober or as a participant. The role of the pollster is first and foremost to collect facts, the prober is more interested in getting below the surface to get hold of experiences and the role of the participant is to shape an interactive conversation which produces knowledge which is being experienced by the interviewer as a subject rather than as a spectator (Brinkmann & Kvale, 2015, 109–12).
Trained in the continental philosophical school of hermeneutics, marked by philosophers such as Hans-Georg Gadamer and Paul Ricoeur, I find the understanding of the interviewer as a participant as the only possible option, as do the media researchers James A. Holstein and Jaber F. Gubrium (Brinkmann & Kvale, 2015, 112). But the role of the pollster could still be of use in my research – even though understood as an impossible epistemological standpoint. My aim is to gather an understanding of editors-in-chief reasoning. Even the role of the prober can be of use to a certain extent since the experience of the interviewee is of interest for this study. In this sense the role of the pollster and the prober
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The respondent interview is also relevant since it is used as “a stand-alone procedure rather than combined with other methods” (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, 178).
15 are both understood as subordinated to the hermeneutical understanding of the participant role.
Hence the data collected is not only a result of my interview skills, but also of my personality since I’m participating with the interviewee. The data produced by the interview is in the end a result of my interview skills as well as my personality. But the data collection is not required to be a one-time interview event, it also could be followed up by emails or phone calls (Bryman, 2012, 471).
4.3.
Respondents
Sampling is a crucial part of all scientific activity since this decides what’s possible to find in the study (Deacon, et al., 2007, 43). Since this study is interested in information from a certain group of respondents and uses the qualitative interview as its method, a non-random sampling is suitable. Thus the selection of respondents becomes an important part of the study.
Since this study is interested in a certain group of respondents, a theoretical sampling is a suitable method. A theoretical sampling method is a way to seek respondents who are likely to add knowledge to the research (Deacon, et al., 2007, 54).
The news produced by the Public Service companies SVT and SR are organized in a certain way. A single editor-in-chief is responsible of all the news produced; this applies on the national level as on the local level. (On the local level there is one editor-in-chief for each local station.) Because of this organization I am interviewing one local and one national editor-in-chief from each company, which makes four respondents in total.
From a gender perspective I would have liked to interview one male and one female from each level, but since both of the national editors-in-chief are male I could only choose female respondents at the local level. For this reason I have chosen to interview one female and one male editor at the local level. I could have chosen to interview two female local editors but because I wanted to have both female and male voices heard at both levels I decided to interview one female and one male on the local level.
My sample thus includes the SR local news Örebro (P4 Ekot Örebro) publisher and channel manager Helena Sträng, SVT local news Västmanland (Nyheterna Västmanland) publisher and managing editor Anders Kauranen, SR national news (Ekot) publisher and manager Olle Zachrison and SVT national news (Nyheterna) publisher and manager Ulf Johansson.
16 This selection allows for exploring potential differences between the local level and the national and global level.
4.4.
Interview schedule and interview procedure
In a qualitative interview study an interview schedule can be used as a tool by which the interviewer guides the interview. This schedule consists of questions for the interview. The questions are quite informal and can be rearranged during the interview and follow up questions can be added (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, 194–5).5
For the sake of overall similar questions to the respondents I use an interview schedule. Some aspects have been taken into account when formulating the interview schedule (Appendix A). First, the schedule should help the researcher to have answers that respond to relevant questions, in this case the relevant questions are the research questions. (Bryman, 2012, 473).
Secondly, the order of the question might be of importance for the outcome of the interview. For instance, the first question should be wide nondirective questions which makes the respondent confident in sharing his/her thoughts, while the rest of the questions could be more or less directed so that the respondent stays focused on what the researcher wants to investigate. Even directive questions could be used to clarify the understanding of the respondent or to provoke a certain reaction, but different kinds of open questions are preferred to allow respondents to phrase the answers on their own. The sensitive kind of questions may be kept till the end of the interview, when the interviewee has had time to have confidence in the interviewer (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, 195–204).
Regarding the procedure the interviews were conducted in the facilities of the editors and the duration depended on the contribution of the respondents. The editors were all encouraged to have about one hour disposable for the interview and they were all accomplished in the span of 23–58 minutes.
The interviews and analysis are approached from general usages of concepts such as Muslims and Islam. This is to allow the respondents to define the concepts.
5 Compared to an interview guide – which is even less formal – the advantage of the schedule is that all respondents are asked the same questions. But the interview schedule is rarely used in a strict sense. The interview guide, on the other hand, is more often used when the respondents differ from each other to such an extent that it is irrelevant to address the same questions to the different respondents. The distinction between the schedule and the guide is rarely held since it is uncommon that all of the questions relate to all of the interviewees, this is why these two concepts often are being mixed. When most of the questions are asked and when the order is similar in all of the interviews this chart is to be called an interview schedule (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, 194–5).
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4.5.
Interview analysis
To be able to analyze the data, the interviews were all recorded and transcribed. For the coding of the data I followed the seven steps suggested by Herbert J. Rubin and Irene S. Rubin (2012, 190–211).
First I transcribed the recordings. Since speech manners are not part of my research I did not go into detail in my transcription, as if to take notes of humming sounds. Secondly, I coded the transcriptions. This is where the interpreting process of the data started off. Coding implies to identify themes and concepts that are understood to enlighten the research problem. Thirdly and fourthly I sorted, summarized and compared the data gathered. Next, I integrated the elements to a wide picture which also phantoms disagreements. Afterwards, I brought explanations to the data. Finally, I reflected upon how far the results were generalizable beyond the respondents.
The interviews were conducted in Swedish, but the quotes used in the analysis have been translated into English by me. For the quotes I use ellipsis (‘…’) when I skip a part to make the quote more concise (which are not to be mistaken as indicators of a pause), and square brackets (‘[ ]’) are used around words to indicate that I these has been added to clarify the quote.
The theories and previous research of the thesis have been used inthe analysis, and the analysis was is open for findings beyond existing theories.
4.6.
Ethical discussion
Four ethical principles that are applicable in Swedish research are: 1) information requirement, 2) the consent requirement, 3) the confidentiality and 4) utilization requirement (Bryman, 2011, 131–2).6 I have followed these principles in the following way.
About the information requirement I have informed the interviewees about the problem and purpose of this study before and while conducting the interview. I have also underlined that their participation was voluntary (i.e. Bryman, 2011, 131).
According to the consent requirement I have asked the respondents if they want to partake in this study (Bryman, 2011, 132).
Regarding the confidentiality aspect, (i.e. Bryman, 2011, 132) I have explained the recording and transcription. The editors-in-chief are named in the interview since certain positions and locations are relevant in the analysis. None of them desired to be kept
18 anonymous, and they claimed that this was irrelevant for their answers. (Keep in mind that they are professional journalists.)
Concerning the utilization requirement I use the private information provided by the interviewee only for the sake of this study (i.e. Bryman, 2011, 132).
4.7.
Scientific study
In social research there are a number of criteria for evaluating the scientific quality of the study. Reliability, replication and validity are most often used for quantitative research (Bryman, 2012, 46, 389). Qualitative research is often accused of being unscientific on the basis of these criteria. It’s often difficult to claim generalizability and the objectivity.
These problems have been abundantly discussed amongst continental philosophies, but I do not discuss this further. Rather, I follow how qualitative research most often is practiced.
LeCompte and Goetz (1982) have revised the criteria of reliability and validity to adapt them for evaluating qualitative research (Bryman 2012, 390). The criteria of LeCompte and Goetz can be useful for evaluating this study.
External reliability refers to the extent to which a study can be replicated. LeCompte
and Goetz suggest that this is possible if the replicating researcher adopts a similar viewpoint as the original researcher (Bryman, 2012, 390). For this reason I have thoroughly presented my theories and perspectives in the above section. 7
Internal validity relates to the match between the observations and the theoretical ideas
developed by the researcher. LeCompte and Goetz understand this criterion as a strength since the researcher spends a lot of time in the material studied (Bryman, 2012, 390). For the short period of the study, the internal validity is held by working closely to the material.
External validity refers to the generalization possible between the actual findings and
other settings. LeCompte and Goetz understand this criterion as problematic since the qualitative research often works with small samples (e.g. a limited amount of interviewees) (Bryman, 2012, 390). Media researcher Larsåke Larsson explains that if the interviews show similar trajectories then this indicates that it is possible to make theoretical generalizations (Larsson, 2010, 76). Since I am unable to have a big amount of interviewees for this thesis I will only point out theoretical generalizations.
7
LeCompte and Goetz also names internal reliability which only relates to a study with several researchers. I leave it aside since it does not relate to this study.
19
5. Results and analysis
In this chapter I present the results and analysis of the interviews. The interviews were conducted according to the interview procedure described above. The structure of the presentation is based on the three research questions of the thesis and is arranged into subcategories.
5.1.
Newsworthy reporting on Muslims
Here I present what is found to be newsworthy when reporting on Muslims. This relates to what is believed to be newsworthy related to Muslims, the ethics of Public Service publishing and how the editors-in-chief reason on critical examination of Muslims.
5.1.1. Newsworthiness
The editors-in-chief all understand ‘Muslim’ as a religious epithet. Due to such a usage there is no reason to call someone as Muslim if the story is not about religion. Ulf Johansson says that most of the reporting is not related to religion:
Most of the reporting is not related to religion. Thus there is no reason for stating that someone is Christian, Muslim, Jew or whatever additional one might have. But if one describes something somewhat religious then it is natural to highlight if someone is Muslim, for example if it is a discussion on if women should cover their hair or not, thus it is a part of the story. But it is important not to mention religion if it is not relevant to the story.
Johansson admits that media in general has avoided to report on religion. The exception is when the outcome is an act of extremism. If the religion of Islam is to be investigated he states that other religions should be treated in the same way.
The sense of the relevance of reporting on religion seems to differ amongst the two local editors, which can be understood as related to the interest and activity in different regions in Sweden. In some areas the religious activity is evaluated to be of more interest to the news consumers while the interest in others is understood as absent. Anders Kauranen, producing for Västmanland, explains that religion is an unimportant factor in the region for which he is publishing news, which is why he is uninterested in reporting on Muslims. Helena Sträng who produces for Örebro understands the situation in the opposite way. She explains:
20
Well, our duty is to examine social phenomenon that are of interest of the listener here in our area. And religion is one such. And this city has several, well, on the one hand there are many religious communities – it has since long been an area of strong, well where religion has had deep roots, and today we have the Mosque as well.
Besides reporting on specifically religious issues Olle Zachrison relates religion to the ethical code of reporting which only allows for reporting on ethnicity and religion when this is imperatively relevant for the context of the news story. He states:
We are not to take notice of religious belongings or suggested religious belonging if that is not absolute relevant, as if that is an inalienable aspect of the context.
Overall, to entitle someone as ‘Muslim’ is uncommon in Swedish media, which makes Swedish media distinguish from media in Norway and Denmark. Ulf Johansson mentions that
Swedish media is commonly criticized by our neighbor countries for not highlighting problems with persons of different ethnical background and religion.
It appears as if Muslims are not misrepresented in regard of Hall’s (2013b, 247) theory of ‘othering’ – where he makes a difference in between typing and stereotyping – since they are only designated as Muslims when this is understood as relevant to the specific story. For instance, a criminal is argued not to be entitled as ‘Muslim’ if this is not understood as relevant to the story, which might differ in between the Scandinavian countries.
5.1.2. Public Service ethics
All the respondents have a background in commercial newspapers and none of them has been working within Public Service for more than five years. The reporting of Public Service is understood to have the strictest ethical codes in the Swedish news business as it relates to how Muslims are covered.
Ulf Johansson claims that the Public Service media stands out. He argues that there is a difference between news companies concerning how far they are willing to go to naming someone as Muslim. The tabloids need to sell copies daily and therefore they might give out details that attract consumers, but the daily newspapers are more similar to Public Service since they have subscribers on periodical basis. But Public Service still stands out, he argues,
21 since they are obligated to cover on “equality, plurality and human rights”. This is clarified by Helena Sträng who claims that Public Service is more careful with their publications.
Thus it might be that the Public Service reporting differs from other media, but this has not been shown in previous research. For instance, in the most recent research by Marta Axner, the Public Service media did not differ from other media.
5.1.3. Critical examination of Muslims
The Swedish Public Service companies are obligated to examine and debate events and issues on a global and national level, which relates to examinations for the sake of democracy and religious freedom. Due to the journalistic method, as practiced in Sweden, reporting is most often presented in a negative way. Olle Zachrison discusses the journalistic method:
Most often news media departs from what is abnormal, when something strange has occurred which we consider to be of public interest. Such events are most often abnormal in a negative sense. That is just how it is.
Critical examination can be understood as offensive and Ulf Johansson argues that this has to be expected in a country with religious freedom and freedom of speech. Not least does this issue relate to the right to discuss phenomena such as the Muslim prohibition of portraying the prophet Mohamed.
Helena Sträng relates to how media approached the right wing extremist party Sverigedemokraterna (the Swedish democrats) by ignoring them in the reporting, a strategy that she understands as unsuccessful. She believes that media has to report on related issues and not “‘put a lid on’ like we did with Sverigedemokraterna.”
Specific areas related to critical examination of Muslims can be found. Eventual power structures in Mosques and Islam is one such area, violations of Swedish law – which can be related to terror recruiting or female oppression – is another. The freedom of religion is a third. On the one hand freedom of religion relates to the right to criticize and investigate religion, on the other hand it relates to when religion is forced upon someone, for example when a Muslim community forces women to wear hijab.
These criteria are of course not only related to Muslims. Ulf Johansson compares the critical reporting on Muslims to the critical reporting on Livets Ord8 in the 90s where he
8
Livets Ord is a Christian church which an eminent charismatic expression. It attracted many members in the 90s why media had a certain interest in examining the group.
22 claims that the critical approach of the news reporting was motivated by the extreme understanding of religion. He argues that:
If the Swedish Church can be used as an example – this is where people are as they are in general – [the members are] pro homosexual weddings, not against abortion, and all similar things. While Livets Ord had a radical position … and that is why they were examined quite a lot.
In regards to Hall, Evans and Nixon’s (2013) theory of representation, it appears as if Muslims might be represented in a negative sense since media highlights what appears to be abnormal. But this would on the other hand be true for most media constructions – news are produced out of what differs from what is considered ‘normal’.
5.2.
Representation of Muslims
Here I present the representation of Muslims in the reasoning of the editors-in-chief. This relates to how Muslims are defined by the editors, how Muslims are represented in the view of the editors, and the strategies that are being used to nuance the representation of Muslims in the media.
5.2.1. Approaching a definition of ‘Muslim’
To fully grasp the editors’ understanding of Muslims would be a question for another thesis since that would require a certain set of interview questions. But since the understanding of the concept of ‘Muslim’ is of relevance to the thesis I key out the editors’ understanding as it appears in the interviews.
In the reasoning of Anders Kauranen, ‘Muslim’ appears to be the name of a private or inner religious faith which is only shown during religious events such as Ramadan and by religious positions such as Imams. He does not agree that the usage of hijabs reveal Muslim women. Due to this understanding Anders Kauranen finds almost no relevance in reporting on Muslims in the local broadcasting in Västmanland.
In the reasoning of Olle Zachrison ‘Muslims’ can be keyed out in regard of the relation between Muslims and IS. Here the actions of IS are not obviously thought to be actions of Muslims, he gives an example in regard of the bombings in Brussels and Paris:
We had these terrorist suspects in regard of [the bombings in] Brussels and Paris … I am not really sure whether they really are Muslims [in a religious sense] … and it is not relevant for us to entitle them as ‘Muslims’. However, it is relevant to point out if they claim to belong to IS.
23 Such reasoning is followed up by Ulf Johansson. He clarifies that Islam is a wide phenomenon whereas Islamism is characterized by a certain religious authority, which does not collaborate with the Swedish society:
In other words, there are different appearances of Islam who trespasses the freedom of religion which we have in Sweden. And we have a system in which the religion is neither superior to the citizens nor the government. In the case of Islamism the religion is put above and rules the authorities of the society. Iran could be one example where the priests are [in governance].
In this sense Johansson understands IS and radical groups as Muslim groups, but different from the understanding of Islam which is apparent in Sweden. Without further discussion the reasoning of Anders Kauranen might be a bit too narrow – approached from a western enlightenment perspective – while the understanding of Johansson is more complex and dynamic. Ulf Johansson’s understanding relates to the understanding of Helena Sträng. She understands ‘Muslims’ as a complex mix of religion and culture, and that the difference from the Swedish context is that Swedes are more secular and religion is more of an inner question.
Thus the editors agree on Islam as an inner concern but when it comes to outer expressions their understandings differ.
5.2.2. Muslims as ’us’
Now then, what can be said about the editors’ understanding of what a Muslim is? The editors’ reasoning appears to be nuanced and complex. The critique of Olle Zachrison clarifies a recurrent understanding. He claims that the grouping of Muslims is problematic:
[The grouping of Muslims] is actually a collectivization that I want to break down. It is roughly like saying: ‘have you thought of the representation of immigrants in Swedish media’. Here I claim that this is a really wide concept which holds several subcategories.
The critique of the usage of the epithet ‘Muslim’ has been part of a wider discussion on how to adjust stereotypical reporting. Zachrison says:
Discussions where we self-critically and self-aware try to problematize our usage of concepts to not give a stereotypical or inaccurate representation [are taking place]. I think this discussion is very vital. And I think this discussion is more obvious here on Public Service and on Ekot than on other commercial media.
24 All of the respondents share this multifaceted and complex understanding of Muslims. They do not appear to understand Muslims in a stereotypical manner, which according to Sonwalkar’s (2005) and Thörn’s (2002, 2012) theories of othering is not problematic.
Beyond these theories of othering there are further arguments for an inclusive and open understanding of Muslims. One argument is the attempt to include the Muslims in the news. Here Public Service stands out with its duty to attract the whole Swedish population with its reporting. Anders Kauranen explains that this is done in two aspects. By reporting on issues that are relevant to Muslims and by reporting in different languages such as Arabic. Related to the first aspect he says:
We are to reach all these people, that is not the case at the newspapers … To have them interested in the news we produce we report on issues that concern them.
Kauranen explain that Muslims of course are interested in current event such as local diseases. But they might be more concerned in issues related to asylum processes and the migration situation. He continues to the second aspect and underlines that the Muslim group is a target audience of Public Service reporting, which stands out from other news media:
We strive to reach these groups. That was not the case of the newspapers. If one could only read in Arabic then we did not try to reach that one while I was working on different newspapers in Skåne. We did not make newspapers in Arabic. [But] here we try to make news in Arabic – not specifically in SVT Nyheter Västmanland, but SVT. News in ‘easy Swedish’. News in Arabic.
The Public Service broadcasting of news in easy Swedish and in other languages such as Arabic (which is done by SVT and SR on a national level) is another argument of an inclusive understanding of Muslims. Since this is done to include more of the Swedish people – here also Muslims – it shows a representation of ‘Muslims’ as ‘us’.
However, there are some elements of stereotypical views of the editors appearing in the interviews according to Sonwalkar’s (2005, 262–4) theory of othering. Sonwalkar argues that stereotypes of the ‘other’ are for the most part negative constructions. These ‘other’ are grouped in stereotypical belongings and simplified into constructions which are incompatible to the culture. This can be said to exist in the understanding of radicalized Muslims in the editors’ reasoning. The radicalized Muslims, also called Islamists by the editors, are not nuanced but rather attributed stereotypical characteristics such as oppression, violence and religious constraint. It is somewhat nuanced in the reasoning of Ulf Johansson where the
25 radicalization is said to come in different levels. But in general the understanding appears as stereotypical.
Another apparent group that appears stereotypically represented in the interviews is the right wing extremists. This group is stereotypically represented as an Islamophobic and xenophobic cluster which mistrusts the media. They are represented as the ‘other’, as the ones who do not think the way ‘we’ do.
Olle Zachrison explains that the journalistic assessment is more difficult when it comes to foreign news reporting and that groups could have been entitled as Muslim in a way that would not be the case in domestic reporting. In this sense there might be a different treatment of Muslims in domestic and foreign reporting, whereas foreign Muslims reported on appear to be more likely to be understood as ‘others’.
Zachrison states that this is a risk and none of the editors show traces of an understanding of foreign Muslims as ‘others’ during the interviews.
5.2.3. Strategies of nuanced representation
Since the representation of Muslims in news media has been shown to be stereotypical in previous research I asked the editors if such conclusions had shaped their reporting. Here the reasoning differed. Anders Kauranen claims that media should not report “out of scientific reports” and that media should not try to balance a stereotypical reporting (since media are only to report on what is newsworthy). But the rest of the editors thought that media should try to nuance the reporting. For example Helena Sträng explains that media has a responsibility to nuance stereotypical representations of Muslims in regard of previous stereotypical representation by the Swedish media in general. She says:
Overall we have great power [to influence the society]. It is us that create the construction which … citizens are given. Simultaneously as [this is] done in social media. Thus we have even more importance today since we have to aid and nuance the image.
Several strategies on how to nuance the representation emerged in the reasoning of the three editors who argue for a nuanced construction. The most eminent one is the striving for a less stereotypical newsroom. The editors inform of strategies in SR and SVT to recruit journalists with immigrant backgrounds. All of the newsrooms investigated have already coworkers from a Muslim background (also the newsroom of Anders Kauranen), and now they strive for even more pluralism. Olle Zachrison talks of this strategy:
26
To be able to mirror an emerging Sweden we have to adjust the newsroom appearance … We have for example several Arabic speaking reporters already at Ekot, but we will receive three more in Stockholm and [we] are recruiting one in Göteborg and one in Malmö who will work directly for Ekot. And that sort of recruiting, even though all Muslims do not talk Arabic, together with strengthening our plurality opens up for better journalism … we have people with incredibly much more knowledge on how Islam works and we have incredible much better contacts in certain ethnical groups.
Knowledge is another key to a nuanced representation. Helena Sträng argues that the knowledge of the reporters with a Muslim background can be of help when reporting on Muslims in a more correct way. This could also be done by educating the crew in Islam. Ulf Johansson says:
We are right now discussing if we are to have some sort of education on Islam for the crew … this is important since most of the journalists … are not Muslims. And then it is required that one familiarizes oneself with the concepts and the traditions and so forth.
To nuance a negative reporting with positive examples is another approach. Olle Zachrison says that they strive for neutrality in relation to the impact of the reporting, but that they at the same time try to highlight positive examples.
We try to be neutral according to the impact of our reporting … It might be justified to have 8 examples on how the integration in the schools does not work at all. But we might want to show two examples where another method … works. In this sense try to balance the reporting so that we do not only show a portrayal … which will have negative consequences.
In this sense it is important to nuance negative reporting when positive examples might be found. But this is not to be mixed with simply positive reporting. Zachrison argues that if the reporting is to focus on positive news it would have to be the case in all reporting and not only related to one single topic such as Muslims.
To give a nuanced representation of Muslims in news media is a complex issue. Ulf Johansson relates the issue of critically examine Muslims to the aspect of welcoming and integrating Muslims:
We have to walk a tightrope. On the one hand try to embrace that big groups have come here … And at the same time these things that we agree upon in Sweden which is to say … that there are Muslims in Sweden who travel to join terrorist organizations … Thus, how does one bring this up
27
without stigmatizing and generalizing all Muslims in Sweden? I think that is a difficult walk on this tightrope.
A strategy that SVT has used to accomplish nuanced representation in other areas has been to keep statistics of the appearance of ethnicity as well as political representatives in media. But Johansson reasons that this is improper related to religion:
This is how it is in Sweden, religion is a private topic … even if it would have been interesting to know [the amount of religion represented] we have said that this is nothing that we can measure and acknowledge that we are measuring.
Thus, three strategies can be found on how to nuance the representation: Conscious recruiting, education and drawing of available knowledge, and nuanced content (which includes positives examples). These strategies seem to be more or less emerging in the newsrooms of these three editors.
In accord to Lidchi’s (2013) and Gripsrud’s (2011) theories of representation – where the representation is understood as formative – the three editors are aware of how their representations affect the news consumer and strive to give a nuanced and correct construction.
In the case of the reasoning of Anders Kauranen he argues that one is to never take caution of a person’s appearance or faith in reporting, whereas wearing a veil does not show one to be a Muslim.9 This could also be understood as an approach on how to report on Muslims. Ignoring how Muslims are represented in the media and neglecting research showing Muslims as stereotypically represented is certainly an approach, but not on how to nuance the representation. It is rather an approach to how to relate to the misrepresentation simply by neglecting it. The procedure appears similar to the strategy of ignorance used in previous reporting on Sverigedemokraterna, where the issues related to this political party were consciously not covered by the media. Helena Sträng explicit criticizes such a strategy as a dysfunctional method which should be avoided.
Related to Hall, Evans & Nixon’s (2013) theory of representation – where the representation is understood to shape identity – it appears as if the understanding of Anders Kauranen is idealistic and simplistic. Even if he does not understand Arabic talking women from the Middle East, dressed in hijab, as Muslims, people with such appearances are likely
9
His only exception is when an imam or a priest is interviewed on the specific topic of religion. He understands these roles to be religious.
28 to be understood as Muslims by the general news consumer. If he does not take notion of such representations his publishing might just enhance stereotypical constructions.10
5.3.
Difficulties when reporting on Muslims
Here I present difficulties that the editors-in-chief relate to reporting on Muslims, which are threats, lack of knowledge and the homogeneity of the newsroom, and also the responses that the editors receive when reporting on Muslims.
Muslims are to be understood as a difficult topic to report on. Ulf Johansson describes the topic as a “mined land” and Olle Zachrison believes that issues related to Muslims might have been avoided due to the difficulties related to the topic. Zachrison says:
Some of these issues are super vulnerable and extremely explosive … and when it is vulnerable and explosively to this level it can be difficult to handle for journalists … and it can be that some questions or examinations have been neglected just because ‘wow, this, this is difficult’. Just because we are lazy in some occasions and I surely think that we might have acted in this way.
Ulf Johansson has the continuous experience of having a price on his head after publishing an illustration of Mohamed as a circuit dog11. To be threatened for a publication is problematic in a context of freedom of speech. This and similar threats might create a difficult tension in reporting, but Johansson affirms that such threats cannot be allowed to affect the daily work:
I feel like, no I can really only hope that it does not impact [my work] since if I would let it affect [my work] in a certain regard where I would not dare to make publications I think that I would have to abdicate as publisher. Because one is not a publisher in such a case. Just as little I want this to affect me to be extra … eager to examine just because of this threat. And therefore I think that this does not affect [me], I really do. But I have thought a lot [on this], because it [this threat] should not be [allowed] to affect my decisions.
Related to the threat of publishing on Muslims Helena Sträng explains that she makes contact with the safety department on Sveriges Radio whenever they are unsure of how a critical examination is to be received in relation to reporting on Muslims. This shows careful
10
It is possible that his reasoning also could be understood as a deconstruction of Muslims into a wider sphere beyond the religious parameters set. Such a procedure is not evident and can hardly be evaluated in this thesis. 11 In the context he stresses that he the year before the publications of the Mohamed caricature he published an illustration of Jesus as a homosexual thief (on Christmas) and that this is to be understood as part of his eagerness for investigating on these topics as well as in regard to the freedom of the press. In his view, the publication of the Mohamed caricature is in this sense not to be regarded as an action of othering of Muslims.
29 considerations and an awareness of potential violent threats as a consequence of reporting on Muslims.
Another difficulty is related to the difficulty of examination. Occasionally there might be several aspects that are interwoven in a certain event. Johansson and Sträng explain that it can be difficult to assess the extent to which criminal actions such as radicalization should be understood as religious events, ethnical conduct or just criminal events. They relate this to issues amongst young radicalized males in suburban areas and to issues related to groups with different ethnics and religious belongings.
The issue is the interpretation of events and actions which are related to religious understandings. Here emerges a larger theme, namely the issue of religion with political implications. Olle Zachrison says:
We are in Sweden unable to grasp how someone would vote for [Donald] Trump [in the American election] or how religious elements could be accepted in the politics – how can they even be accepted in America? How can presidents talk like they do? … We are a totally different society why we have very limited understanding for such procedures.
He underlines his upbringing in a Swedish secular middleclass (all of the editors are from a secular working or middle class) and that religion is to be an inner question.
I am from a secular middleclass background and have always had the conviction that religion and politics are two separate things, they are to be separate. That is, convictions are to be respected but they are to be kept in a private sphere. And I think most in media have the same understanding. But one realizes that there are several people who think differently. Either if it is an American president named George W. Bush – who claims to consult God prior important decisions – or if there is other politicians in the world or private persons who are Muslims … Here we need to be open to approaches where people are driven by such understandings.
Thus, events partly formed by a religion with political implications could be difficult to interpret and report on in a Swedish context. Ulf Johansson agrees on the difficulty of different understandings of the role of religion and states that this is a “cultural difference in comparison to some Muslims, even in Sweden, who do not agree [on such an understanding]”. Johansson argues that the religion has to be subordinate the Swedish laws, which can be used as a tool for reporting. Here he relates to Imams who celebrates IS and claim that such a case has to be revealed since this violates Swedish law.
