Linköping University | Master’s thesis, 15 credits Master’s Programme in Child Studies| Year 1 Spring 2019
Understanding Parenting
Challenges in a Migration
Context
– A qualitative study on Arabic‐speaking immigrant
parents´ experiences of raising their children while
integrating in Sweden
Israa Maher Attaallah
Supervisor: Prof. Asta Cekaite Examiner: Mats Andrén Linköping University SE‐581 83 Linköping, Sweden +46 013 28 10 00, www.liu.se
Abstract
Experiences of parenting in migration contexts undergo particular changes that develop various challenges. This qualitative study aims at exploring challenges and concerns of Arabic-speaking immigrant parents in Sweden regarding parenting while integrating in a migration context that differs from their own upbringing. Moreover, the study sheds light on how those challenges are negotiated. In order to answer my research questions, six parents, representing four families, were qualitatively interviewed and the collected data was thematically analysed. The results of this study show that Arabic-speaking immigrant parents face the following main challenges: ´acquisition of new knowledge about the host society´s language and culture´, ´balancing parents´ responsibilities inside and outside their houses´ and finally the ´lack of social network´. The results also emphasise that parenting challenges in migration contexts need intensified and productive cooperation between immigrant families and different parties in host societies to achieve the best interests of immigrant children and parents. Participants, in general, reflect eagerness to implement their traditional parenting practices in ways that do not contradict to the standard parenting practices in the Swedish context. Finally, this study implies immigrant parents´ need to be recognised in host societies through respecting them and their children and considering their qualifications and the circumstances they have experienced before, during and after migration.
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my gratitude to Professor Asta Cekaite, my research supervisor, for her valuable and constructive guidance. Her advices and her willingness to answer my questions during the development of my thesis work were highly appreciated.
I would also like to extend my thanks to professors and instructors at the Department of Child Studies at Linköping University for enriching the outcome of our knowledge in the field of Child Studies.
My many thanks and appreciation also go to all the informants in this study for participating and sharing their experiences.
I am gratefully indebted to my great family for supporting me spiritually and understanding my absence during my study and throughout working on my thesis.
Table of Contents
Abstract
Acknowledgments
1. Introduction --- 1
2. Research problem and questions --- 2
3. Literature review --- 4
3.1 Reasons behind migration --- 4
3.2 Parenting in a migration context --- 5
3.3 Integration in a migration context: The establishment programme in Sweden --- 8
4. Method --- 10 4.1 Data collection --- 10 4.1.1 Recruitment --- 11 4.1.2 Participants --- 11 4.1.3 Conducting interviews --- 12 4.2 Ethical considerations --- 13
4.3 Methods of data analysis --- 14
5. Analysis --- 15
5.1 Acquisition of new knowledge: The host society´s language and culture --- 16
5.2 Balancing parents´ responsibilities inside and outside their houses --- 22
5.3 Lack of social network --- 28
5.4 Parents´ identified attempts to overcome challenges --- 33
6. Concluding discussion --- 35
6.1 Limitations --- 37
7. References --- 38
1. Introduction
Although migration is not a modern phenomenon, Western European countries have experienced, since 1980s and 1990s, an increased flow of legal and illegal immigrants of different categories like qualified laborers, unskilled laborers, asylum-seekers, immigrants for family-reunification reasons or for education reasons (King, 1993; Castles and Miller, 1998; Salt, 2000 in Wall and José, 2004: 592). Among these immigrants, an expanded movement of Arabic-speaking immigrants around the world is remarkably obvious for diverse reasons. In one way or another, it could be agreed that the main motives of their migration are summed up under the goal of searching for better and securer conditions of life. Nevertheless, the imbalance and disruption in economic and political status and the violation of human rights in countries of origin are major reasons behind the increased rate of refugees (Neumayer, 2004: 163). Therefore, number of people belonging to more than one society, which is referred to as transnational migration, is continuously growing in the 21st century (Levitt, 2004).
Sweden is one of the countries that has received a large portion of migrants and refugees and, according to Stern (2014), has gained a historical reputation due to its “humanitarianism and solidarity in matters of foreign affairs and migration politics” (in Josefsson, 2016: 316). By joining Schengen co-operation in 2001, Sweden has opened its borders with European Union member states which has increased the flow of immigrants and refugees arriving at country, where a considerable number of them are from Arabic-speaking backgrounds. The Swedish institute (2019) estimated that in 2018, 19% of Swedes were not born in Sweden, whereas since 2017 most foreign-born were from Syria (Swedish Institute, 2019). Since the end of 20th century and beginning of 21st century, the Middle East and North of Africa (MENA) region have experienced continuous political tensions that forced thousands of people to migrate. More specifically, during the recent refugee crises, a rapid growing number of Arabic-speaking immigrants and refugees have arrived with their families at Sweden and established their lives. Generally, immigrants´ choice of their country of destinations is influenced by several considerations like the country´s migration policies, economic development, welfare status, language, and geographical location (Neumayer, 2004: 174-176). Brochmann and Seland (2010) highlighted two significant related aspects which are Sweden´s prioritisation for
humanitarian ideology when it comes to migration policies and foreigners´ rights, in Sweden, to sustain their original citizenship (Brochmann and Seland, 2010: 441; 433-434). For these reasons, and others, many Arabic-speaking immigrants have migrated to Sweden with their families and established their lives there. However, for immigrant parents, raising children in a migration context that differs from the context of their own upbringing implies numeral challenges that differ from mainstream parents´ challenges in a specific context. While immigrant parents´ recognition of migration and integration experiences differs from one context to another, experiences of parenting in migration contexts undergo particular changes that give rise to various challenges that will be discussed in this study. This study will also disclose how immigrant parents negotiate those challenges towards experiencing parenting practices and perceptions that do not contradict the Swedish standards.
The following chapter highlights the importance of the research topic and this research questions.
2. Research problem and questions
Considering the differences between parenting experiences in the Arabic contexts and in a migration context of Sweden, several challenges arise causing immigrant parents a state of anticipation and feelings of anxiety and fear. The current research aims at exploring the Arabic-speaking immigrant parents´ concerns and challenges they face in regard to parenting and raising their children in a migration society, Sweden, and how they negotiate and overcome those challenges. James and James argued that parenting, in different cultures, has different “social, psychological and legal dimensions” (2012: 84). Consequently, it is important to agree that understanding those parents´ concerns and acknowledging the challenges they face fulfilling their roles and responsibilities as parents in a new and different society than their own upbringing are essential parts towards a healthy and gradual transition of the whole family into the new society. This topic is also relevant to the child studies field since both parenting and migration experiences affect directly children who are basic nuclei in the formation of societies.
Living in migration contexts, parents play manifold roles in the development of their children. Hence, it is highly significant to listen to their voices and understand their concerns. Due to the lack of qualitative studies on parenting experiences of Arabic-speaking immigrant parents in Sweden, this qualitative study focuses on exploring Arabic-speaking immigrant parents´ narrations and experiences to get closer to know the challenges they face parenting their children in order to enhance the awareness of this sector of parents and children living and integrating into the Swedish society. Additionally, it explores their attempts to overcome those challenges.
Laffrey et al. (1989), Sainsbury and Renzaho (2011), Lewig et al. (2010) and other researchers discussed different challenges faced by Arabic- speaking immigrant parents with regard to their parenting experiences in other migration contexts than Sweden, which I aim to disclose in this study. For instance, Laffrey et al. (1989) mentioned that “mental health problems related to child rearing […] and translation and cultural interpretation for Arab patients and health care providers” (1989: 877) in addition to parenting difficulties were among the challenges monitored by a survey of 47 Arab immigrants in the United States. Sainsbury and Renzaho (2011) discussed immigrant parents´ concerns regarding education. The researchers identified the significance of education as a priority for those immigrants. Non the less, Sainsbury and Renzaho stressed parents´ concerns regarding their role and involvement in their children´s educational journey while trying to cope with a new language (2011: 291). Lewig et al. (2010) stated that many immigrant families from Africa and Middle East who migrate to Australia share similar pre-migration experiences of “trauma, dislocation, loss and many are victims of genocide, war, and torture” which in addition to the post-migration challenges have a great influence on the “family well-being and parenting practices” (2010: 324).
In view of the fact that it is important to explore what Arabic-speaking immigrant parents identify as parenting challenges in a migration context, Sweden in this study, and how they handle those challenges, the current study aims to answer specifically the following questions:
What are the challenges and concerns of Arabic-speaking immigrant parents in Sweden regarding parenting and rearing their children in a migration context that differs from their own upbringing context?
3. Literature review
In order to conceptualise the challenges and concerns of Arabic-speaking immigrant parents in Sweden, I will introduce in the this chapter the most prevalent reasons behind migration from the Middle East and North of Africa (MENA) region, elaborate how previous researches discussed the theme of parenting in a migration context, and what is meant by integration in a migration context with a focus on the case of the establishment programme in Sweden.
3.1 Reasons behind migration
Arabic-speaking inhabitants originate from 22 countries; 10 countries in Asia and 12 countries in Africa. Hence, it would be informative to introduce prevalent reasons behind their migration.
Domestic political instability and humanitarian reasons
During the last two decades, political disturbances and wars and its consequences formed enduring motives for the increased migration rate from (MENA) region to Europe. The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) declared in (2018) that Yemen, Syria and Iraq “had accounted for more than half of the global total of new displacements in 2015 at 8.8. million” (IOM, 2018: 37). In December 2010, anti-government protests, so called the Arabic spring, started in Tunisia demanding democratization, bringing down the ruling regime and improving living standards (Walton, 2011). Later, it spread along many Arab countries and developed to overthrow of regimes, civil wars, and continuous protests. Correspondingly, this instability has brought the international community´s attention to phenomena of migration, asylum and mass displacement. The recent civil war in Syria introduced the world to one of the biggest refugees’ crises, as 1 million of displaced Syrians are nowadays asylum-seekers or refugees in Europe (Connor, 2018). Based on 1951 Geneva Convention on the protection of refugees, people who flee their own countries due to a “well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion” are entitled as refugees and subjected to protection by States that grant asylum within their territories (UNHCR, 2010: 3). Consequently, many of Arabic-speaking citizens who flee their countries for those reasons claim asylum in different countries around the world.
Family ties:
Family reunification in EU States implies that a legal resident within a country has the possibility to invite his/her close family members to live with him/her in the country. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 16) assures that every human has the right to establish a family. In addition, Committee on the Rights of the Child states that children should be raised in a healthy family environment and should not be separated from their parents (CRC, 1989: Article 9). Accordingly, it is the States´ responsibility to ensure the family reunification by giving family members legal permissions to enter or leave a country (CRC, 1989: Article 10, 22). The Swedish institute declared that among more than 40.000 people migrated to Sweden in 2014 after gaining a permission to join their close family, Syrians, Somalis and stateless people, including Arabic-speaking stateless people, constitute the majority (Swedish Institute, 2019).
Work and education overseas:
Many Arabic-speaking students migrate overseas for the sake of education or better work opportunities. Statistics from the League of Arab States and the International Labour Organization showed that more than 100,000 of Arab graduates migrate to Europe, the United States and Canada (Hussein, 2016). Statistics also showed that 50% of these graduates are doctors, 15% are scientists and 23% are engineers, which form one third of the brain drain from developing countries (Hussein, 2016). Surprisingly, statistics discussed at the World Government Summit in Dubai showed that almost 95% of Arab students studying abroad do not return back to their home countries after accomplishing their studies (Al Arabiya, 2016) which serves as a reason behind resettling in different countries around the world.
3.2 Parenting in a migration context
The term ´parenting´ reflects all the “physical, social, psychological and emotional transactions that take place in the context of the family between parents and child” when the child is still dependent on his/her parents (James and James, 2012: 84). Immigrant parents are subjected to greater challenges than mainstream parents in host countries (Ochocka and Janzen, 2008: 87; Osman et al., 2006: 2). In addition to common challenges of mainstream parents, immigrant parents face migration accompanying challenges due to difficulties in acquiring new language
and specific knowledges in the new host society, coping with different cultures and systems including parenting systems and social services system, instability in perception of family roles and responsibilities while also being separated temporarily or permanently from extended family members (Gonsalves, 1992; Lamberg, 1996 in Lewig et al., 2010: 324). Various factors affect immigrant parents´ way of perceiving their roles as parents in a migration context, such as “their maturity as a parent, the number, age, gender and personalities of their children, as well as their cultural and religious backgrounds” (Ochocka and Janzen, 2008: 96), however, their adaptation and contribution within their new societies are also connected to the support they receive.
A common issue among immigrant parents is controlling the mixture of turbulent feelings generated by lack of knowledge. Abdulla (2017) clarified that while immigrant parents endure the establishment processes into host societies, they fear their children´s strong connectedness to the new society and feel that their authority over their children is decreasing (2017: 10). Many researchers highlighted that relationship between immigrant parents and their children can be disturbed (Berry, 2005; Hwang, 2006; Renzaho et al., 2010; Ying and Han, 2007). Immigrant parents who were born and raised in their home countries tend to retain the values and traditions of their origin and acculturate slowly to the values and practices of host societies, while their children adapt faster to the host societies´ values and systems through their everyday interactions with peers (Renzaho et al., 2010: 229; Ying and Han, 2007: 36). The different “pace of acculturation – and intergenerational–acculturation” is believed to affect the family cohesion and to lead to difficulties in communication and distancing between parents and their children (Renzaho et al., 2010: 229; Ying and Han, 2007: 36). Furthermore, Berry (2005: 710), asserted that disparities between immigrant parents and their children occurs due to differences in the level and speed of acculturation in host societies and lead to incompatible views on terms like family obligations, parent–adolescent relationships and adolescent rights.
Lewig et al. (2010) observed fear of losing children among refugee parents resettling in Australia from African and Middle Eastern countries (2010: 329). However, ensuring a proper integration of immigrant parents requires deep awareness and understanding of their own experiences and cultures (Ochocka and Janzen, 2008: 87-88; Renzaho et al., 2010: 237). James and James (2012) defined cultural relativism as recognising “that societies differ in their
cultural attitudes to social phenomena and therefore no universal criteria can be applied to compare one cultural view with another” (2012: 35). The authors stated that cultural relativists defend societies´ right to their own perspectives which implies that cultural practices in a particular cultural context can be understandable and judged based on that context´s terms and perspectives (2012: 35). Contrary to recognition of cultural relativism rises the act of ethnocentricism which is defined by James and James as “judging another culture through the moral frames of reference of one´s own ethnicity” (2012: 35).
Ochocka and Janzen (2008) in their research on immigrant parenting interviewed 317 immigrant parents who lived in Canada for less than three years and aimed at building a clear parenting framework of immigrant parents while considering aspects from both; their traditional cultures and cultures of their host contexts (2008: 89-90). The researchers have identified six components of the framework; parenting orientations, parenting styles, the new host society context, parenting modifications, parenting contributions, and parenting supports (2008: 94-95). This framework describes the presence of traditional orientations, beliefs and styles of communication and interaction between immigrant parents and their children based on their previous experiences and knowledge in their home countries. Hence, after migrating, parents review their perspectives and styles towards adjusting or adapting the new context´s values and styles. Ochocka and Janzen proposed that immigrant parents need to be supported during their first years in host societies until they achieve a reliable understanding of the new context and the needed modifications in their styles, while at the same time reassuring socialising with others in the host society (2008: 95).
According to Osman et al., (2006) parenting styles and perspectives of immigrant parents are formed in accordance to their original societies´ culture and values, hence, once they arrive at host countries, they start to observe differences between their own parenting perspectives and practices and those of mainstream parents and adjust to cope with accepted parenting practices in the new society (Osman et al., 2006: 8-9). On the other hand, regardless of judging it as a positive or a negative influence of migration, parents´ roles and responsibilities are exposed to different levels of stability and change before and during the migration transitional process (2006: 6). Renzaho et al. (2010: 229) and Lewig et al. (2010: 327) clarified that this instability is vastly affected by the absence of extended family members who play significant roles in
raising children and taking care of them. Moreover, it should be brought up, among other things, that parents´ migration experiences, their legal status´ impacts and lack of knowledge about the new society´s systems and legislations increase their vulnerability in a migration context, which emphasise their need for attention while integrating them into the new society.
3.3 Integration in a migration context: The establishment programme in Sweden
Immigrant parents´ perceptions of integration in a migration context can widely vary to be regarded as a positive or a negative experience. Nordbruch (2014) has described the big shift in experiences of Arabic-speaking immigrants in Europe as “a stranger facing a strange new world” (2014: 276). Abdulla (2017) emphasised that going through migration experience, whether forced migration or voluntarily migration, entangles different “psychological, social, or occupational” challenges which results is various levels of perceiving of the migration and integration experiences (2017: 10). In addition, this shift is usually characterised by lack in different fields of knowledge such as language skills, cultural aspects and perceptions of social practices and legislations.
While re-establishing their lives in a host society, immigrants differ in the way they negotiate the expectations they have in minds and the demands of the new society (Abdulla, 2017: 10). However, a process of acculturation is expected. According to Berry (2005: 699):
“Acculturation is a process that continues for as long as there are culturally different groups in contact, some longer-term adaptation to living in culture-contact settings takes various forms usually resulting in some form of longer-term accommodation among the groups in contact”.
This form of interaction between different cultural groups in a society includes knowledge sharing with regard to languages, style of clothing, popular music and sports, food, teaching and parenting styles, communication methods, work systems and, in general, how a different society works. Berry (2005: 703) explained that immigrants go into psychological acculturation which entails exercising behavioural shifts towards adapting the new society´s psychological and socio-cultural aspects.
For some immigrant parents, their feelings of optimism and hope turn into a sense of fear and anxiety whilst others´ feelings of pessimism and fears turn into creativity and productivity. Zachrison (2014) mentions that some adult immigrants´ feeling of long-term homesickness affects their readiness to learn the Swedish language (Zachrison, 2014, in Abdulla, 2017: 10). Lewig et al. (2010) noted that most immigrant parents felt “disempowered, frustrated and saddened by the growing independence of their children”, however, they were less frightened about the cultural integration of their younger children into the new society while raising them using their traditional cultural practices (2010: 327). The researchers also found that immigrant parents had feelings of uncertainty about their rights as parents in the new society (2010: 327).
Moving to the host society, Sweden in this study, many reports describe the Swedish integration policy as being generous and ambitious. Integration policy has been adopted in 1975 with aim to integrate immigrants to be active permanent residents in Sweden (Alvarez, 2017: 8). Ministry of Integration and Gender Equality in Sweden in its published fact sheet (2009) has emphasised that “[t]he goal of integration policy in Sweden is equal rights, obligations and opportunities for all, regardless of ethnic or cultural background”. This policy aims at accelerating immigrants´ and refugees´ engagement through designed plans in schools and work places to equip them with knowledge of language, culture, work and society´s different systems, as well encouraging diversity acceptance among the society and combatting racism while assuring “quality and equality” (Ministry of Integration and Gender Equality, 2009).
For immigrants with residence permits based on asylum, Abdulla (2017: 12) explicitly summarises the establishment programme (etableringsprogrammet) in three parts, “Swedish for immigrants (SFI), the civic orientation course, and work-related activities, such as internship”. Moreover, immigrants who have the right to be registered in the establishment programme, which lasts for two years after obtaining the residence permit, based on asylum, can have the government´s support in terms of housing, an introductory allowance and social benefits (Andersson and Weinar, 2014: 11; Bergnehr, 2016: 31; OECD, 2016: 55) “conditional on their participation in Swedish language studies and trainee programmes” (Bergnehr, 2016: 31). The initial and main part of the establishment programme is SFI courses (Swedish For Immigrants) offered in different levels depending on the educational background of the participant immigrant. This measure came in line with the fact that a good segment of the
immigrants and refugees are highly-qualified in term of education and others have work experiences within highly demanded fields in the Swedish labour market (OECD, 2016: 47).
According to Andersson and Weinar (2014) employment consists the most significant part of the integration process in Sweden. They pointed out that the position of non-western foreign nationals (referred to as invandrare in Swedish) in workplaces is affected by “discrimination in the workplace and in society as a whole” (2014: 9). They also highlighted that lack of language skills and difficulties in recognition of immigrants´ and refugees´ previous educational and professional qualifications have weakened their employment opportunities or forced them to work in jobs that are not related to their scope of competence (Andersson and Weinar, 2014: 9).
4. Method
For the sake of answering my research questions about Arabic-speaking immigrant parents´ challenges and concerns related to their parenting experiences in Sweden, and their attempts to overcome those challenges, I chose that a convenient method to learn about their perspectives is through conducting semi-structured interviews. Bryman (2016) explains that semi-structured interviews is a flexible form of interviewing that allows the participants to decide how and what they want to share with researchers (2016: 468). Furthermore, flexibility can be achieved through preparing an interview guide with specific topics to be covered in a chronological sequence that corresponds to the discussion during the interview. Hence, according to Bryman, the more flexible the interview is, the more productive it can be (2016: 466-468).
In the following sections and subheadings, I introduce the data collection processes, indicate ethical considerations, and finally discuss the thematic analysis method used in this study to analyse the collected data.
4.1 Data collection
Data collection processes will be illustrated in three parts: recruitment, selection of participants, and conducting interviews.
4.1.1 Recruitment
To answer the research questions, four face-to-face semi-structured individual and pair-interviews were conducted, with a total of six participants, to perceive Arabic-speaking parents´ narrations concerning their experiences of parenting in a migration context, Sweden. I started searching for suitable participants after receiving the permission from the ethical vetting board at Child Studies department in Linköping University.
Participant parents were recruited through Facebook groups for Arabic-speaking immigrants in Sweden that I am joining. Initially, I shared my post in 5 Facebook groups and later the post was shared by different people. Recruiting participants through social media facilitates “identify[ing] hard to reach population and expand sample size. [T]hey can minimise some barriers associated with online techniques to collect data” (Baltar and Brunet, 2012: 65). Facebook instant messaging function also provides a constant communication tool with participants to send the researcher their inquiries and to maintain the connection before, during and after conducting the interviews (Baker, 2013: 136). I also believe that recruiting participants through Facebook guarantees the participants´ voluntary initiative to participate with no consideration for personal relationships with the researcher, which enriches neutrality and subsequently the quality of collected data.
No age-restrictions for the participants´ children were considered in order to get diverse and rich reflections on different types of challenges related to younger children as well as adolescents. I have also asked informants to choose the place and time of meetings. Accordingly, two interviews took places in libraries, one in a cultural centre, and one in informants´ house. The participants asked to read the consent letter (Appendix 1 and 2) and the interview questions (Appendix 3 and 4) in advance before giving their final consent, therefore I emailed them both the consent letter and the interview questions through their email or messenger after consulting my supervisor.
4.1.2 Participants
The final participants number was six participants representing four families. As clarified in the table below, the ages of the participants are between 32- 43 years old and the ages of their
children are between 2- 10 years old. I aimed mainly at interviewing both parents together to clarify the challenges they face as two parties sharing the parenting experience but, in some cases, one parent was interviewed as the other partner was unable to participate. The following table illustrates general information about participants.
Participant Participant´s age Children´s ages Reasons behind migration Time living in Sweden
Father 1 36 6, 8 Education and work 4,5 years
Mother 1 34 6, 8 Family ties 1,5 years
Mother 2 32 3, 5 Political instability 3,5 years
Father 3 43 2, 8, 9, 9 War in home country 3,5 years Mother 3 38 2, 8, 9, 9 War in home country 3,5 years
Father 4 43 6, 10 Political instability 4 years
Four of the participants have finished their university education, one has not specified his educational background and one of the mothers had not get any education back home. Five of them used to work in their home countries and one mother was caring for her children and house. At the time of conducting the interviews, one of the participants was working as an engineer and five of the participants were still participating in the establishment programme (etableringsprogrammet), which includes studying Swedish language (SFI) and other courses (utbildningar). As illustrated in the table, the participants migrated to Sweden for different reasons; political instability in their countries of origin, family reunification and one of them was studying in Sweden before deciding to settle and work in the country.
4.1.3 Conducting interviews
Conducting semi-structured interviews, I have established an open discussion to listen to the participants´ narrations regarding their parenting experiences in Sweden. This method of collecting data facilitated my possibility, as a researcher, to manoeuvre within different kinds of questions (Kvale, 1996 in Bryman, 2016: 473,475). The interviews started with an open question about how informants feel living in Sweden and ended with open questions asking if they have experienced any other challenges that we have not discussed. The questions in the
interview guide (Appendix 3 and 4) covers three topics: migration, parenting and children, and integration in the new society.
The interviews lasted between 38 minutes to 1:30 hour. After each interview, I asked the participants how they felt regarding participating in the interview. The first couple said they were satisfied and happy as if they were “talking to themselves”. They mentioned that they have no friends to share these concerns with therefore participating in the interview was a positive experience. One mother said that she felt very good because she needed to share her concerns with somebody who she “does not know”. The parents expressed interest to talk about their concerns but more enthusiasm to share the positive part in their experience.
4.2 Ethical considerations
To avoid ethical transgressions (Bryman, 2016: 125), I have obtained signed consent (Appendix 1 and 2) from the participants (2016: 131) and let them know that they can continue to participate or decline participation at any point. As they have read the questions in forehand, the participants expressed their readiness to participate. The consent letters were in Arabic (Appendix 2) in order to guarantee the participants´ maximum awareness of its content. Moreover, I have informed them verbally, before the interview, and in text, in the consent form, about the research purpose, what their data will be used for and which organization supervises it. The consent form also includes information about contacting the university and the researcher in case they wanted to withdraw their consents. In order to make sure that no harm is involved for the participants (2016: 126), I have not asked them about their Swedish Social Security Number ´personnummer´ and have not used their real names in the research to secure their anonymity (2016: 133). In addition, their consent letters and personal data were stored and processed in a legal manner that corresponds to the requirements set by The European Data Protection Regulation and Swedish laws (Linköping University, 2019: 1-4).
Both parents were asked to share their opinions and experiences. Therefore the interviews took longer time than expected. However, all the participants expressed approval to continue the interviews. Letting the participants choose the time and place of the interview served in making
them ready and focused during the interviews while not being worried about their children. All the interviews were conducted and later transcribed in the participants´ mother tongue, Arabic language, to get the most informative content and to avoid any potential bias that could result by translating to English. An accurate translation of the original content, from Arabic to English, has been done only to the interviews´ excerpts that are presented as examples and analysed in this research. No particular sensitive ethical problems or complications arose during conducting the interviews.
The following section illustrates the method of analysis used to analyze the collected data and to answer the research questions.
4.3 Method of data analysis
I have chosen the thematic analysis method to analyse the collected data since it is an interpretative method that allows “flexibility and interpretation when analyzing the data” (Castleberry and Nolen, 2018: 808) conditionally with a considerable “care and attention to transparency of the method in order to ensure confidence in the findings” (2018:808). Thematic analysis is “a method for identifying, analysing and reporting patterns (themes) within data” (Braun and Clarke, 2006: 79). It helps researchers to observe “the actual behaviour, attitudes, or real motives of the people being studied, or to detect what has happened” (Ten Have, 2004 in Vaismoradi et al., 2013: 400). Moreover, it permits researchers to consider and understand the social and psychological context of interviews (Braun and Clarke, 2006: 97) which suites the data type used in this study.
I have followed Braun´s and Clarke´s (2006: 87) outlined six phases of thematic analysis through [1] familiarizing myself with my collected data by attentively reading the transcripts over and over, [2] generating initial codes, [3] searching for possible themes or repeated patterns in all interviews and relevant data, [4] assuring that themes matches the coded data and planning map of themes, [5] defining and naming the potential themes and finally [6] analysing themes and supporting them with illustrative examples from the interviews´ extracts while connecting the analysis to the research questions.
In the first step, I have read all the transcribed interviews several times to familiarise myself with the collected data. Later I read them again and highlighted important words and phrases that are related to my research questions. The second step was generating codes. Austin and Sutton (2014) defined codes as “certain words or phrases [which] are used by different participants” and the process of coding as “the process by which raw data […] are gradually converted into usable data through the identification of themes, concepts, or ideas that have some connection with each other” (Austin and Sutton, 2014: 439). This step is an important stage that requires attentive reading for the data material to be able to identify repeated potential themes by different participants. (Braun and Clarke, 2006: 89) In the third phase, I started to generate potential themes and arrange related data for each theme. A theme represents related and significant data that are extracted from interviews materials to answer research questions (2006: 82). However, themes can be elaborated in sub-themes and are perceived as “patterns in the codes; they take the numerous pieces of related code to show a bigger picture of what is being portrayed” (Castleberry and Nolen, 2018: 809). In the fourth step, I created a map of themes and sub-themes and related the relevant extracts and interview contents to these themes. More specifically I made two maps of themes; one for (parents´ challenges) and the other for their (attempts to overcome challenges). Then, I have linked each map to all related ideas that were discussed by participants. The fifth step involved reviewing the chosen themes and giving them clear names/titles, before I started analysing them. During the sixth phase, a deep analysis continued in parallel with providing related extracts and analysing them to answer my research questions.
In the following chapter, I present a detailed analysis of all collected data.
5. Analysis
By thematically analysing the narrations and responses of the six participants, the following major challenges* were identified:
1- First challenge: Acquisition of new knowledge: The host society´s language and culture 2- Second challenge: Balancing parents´ responsibilities inside and outside their houses 3- Third challenge: Lack of social network
In addition, I have devoted, at the end of the analysis, a section discussing: 4- Parents´ identified attempts to overcome challenges
The fourth section illustrates what participants reported they have implemented to overcome those challenges. Sub-themes/sub-challenges assist conceptualizing participants´ narrations in order to answer my research questions. Throughout the analysis, extracts from the interviews are provided to demonstrate an effective insight into the empirical data.
5.1 Acquisition of new knowledge: The host society´s language and culture
Acquisition of a new language and culture is viewed as the first challenge in a migration context. Although informants described it as “restarting from zero”, they agreed that learning the new society´s language and culture, beside preserving their heritage language and culture, is an advantageous step toward a faster integration and involvement in social life and the Swedish labour market. This accords with Alvarez (2017) who asserted that language “enhances the possibilities of socio-cultural adaptation as well as cultural learning” (2017: 15). Furthermore, acknowledging both languages and cultures proved to improve immigrants´ self-confidence (Alvarez, 2017: 7).
This challenge is divided into the following sub-challenges:
Lack of society´s language and the need to maintain Arabic language Between two cultures
Lack of society´s language and the need to maintain Arabic language
All the participants stated that learning a new language of a new society is the key that opens all doors in a migration context. They also mentioned that the presence of their children has increased their desire to learn the Swedish language in a faster way to assure understanding their children, supporting their academic development and finding jobs which accordingly facilitates affording best living requirements for their children. Sainsbury and Renzaho (2011: 292) remarked that “[l]anguage has also been correlated with educational success” which is one of immigrant parents´ concerns. However, participants shared their fears of losing Arabic language, which they want their children to preserve as part of their identities. Similarly, Alvarez (2017: 40) mentioned that heritage language supported immigrants´ identities. In the
following excerpt, I asked Father 1 and Mother 1 about which language they use at home. Both parents started to express their fears that their children will lose the Arabic language as Swedish language is dominant in society.
Father 1 We speak Arabic at home, but our kids started to talk Swedish with each other. In the beginning, we were happy that they succeeded to speak Swedish because language was a big challenge after we arrived Sweden. Then, it became more serious and we became worried that they will forget the Arabic language. In the beginning we encouraged them to learn Swedish to be able to succeed in their schools and to build social relations with their peers, but now we are seriously concerned to lose the Arabic language because they replace a lot of Arabic words and phrases with Swedish words and phrases and we cannot keep tracking their linguistic development.
Mother 1 I am really afraid of my poor skills in Swedish language because sometimes I do not understand what my children say. However, sometimes I say to myself that I should be faster in learning Swedish language to understand what my children say. Sometimes they talk about me or laugh at me and I do not understand or recognize that. This issue will create a border between us. If I did not learn the language now it will be a problem!
Father 1 shared two paradoxical impressions regarding maintaining Arabic language and learning Swedish. After his children joined him in Sweden, both parents were worried about their children´s abilities to succeed in school and to make friendships when they lack Swedish language. Therefore, they encouraged their children to learn and speak Swedish, even at home. In this regard, Renzaho et al., (2010: 229) emphasised that language barrier is one of the common barriers for new immigrants. Mother 1 expressed her fears that lack of language skills will create barriers between her and her children. Relevant to her fears, Bergnehr (2016: 32) emphasised that “[i[t is through language—discourse—that we socially produce and construct meanings in relation to the material world, our actions and emotions”. Therefore, Mother 1 considered that her biggest challenge is learning the language to benefit herself and her children and once she acquired the language she is in the right direction of integration. Otherwise, “how could I face all other challenges?” as she expressed it.
Mother 2 highlighted that maintaining Arabic language among her children is another challenge. For her, the significance of maintaining heritage language is to decrease disadvantages of late acquisition of the new language skills. She said:
My husband always reminds me to keep the door open for any discussions with our daughters even if I was not in a good mood in order not to create a barrier between us. Many people suffer from a barrier between them and their kids. They always say: we cannot learn the language [Swedish]! They have created this barrier by themselves. No! Do not do that! Teach them [their children] Arabic. If you cannot learn the language [Swedish language], you should teach them Arabic to avoid the language barrier. I will send my daughters to Arabic lessons to learn reading and writing. My daughter does not know how to write from the right side. Some people suggest me to wait because she will mix. Therefore, I should wait and let her focus.
According to Renzaho et al (2011: 421), an explicit tension between immigrant parents and their children could arise because children acquire language and culture of host societies before their parents, which form a challenge for the parents. Mother 2 in her narration emphasised the importance of keeping the heritage language as a means of communication between parents and their children especially when they, the parents, cannot follow the rapid linguistic developments of their children. Accordingly, she wants to teach her daughter, who is in early school years, how to write and read in Arabic. Yet, the challenge here is that she cannot do that in the moment because she does not want to cause her daughter any confusion as she starts to learn how to write in Swedish. [ i.e. Arabic writing style starts from the right side of the line, not from the left side as in Swedish and the mother does not want her daughter to mix between both of them].
From another side, lack of Swedish language skills appeared to be a barrier also between parents and schools.
Father 4 Lack of Swedish language prevents us from attending meetings in our children´s schools which are of course held in Swedish. Whenever we attend them, no benefit is gained. Contrarily, we feel embarrassed and helpless.
Father 4 suggested that it would be more beneficial if there were interpreters in these meetings or at least if schools inform immigrant parents´ about the main contents of meetings in a written form so they can translate it at home. He clarified that these meetings help parents to understand how the Swedish educational system works and what are the schools´ expectations from parents. Sainsbury and Renzaho (2011: 298) remarked that the more communication is established between parents and schools, the less would be parents´ anxiety and distrust.
Between two cultures
Cultural challenges for newcomers arise to be of a significant importance owing to the fact that differences between Arabic culture and European culture, particularly the Swedish, are wide in diverse areas. When I have asked Mother 1 about how migration affected her children, she answered:
We face a big challenge when it comes to raising our children here, because all of their friends or most of them have different religious backgrounds, different customs, traditions and were raised in different methods than ours. No one denies that the country is too open and everything is allowed which is a big challenge for us. How are we going to raise our children? We always think about the future. Many thoughts come to us. We only hope we can raise them to grow up as good as possible […] This challenge [freedom] increases our responsibility to talk to our kids more and assign them more explanations and reasoning.
The participant, as many others, expressed her fears of raising her children in a society that is “too open” which differs from the context of her own upbringing. She also specified that her fear is basically because “everything is allowed” which challenges her definition of what is allowed or not allowed. Ochocka and Janzen (2008) considered that immigrant parents use to compare their traditional orientation with host society´s culture which makes them “constantly exposed to ´differences´ and to an ongoing negotiation between what’s ´good´ and ´bad´ for them and for their children” (2008: 109).
Israa: Is it easy to adapt to the cultural differences? and how will it affect raising your children?
Father 1 As my wife said, the challenge is the culture of open freedoms without limits. Yes, we want freedom and we migrated from our countries because we want freedom and democracy, but not this level of openness. […] We follow the law here and respect everyone. For example, if someone is an atheist or a gay, we should respect him, no one can say a word to him. This is a cultural difference. In other countries these people cannot declare their realities, but here all people are equal. It is a big challenge. Children learn in school that these things are normal and natural rights. For example, that it is normal when two men get married. How should I explain these things to my children when I, myself, do not understand it? Too much freedom! Another difference is that we live in an ´individualised´ society which is based on individuals. While our societies are based on the ´group´, on the family. You see here when a teenager becomes a fully-fledged person, he/she just leave to find his/her own life away from the family. This leads to the rupture of relations. This is a big difference.
As noticed in the previous excerpt, Father 1 highlighted some cultural differences that constitute challenges for him as an immigrant parent in a different society than his own upbringing, like; the unlimited freedom for children and teenagers, different religious and gender views and the individuality of society. Although the participant showed full knowledge regarding respecting people´s differences and rights in Sweden, a hesitant perceiving and acceptance to the nature and backgrounds of these differences was apparent. On this subject, Ochocka and Janzen (2008: 96) underlined that individuals in different, and even similar, cultures have different perspectives and professionals need to take this issue into account to understand immigrant parenting. In parallel with what Father 1 discussed, their study results have shown that immigrant parents are influenced by the “role models of their own parents” (2008: 97), and they lose this supportive social structure after migration. For instance, Father 1 clarified that his lack of understanding of how “two men get married” makes it difficult for him to explain it for his children.
Moreover, the fear reflected by Mother 1 is similar to the one in a study done by Bergnehr (2016: 34) among immigrant women who were “worried their children will move away from the family as teenagers”. The author explained it further that “[m]othering for discipline, in a society that offers children ‘too much freedom’, can result in family conflicts that cause the children to turn against their parents” (2016: 34). Fears of leaving the family or threatening parents to contact the authorities were also captured in the participants´ narrations. Participants highlighted that immigrant children are subjected to misunderstanding and misuse of concepts of rights and freedom. Father 3, for instance, mentioned that there are some laws in Sweden that have been provided to protect children, but instead, children are misusing these laws, by threatening their parents or demanding more freedom, because they are too young to conceptualise their best in a new society. Eventually, the father emphasised that a house is like a small state. The state has its own laws which family´s own system is the equivalent here. If the family members do not adhere to the law, which is the family´s system, the state will fail.
In addition, Father 3 illustrated that an immigrant child who came from a war zone has a wide imagination that surpasses the imagination of other children and the expectations of professionals who work with children. He explained:
All children have wide imagination, especially children who came from war zones because of the horrible things they have seen. They have seen things much bigger than their ages. Things that are, in reality, not even displayed on TVs or in movies. […] They can imagine things and later feel or think that it has happened in reality. Later, in schools, when they ask them: are you subjected to any kind of aggression? children start imagining things and answer: yes, I am afraid of something... I see aggression... I ... I ... and continue imagining and creating stories. A Swedish person will not be convinced and will not understand that these children came from a war zone therefore they sometimes imagine things.
The father´s narration reflected his concerns about the consequences of what his children have witnessed during the war, before migrating, and implied that the negative effects still exist even after settling in Sweden for more than three years. The father´s concerns about the psychological and social changes his children experienced became accompanied by fears and anxiety from what he felt as a suspicious investigation with children in schools with no
consideration to what they have experienced. Immigrant parents and children who witnessed war were subjected to violent incidents like scenes of blood where people were killed or got injured during armed violence, arrests and torture, demolition of buildings, forced displacement and resulting lack of life basics like housing, food, medicine and so on. After that, most people who fled the war were smuggled to safe countries in inhuman conditions, where, in many cases, children and their parents were exploited. The latter excerpt highlights the importance of considering the previous experiences of immigrant families and of maintaining communication with parents for children´s best interests. In this regard, Ochocka and Janzen (2008: 86) emphasised that perceiving parenting issues in migration contexts is more complex than in normal contexts, where circumstances of an immigrant or a refugee family are not the same of other mainstream families in a host society.
5.2 Balancing parents´ responsibilities inside and outside their houses
Participants underlined the difficulty of balancing their responsibilities inside and outside their homes, especially in absence of their kin networks. At the time of interviews, five of the participants were participating in the establishment programme offered by the government. The programme is a full-time programme of daily engagement in Swedish language classes and other professional courses or trainings that qualify them to find jobs and support themselves and their families. This engagement and desire to benefit from the establishment programme resulted in lack of balance between their responsibilities inside and outside their houses. This challenge is divided into the following sub-challenges:
Managing parents´ study/work and their families´ responsibilities in the absence of kin network
Managing difficulties of finding jobs and housing
Responsibility of providing children with the best healthcare in a new society
Manging parents´ study/work and their families´ responsibilities in the absence of kin network
For immigrant parents who have no extended family members living in Sweden, both parents share all responsibilities toward their children and houses, in addition to managing their study or work. Many of the participants related the increased responsibilities outside and inside the
house to the absence of their extended families. When I asked if his responsibilities have changed as an immigrant parent and students at the same time, Father 3 answered:
Very much! In my home country I can say I used to help in cooking food, cleaning the dishes and taking my children to school and bringing them back home. But not for example cleaning the house, doing the laundry, changing the kids´ clothes and showering them. My responsibilities and the load on me have increased. You come home tired after a long day of study or work outside to find more work at home. I mean, in our case we have an extra-load because our children are of special needs.
Mother 3 commented:
Although I like the system in Sweden but going to school has increased my responsibilities. I have my house work, the cooking and my children´s responsibility. It is hard for me! I go to my school tired and stressed. After my kids leave to their schools, I just feel like I need a break!
In this conversation, parents told me that the mother was illiterate and a dedicated mother before moving to Sweden which meant that she used to care almost for all responsibilities of their house and children, while the father was working and supporting his family financially. After migrating to Sweden, the absence of their extended family members and the parents´ need to join schools to learn the Swedish language has brought new challenges they have not experienced before. They assured that they are doing their best to keep the same levels of care and love to their children without letting them feel the pressure. However, the parents acknowledged the challenge of allocating time for their studies.
I observed in all interviews that parents´ desire to follow the establishment programme was attached to mentioning family presence and responsibilities. Next, with two excerpts, I compare two different experiences of language learning. Father 1 explained how his experience of learning the Swedish language was easy when he migrated ´alone´ to Sweden. Meanwhile, Father 3 confirmed the difficulty of balancing the family´s responsibilities and the ability to focus on his study.
Father 1: When I first arrived at Sweden alone, I had focused on learning
the language. I considered it as a priority and did a great great progress. I used to study really long hours and finished courses of SFI and SFA. As an engineer, I am still learning, but by practicing at work, not by studying.
Father 3: We, as people having families, have difficulties with studying. We are supposed to review our lessons at home to enrich our understanding. For us, living with our families, we reach our homes after 4:00 pm … change our clothes, our children´s clothes, preparing lunch, feeding our children, and... and… there is no time left to focus on studying. And if you do not review your lessons at home, no knowledge will be gained!
The first excerpt clarifies how Father 1 focused on his language study when he migrated without his family. His experience of quick and not complicated language learning supported his chances to find a job which helped him in reuniting with his family. Father 3 asserted the challenge of allocating time to study while managing his family´s responsibilities. He explained that being involved in eight hours of establishment programme´s activities requires high attention and daily revision of lessons, otherwise the main goal of establishment programme will not be efficiently achieved. In this regard, Wall and José (2004: 591) found that almost all immigrant parents face difficulties in distributing time on their work/study and managing responsibilities of childcare in the absence of kin networks. The researchers also emphasised the need to analyse work/life strategies of immigrant families, since understanding their situations contributes to a more effective integration process (2004: 592).
Father 4 emphasised that even with the pressure of managing all responsibilities, the significance of attending language courses is not negotiated. Father 4 was a pharmacist before migrating, but to work as a licensed pharmacist in Sweden he needs to do a complementary education for pharmacists with a foreign degree “Kompletteringsutbildning för apotekare med utländsk examen”. The big challenge, as Father 4 described, is that this course is taught in Swedish and requires completing all levels of Swedish language.
Managing difficulties of finding jobs and housing
Moving to other critical responsibilities of immigrant parents, finding jobs and housing issues aroused as inter-related challenges. Wall and José (2004: 591-592) found that many immigrant parents have “integration problems” related to accessing right information and services and with housing. Living in a very small apartment, with her husband and two daughters, Mother 2 told me that for new immigrants, who still lack language skills and face difficulties finding decent jobs, housing challenge cause them an “ultimate stress”.
Mother 2: It is really a big challenge! Housing companies will not rent us a house without a job contract, and if I have found a job in Stockholm [she lives in Stockholm] how can I move to the North of Sweden when I find a better house there! [...]My daughter keeps asking me: Mama! why is our house small? Why cannot we invite our friends to our house? Oh my God! How and where shall they play? The only solution is to move to a house with a rent of 15000 or 16000 kr. But how can I afford this money if I am not working?! And as a newcomer refugee, my introductory allowance is almost 15000 kr. Somebody please tell me how I can solve this equation! It is a poor planning! [ the way of distribution people to receiving municipalities] […] We live in this stress… it is stress… is not it?! Only God knows about this stressing situation. […] It is a tremendous challenge when I cannot afford basics to my children!
In the excerpt, the participant clarified that, for her as a newcomer with residence permits based on asylum in Sweden, the challenge of finding an appropriate house is the biggest stressful challenge. It is important here to mention that the introductory allowance which the participant mentioned is paid by the government for the new arrived refugees “to sustain them, conditional on their participation in Swedish language studies and trainee programmes” Bergnehr (2016: 31). Mother 2 also mentioned the negative effects of this challenge on children who compare their life with their friends´. The mother understands children´s need to play and freely move in an appropriate house in term of size which caused her more pressure and tension. However, she felt lost because she knows that finding a good house is linked to having a job and a good salary. In this regard, Bergnehr (2016) remarked that many newly comers in Sweden do not have the same levels of well-being and material life which they used to have in their home countries, and that “life was adjusted to Swedish welfare regulations based on the dual-earner, full-employment model” (2016: 21). Subsequently, as noticed in the current study and previous
researches, immigrants´ strong quest to find best jobs is guided by their desire to achieve similar or higher living standards.
In addition, the participants expressed an annoyance from the current method of allocating refugees after obtaining their residence permissions. Mother 2, who is a political refugee in Sweden, explained that after obtaining their permission to stay in Sweden, Migration authorities, in coordination with municipalities, were responsible of distributing her and her family to a house in a receiving municipality.
Mother 2:
There is a problem in the way new comer refugees are distributed to receiving municipalities. They could have distributed us in another way. They have not distributed us neither according to our certificates [previous education certificates] nor to our professions! On what base have they distributed us? Is it only on the capacity of municipalities? This is wrong. It should be like: this municipality needs 100 nannies (barnskötare) and there are 100 nannies from new comers who are waiting to be allocated so we should allocate them in this municipality. After that these people can start their integration programmes there, they learn the new language while working in this job. Everything will be then very good.
In this excerpt, the participant highlighted that distribution of refugees should be a serious issue of consideration, since a better coordination between authorities will achieve benefits for both; the receiving municipality and the immigrants and their families. Settling in a receiving municipality for two years, period of establishment programme, implies that the immigrant family acclimates to the place. For example, when an immigrant family settle in a house for two years, children join schools and make friendships within schools/neighbourhood and getting used to schools´ systems. Later, a lot of changes are expected by moving to a new house in a new municipality/neighbourhood.
Responsibility of providing children with the best healthcare in a new society
A substantial concern of all parents was their responsibility as parents to provide their children with the best healthcare. From their narrations, I identified that they appreciate many medical
services in Sweden including: the patients´ right to have translators, vaccination programmes, dental care provided especially for children, and the high attention and care for patients with chronic illnesses. However, they stressed similar concerns with regard to the long waiting periods to get appointments with specialist doctors, which they have not experienced in their home countries. In the following excerpt, Mother 1 compared the experience of having a sick child in Sweden and in her country of origin:
If your son is sick and you need a doctor to examine him/her, it is not like in our countries. Back home you choose the doctor you think is the best, pay and do the examination. But here, while waiting to get an appointment, you must have sought for alternatives that may help your kid to recover or it can be that the child recovers from the sickness before he/she meets the doctor.
In this discussion, the mother expressed how frustrated she, and her husband, become when one of their children get sick. Although she was living alone with her children in their country of origin, as the husband was studying in Sweden, she considered that it was easier to get to see a doctor back there. While after migration, even with her husband´s support, she has a continuous fear of seeing her children sick and not being able to get an urgent doctor appointment or medical help.
In another interview, I asked Father 3 and Mother 3 whose two children are disabled: what do they fear that could impede them from providing the ideal healthcare for their children in the new context? Father 3 answered:
What prevents me... sometimes… I want the best for my kids… I want the fastest treatment for them. There is a slow action in scheduling the appointments here. It is difficult for us because the difference is clear and explicit compared to the system back home. For example, if our son visited any doctor and the doctor did a test for him, if not in the same day… we used to get the test´s result the day after. If the doctor decided to do an operation for our son, we used not to wait more than ten days to do it. We want our kids to develop … to be treated faster. This is the only negative part in my experience.
The same situation of comparing the medical systems in their home countries and Sweden is noticed among all the participants. Being incapable of providing the fastest medical treatment
for their children, as they used to do before migrating to Sweden, causes them stress, frustration and trust loss. In the latter excerpt, the slow responding from medical staff whether when parents need to book appointments for their children, to get tests´ results or to schedule operations were reported as challenges for participant immigrant parents.
5.3 Lack of social network.
All the participants have emphasised that the support they get from their family members and the recognition received in host society are significant components of shaping their social identity. Consequently, feelings of isolation and distrust arise when their social networks decrease. By social network I refer to all types of social interactions and relationships that a person constructs and shares in a social context.
This challenge is divided into the following sub-challenges:
Absence of family/kin network and disruption of family relations Lack of interaction in the host society
Absence of family/kin networks and disruption of family relations meaning
The absence of members from immigrants´ extended families is agreed to be one of the main common challenges in migration contexts. In the current study, all participants emphasised that, before migrating to Sweden, their extended family members, especially grandparents, used to play significant roles in assisting them managing their responsibilities like for example caring for children and babysitting them while the parents have appointments or shopping, preparing food, driving children to school or back home after school when their parents are working and many more.
Researchers have emphasised that the presence of family members in first-generation and second-generation immigrant families facilitate parents´ responsibilities toward their families (Wall and José, 2004: 617). Moreover, Renzaho et al., (2010: 229) mentioned that “[e]ach of the extended family members has a role to play in the nurturing of the child and is a source of support” which typically corresponds to the participants´ narrations. During my research I found that the participants have experienced the negative effects of family members´ absence
