The Role of Socio-Economic Factors on the Continuation of Female
Genital Mutilation in Africa: A Critical Analysis of Kenya
Patricia Christensson
Human Rights Bachelor Thesis 12 credits
Spring semester 2021 Supervisor: Anders Melin
1 Abstract
Kenya is one of the Sub-Saharan countries that continue to experience incidences of FGM among various ethnic communities. While FGM prevalence has reduced significantly in the last decade due to government crackdowns and the adoption of relevant anti-practice law, several Kenyan communities continue to circumcise girls and women secretly. The current study sought to examine the role of socioeconomic factors in the continuation of FGM in Kenya. The study was guided by the tenets of structural functionalism. This theory was selected because of its efficacy in explaining how institutions such as family, economy, and education contribute to the persistence of FGM among Kenyan communities. The study utilised grounded theory as the principal methodology. Research materials in this study included scholarly sources published in credible databases. The strong association between marriageability and FGM, Islam, cultural rigidity, the fear of social stigma, the view of circumcision as a rite of passage, and the perceived safety offered by medicalisation have ensured the continuation of the practice. From an
economic standpoint, the depiction of FGM as a prerequisite to bride price, as well as the
monetisation of the practice by medical practitioners and families, have contributed significantly to its persistence.
Keywords: Socioeconomic factors, female genital mutilation (FGM), ethnic communities,
marriageability, human rights. WORD COUNT: 13,584
2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ... 1 1. INTRODUCTION... 4 1.1 Background ... 4 1.1.1 Overview ... 4
1.1.2 The Prevalence of FGM in Kenya ... 5
1.1.3 The Kenyan Law against FGM ... 6
1.1.4 Medicalised FGM ... 7
1.1.5 Cross-Border FGM ... 8
1.2 Aim and Purpose of the Study ... 9
1.3 Research Question ... 9
1.4 Contribution to the Existing Research ... 9
1.5 Delimitations ... 10
1.6 Thesis Outline ... 11
2. THE UNDERPINNING THEORY: STRUCTURAL FUNCTIONALISM ... 11
3. METHOD: THE GROUNDED THEORY ... 14
4. RESEARCH MATERIAL ... 18
5. AN OVERVIEW AND DISCUSSION OF PREVIOUS RESEARCH ON THE FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO THE CONTINUATION OF FGM IN AFRICAN COUNTRIES ... 19
6. ANALYSIS ... 22
6.1 The Effect of Social Factors on the Perpetuation of FGM in Kenya ... 23
6.1.1 Social Stigma and Rite of Passage ... 23
6.1.2 Religion and Ethnic Community of Birth ... 25
6.1.3 Cultural Context ... 26
6.1.4 Community Influence ... 28
6.1.5 Marriageability ... 29
6.1.6 Parental Influence ... 29
6.1.7 The Perceived Safety of Medicalisation ... 31
6.2 Economic Factors Contributing to the Continuation of FGM in Kenya ... 33
6.2.1 Bride Wealth and Other Economic Opportunities ... 33
6.2.2 Education ... 35
6.2.3 Household Wealth ... 37
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7.1 Introduction ... 37
7.2 Summary of Findings ... 38
7.3 Conclusion ... 40
7.4 Suggestions for Future Research ... 40
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1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background
1.1.1 Overview
Female genital mutilation (FGM) remains one of the most pervasive human rights issues in the world, despite the progress made over the years. Many consider the practice a major human rights issue because it undermines the dignity of women and girls (Kimani, Kabiru, Muteshi & Guyo 2020, p. 2). Therefore, FGM violates women’s and girl’s fundamental human rights. According to Kimani et al. (2020), FGM “entails all procedures involving partial or complete removal of the female external genitalia or other forms of injuries for non-medical purposes” (p. 2). In the last three decades, FGM has undergone significant transformation in form and context. Notably, communities that conventionally performed cruel forms of FGM have tended to embrace less severe cutting approaches, including medicalisation (Kimani et al. 2020, p. 2). Medicalised FGM, though a relatively new phenomenon, has been on the rise in recent years (Kimani et al. 2020, p. 2). Hence, both conventional and modern forms of FGM present a significant challenge to women and girls worldwide.
The United Nations (UN) considers FGM a significant public health concern. In the short term, this practice may cause shock, bleeding, and severe pain, while the long-term effects include difficulties in passing urine, increased risk of childbirth complications, diminished sexual libido, and psychological challenges (Kandala et al. 2019, p. 2). In light of the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), international and national bodies, governments, and
non-governmental organisations have adopted multiple programs to combat the practice. However, the anticipated progress has been slow, especially in sub-Saharan Africa.
Policies for combating FGM in sub-African countries have their roots in the colonial era. Most initiatives deployed a human right purview, health risk perspective, sensitisation of health care practitioners as change agents, and the utilisation of comprehensive social development approaches (Mwendwa et al. 2020, p. 2). While these efforts led to a decrease in FGM prevalence in the region, the practice is still prevalent in some communities.
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In Kenya, FGM has been reported in various communities. The prevalence of FGM in Kenya is estimated at 21%; however, the practice is spread invariably across the nation, ranging from 1% to 98% in certain regions (Mwendwa et al. 2020, p. 2). Socioeconomic factors have been depicted as critical drivers of FGM’s persistence in Kenya. Ahinkorah et al. (2020) argue that “the practice serves as a social stratification platform whereby women or girls are perceived to be in higher status and also constitutes a prerequisite for marriage in practicing communities” (p. 3). On the same breadth, evidence has confirmed that some women yield to the practice due to being in a compromised socioeconomic position, especially from the perspective of education and wealth status (Ahinkorah et al. 2020, p. 3). In light of this evidence, investigating the
association between socioeconomic factors and the persistence of FGM in Kenya is necessary.
1.1.2 The Prevalence of FGM in Kenya
While FGM prevalence in Kenya has reduced significantly in the last decade due to government crackdowns and the adoption of relevant anti-practice laws, some communities continue cutting girls and women secretly. About 4 million females in Kenya have undergone the cut, translating to 21% of the victims, with ages ranging from 15 to 49 years (United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF] 2020, p. 04). About 98% of women and girls in North Eastern Province are subjected to FGM yearly compared to 1% in the Western parts of the country (UNICEF 2020, p. 4). These statistics confirm that North Eastern province is the most notorious region in the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya. The top five communities that practice FGM include Somali (94%), Samburu (86%), Kisii (84%), the Maasai (75%), and Embu (31%) (UNICEF 2020, p. 6). Nonetheless, the practice is also experienced in other parts of Kenya, albeit at relatively lower rates.
The circumstances surrounding FGM in Kenya are different within and across
communities. Seven out of ten girls are circumcised by traditional practitioners, who often use crude tools, while the rest undergo medicalised FGM (UNICEF 2020, p. 6). 73% of the total FGM cases in Kenya are undertaken by traditional practitioners, while medical professionals account for 25% (UNICEF 2020, p. 10). These statistics suggest that traditional practitioners are the leading perpetrators of the practice. Overall, the available evidence confirms that FGM
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continues to be a key human rights issue in Kenya due to its persistence among various communities.
1.1.3 The Kenyan Law against FGM
Kenya has a mixed legal framework that provides guidelines on acceptable and outlawed practices. The most noteworthy legal guidelines include English Common Law, customary law, and Islamic law. Besides, the country has a quasi-federal structure with two distinct but
interdependent national and county level laws. The Constitution of Kenya (2010) gives the national government the power to implement health policy and criminal law. Therefore, the national law supersedes any decrees at the county level. While the Constitution does not explicitly refer to FGM, Article 29(c) accentuates the right against any form of violence (Constitution of Kenya 2010). Additionally, Article 53(d) protects children from all forms of abuse, including neglect, violence, punishment, and inhuman treatment (Constitution of Kenya
2010). Thus, the Kenyan Constitution envisages an environment free of human rights violations
to advance the welfare of all.
However, FGM is proscribed by the Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Act, 2011 (FGM Act of 2011). The law, which came into effect on 4 October 2011, is the principal
legislation governing FGM in Kenya. The Act criminalises all forms of FGM, regardless of the age of a girl or woman undergoing the practice. Article 2 of the Act describes FGM as all the practices that involve partial or full removal of the female genitalia or other injuries to the female genital organs or any other harmful procedure on those parts of the body for non-medical
purposes (FGM Act of 2011). The article moves further to outline examples of FGM procedures and their corresponding definitions. Some of the procedures included under this article include clitoridectomy, infibulation, and excision (FGM Act of 2011). However, the article exempts sexual reassignment procedures or any medical processes that have a legitimate therapeutic objective. In enhancing its effectiveness, Article 19(6) of the Act outlaws consent as a prospective defence to FGM-related crimes in Kenya (FGM Act of 2011). Thus, individuals perpetrating this practice cannot use prior consent to justify their actions in a court of law. In light of this fact, anyone found guilty of facilitating FGM, even after seeking permission from the girl or woman, may be subjected to legal proceedings.
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Article 119(1) (h) of the Children Act also protects minors against the harmful effects of FGM. According to this Article, Children’s Court should issue a protection order if a female child is subjected or is vulnerable to FGM or early marriages (FGM Act of 2011). The article is also applicable to other customary practices that may predispose a female child to FGM. For example, it forbids all procedures that may endanger the realisation of human rights such as education and health. Therefore, this legal provision aims to protect children from possible abusive practices that may contribute to the violation of their fundamental human rights.
1.1.4 Medicalised FGM
While FGM in Kenya has been predominantly carried out by conventional practitioners, it has gradually shifted to medicalised contexts. Burgeoning concerns about the increasing trend of medicalised FGM in some parts of the country have been reported. Medicalised FGM is commonly practiced among the Kisii community (66%), followed by the Maasai (9%), and the Kalenjin (5%) (UNICEF 2020, p. 10). Thus, while medicalised FGM has gained considerable popularity, many communities in the country are yet to embrace it. Despite being less popular than traditional practice, medicalised FGM presents a significant threat to girls and women in Kenya.
The FGM Act outlaws medicalized FGM under Article 19(1). However, the article provides two exemptions under which medicalised procedures may not attract legal proceedings. Firstly, surgical operations undertaken by a medical professional to address an individual’s physical or mental health issues is justified under law. Nevertheless, the article provides that the necessity or urgency for such operations should not be determined by a person’s culture, religion, or any other practice (FGM Act of 2011). Secondly, medical practitioners have a legal right to undertake surgical procedures for any individual in various stages of labour, as well as any other processes related to giving birth (FGM Act of 2011). Therefore, Article 19(1) draws a boundary regarding which medical practitioners may undertake surgical operations on female genitalia without attracting legal penalties.
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1.1.5 Cross-Border FGM
Many countries in sub-Saharan Africa have struggled to eradicate FGM due to the challenges posed by open geographical boundaries. Kenya shares its national boundary with South Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia, Uganda, and Tanzania (28 Too Many 2018, p. 4). The sharing of the national boundary with multiple countries poses significant challenges in enforcing anti-FGM laws. Notably, the movement of families across borders remains poses a substantial
hindrance to anti-FGM campaigns. Many women and young girls along border lines are likely to be transported to other countries where they undergo the cut. For example, the Pokot and Sabiny communities live on the porous western border with Uganda, while the Kuria community occupy the Sothern border with Tanzania (28 Too Many 2018, p. 4). These communities have been reported to transport young children to neighbouring countries during the circumcision period to escape punishment from Kenyan authorities. During the 2011 cutting season, several Kuria households were reported to have transported their young girls to Tanzania for traditional cutting (28 Too Many 2018, p. 4). The movement of people across state borders for traditional
circumcision practices has been common amongst East African countries. Interestingly, this movement has been in either direction. For example, recent reports have indicated that several Ugandan women have been moving across the border to Kenya for FGM rights to escape
punishment from local authorities (Mafabi 2018). This trend suggests that cross-border FGM is a significant challenge to Kenya and its neighbouring nations.
Cross-border FGM remains a major issue in Kenya, despite being outlawed by the FGM Act of 2011. Article 21 and 28(1) of the Act outlaws this form of FGM. Notably, the articles provide that it is unlawful for anyone to transport a woman or a girl across the border to another country to undergo FGM (FGM Act of 2011). This provision is meant to prevent individuals or families residing across the border from taking girls or women to another country to undergo the cut. However, Article 28(2) qualifies this legal prohibition by stating that individuals may be acquitted from liability to cross-border FGM offense if convicted in the jurisdiction where the cut was perpetrated.
9 1.2 Aim and Purpose of the Study
Given the above background information, the purpose of this thesis was to examine the role of socioeconomic factors in the persistence of FGM in Kenya. Over the years, Kenya has witnessed a significant decline in the number of girls and women who undergo the cut annually. However, the practice continues to threaten the lives of many young girls and women in the communities that practice it. An in-depth understanding of the specific socioeconomic factors contributing to the perpetuation of FGM is critical in proposing effective policy change.
Therefore, the thesis sought to bridge this gap by examining the role of socioeconomic variables in the continuation of FGM in Kenya. In achieving this objective, the thesis drew insights from existing studies to illustrate how FGM violates women’s and girls’ fundamental human rights. Overall, the thesis draws parallels between socioeconomic factors and the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya to inform better policy reform in regards to the advancement of human rights.
1.3 Research Question
The thesis sought to gain insights into the role of socioeconomic factors in the persistence of FGM. To achieve this goal, the following research question provided the required roadmap:
• What role do socioeconomic factors play in the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya?
In this study, social factors include stigma, community influence, cultural context,
marriageability, and religion. On the other hand, economic factors include the level of education, household income, and bride wealth. The study’s goal was to examine how these specific
variables have contributed to the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya. 1.4 Contribution to the Existing Research
This thesis aims at contributing to the existing body of research by critically examining the socioeconomic factors contributing to the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya. The persistence of the practice has been attributed to a high level of ignorance among communities towards the provisions of the Children’s Act of 2001 and the associated negative implications (Moranga 2014, p. 6). Kenya has witnessed a considerable surge in the number of girls aged below 10 years
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undergoing FGM. Many Kenyan communities subject young girls to the cut to ensure that they do not understand the associated effects and avoid the legal ramifications of the Children Act of 2001 (Moranga 2014, p. 6). In essence, the continuation of FGM in the country makes it a critical subject for further research.
While several studies have been undertaken to understand the role of socioeconomic factors in Africa, research within the Kenyan context remains scarce. Hence, this thesis sought to contribute to the existing body of knowledge by focusing exclusively on the specific
socioeconomic factors responsible for the persistence of cutting women’s and girls’ in Kenya. To achieve this goal, the critically analysed data from previous studies to identify and discuss
various social and economic variables that motivate individuals, households, and communities to practice FGM. Besides, the study applies structural functionalism theory to explain how various socioeconomic factors contribute to the continuation of FGM in Kenya.
1.5 Delimitations
With the specific objective in mind, a few delimitations were defined to underline the thesis’s scope. While multiple factors could contribute to the continuation of FGM in Kenya, this thesis was limited to only socioeconomic factors. Additionally, the thesis relied exclusively on readily available materials for the required data. This approach was deliberately designed due to time limitations, as well as the physical movement challenges posed by the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. At the same time, the thesis did not investigate political leaders’ perceptions
concerning the effect of socioeconomic factors in the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya. In Kenya, political leaders play a critical role in shaping socioeconomic discourse in the country. Despite this significance, the thesis focused exclusively on the direct link between socioeconomic factors and the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya. Additionally, the sources used in this study were
delimited to the last 12 years. This period was deemed suitable in capturing the most recent information on the influence of socioeconomic factors in the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya.
11 1.6 Thesis Outline
Effective organisation is one of the most significant hallmarks of an outstanding piece of academic work. Therefore, the rest of this thesis is organised into various sections and sub-sections to ensure a systematic flow. The second chapter delves into the underpinning theory, method, and research material. The third discusses the analysis part of the thesis, while the last provides a tentative summary of the findings and emerging themes.
2. THE UNDERPINNING THEORY: STRUCTURAL FUNCTIONALISM The nexus between social and economic factors and FGM has continued to attract a plethora of scholarly research. As a result, various theories have been advanced to develop a better understanding of the association between the two variables. The theory of promiscuity, the theory of social convention, and structural functionalism have been used extensively to examine the link between FGM and socioeconomic factors. However, this thesis considered structural functionalism a critical framework to examine this correlation in the Kenyan context because of its ability to explain how societal practices influence each other. Henri de Saint-Simon (1760-1825) originally coined the theory to propose a practical, theoretical framework for studying society. Nevertheless, Auguste Comte (1798-1857) is credited for providing a more solid foundation for developing the model. Comte noted that the sciences follow an evolutionary pattern, arguing that social sciences emanate from biology (Harper 2011, p. 2). Based on this precept, he posited that the way an organism relates to its environment could be utilised to understand society (Harper 2011, p. 2).
Besides Comte, Herbert Spencer contributed significantly to the development of
structural functionalism theory. While he disagreed with Comte on several aspects, he concurred with him on the concepts of structure and function of society. Spencer agreed with Comte that the structure and function of society could be mapped to a biological model. According to him, human organs play roles deemed critical for the survival of the body (Harper 2011, p. 2). By extension, Spencer believed that this line of thought could be used to explain how society’s institutions are critical to its survival.
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In addition, Spencer’s school of thought introduced the idea of societal growth as an evolutionary process. According to him, “this growth entails a simple multiplication of units and the joining of a union of groups” (Spencer 1863, p. 46). Spencer considered the two integration levels critical to the effective functioning of society. He suggested that a differentiation process and specialised reassignment of roles and responsibilities are required for a system to cope with this level of integration (Spencer 1863, p. 46). Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) expanded on the two sociologists’ presuppositions.
Durkheim’s functionalist perspective perceives social entities as medium for members of society to collectively meet their needs. He developed this line of thought to comprehend the specific ways through which societies maintained internal harmony and survival over time. Notably, Durkheim sought to understand how primitive and complex societies achieve social stability. Particularly, he used the two forms to explain how societies function. Durkheim posited that more primitive societies are bound together by mechanical solidarity, and that members share firm ties and undertake similar tasks (Harper 2011, p. 4). In other words, he observed that primitive societies shared values and common symbols. In contrast, complex societies function differently from primitive societies. Notably, Durkheim noted that conventional bonds are significantly weaker in modern societies (Harper 2011, p. 4). In his view, this fundamental distinction motivated modern and primitive societies to approach various issues differently. Durkheim posited that modern industrial societies are characterised by a compound division of labour in which members undertake varied tasks (Harper 2011, p. 4). Nevertheless, these societies still depend on organic solidarity. Modern complex societies work together because of the comprehensive division of labour (Harper 2011, p. 4). Collectively, structural-functionalist theorists provide a comprehensive framework to understand how societies maintain stability and cohesion critical to ensuring their existence over time.
Robert Merton contributed to structural functionalism by developing it further into an elaborate theory. Notably, he introduced the concepts of latent and manifest functions. The former delineates unintended functions of an institution in a social system, while the latter implies the intended utility (Merton & Merton 1968, p. 122). This distinction is critical in explaining how various activities are undertaken in society. For instance, an activity may have both latent and manifest functions. The prison department can be used to exemplify how latent
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and manifest functions are experienced. In Merton’s purview, a manifest function of a prison is to protect society by locking up highly dangerous criminals. Incarceration facilities enables society to punish criminals for their crimes by depriving them of their freedom of movement. Nevertheless, there is a likelihood that prisons may create significantly hardened criminals in society. Thus, the latent function of the prison could include the production of more
knowledgeable criminals. Hence, as emphasized by Merton, institutions and activities in society might have latent and manifest functions (Archibong 2016, p. 11). Merton’s distinction between latent and manifest functions provides a substantive explanation of rational and irrational social arrangements.
Structural functionalism provides an effective platform to examine the relationship between socioeconomic factors and FGM in Kenyan communities. Rahman and Toubia (2000) utilised this theory to evaluate FGM as a compound and deeply rooted conventional practice. The scholars argue that while the practice infringes on children’s and women’s fundamental human rights, it plays a critical role in the collective cultural practice that relates to the essence of an individual’s womanhood, family dignity, social identity, and economic prosperity (Rahman & Toubia 2000, p. 75). Thus, however senseless some cultural practices may appear from a personal or cultural viewpoint of others, they may have a fundamental role or implication on the practicing communities. Consistently, this point of view could be used to understand the
correlation between cultural practices and the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya.
Structural functionalism theory can also be applied to understand the connection between socioeconomic factors and the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya. In particular, it facilitates a critical analysis of the confounding influence of variables such as peer pressure, family
connections, parents’ level of education, religion, and poverty on the continued perpetuation of FGM in the country. Therefore, this theory was applied to understand how various
socioeconomic factors contribute to the persistence of the practice in various communities within the Kenyan context. Particularly, the theory offered an explicit sequential guideline for
conducting a comprehensive qualitative research on the nexus between socioeconomic factors and the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya by collecting and analysing data from existing data. Additionally, structural functionalism allowed the researcher to advance the conceptual analysis
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of the effect of socioeconomic factors on the continued practice of women circumcision in Kenya.
3. METHOD: THE GROUNDED THEORY
Qualitative analysis has emerged as a critical method in examining non-quantitative data. Several strategies have been devised to enable researchers to analyse a broad range of textual data gathered through in-depth interviews, focus groups, and observations. Grounded theory, which was developed by Glaser and Strauss in their method of continuous comparative analysis, is one of the powerful qualitative approaches that researchers use to analyse textual data. Strauss and Corbin refined it further to illustrate specific coding strategies (Pulla 2016, p. 75). These modifications allowed the two scholars to advance an effective model that facilitates the effective classification and categorisation of data from texts into appropriate themes and sub-themes. The process of grounding observations in specific data led to the coining of the model’s name as “grounded.” The theory discourages researchers from considering inherent perceptions or prejudices when analysing data to ensure that interpretations are exclusively founded on observed data (Pulla 2016, p. 75). Overall, this approach underscores the need for researchers to allow the acquired data to steer the direction of data analysis and the subsequent interpretations. The grounded theory proposes three basic approaches to analysing textual data. The first technique, open coding, entails unearthing fundamental ideas emerging from a set of data, which are prospectively related to the phenomenon under investigation (Larossa 2005, p. 840). To achieve this objective, the researcher is expected to inspect raw data thoroughly. Consistently, textual raw data was meticulously examined in the present study line by line to identify discrete ideas or concepts that may explain the link between socioeconomic factors and the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya. Validation is required at a later time to ensure that these themes or ideas are consistent with the phenomenon under investigation. The coding unit may vary based on the concepts being extracted. Non-sophisticated ideas such as corporate size may include a few lines of words, while complex ones such as organisational mission could be covered in several
paragraphs (Larossa 2005, p. 840). In line with these observations, the present study carefully examined codes to extract meaningful interpretations.
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Naming is a critical process in the open coding process. The researcher can name
concepts using personal conventions or standardised labels acquired from the explored literature (Morrison & Hamp-Lyons 2007, p. 417). After identifying a basic set of concepts, a researcher can use them to code the remaining data set. When coding the remaining set of data, it is important for a researcher to simultaneously continue searching or identifying new ideas while refining the pre-existing ones (Morrison & Hamp-Lyons 2007, p. 417). More importantly, grouping similar concepts is critical in facilitating an effective analysis process. This grouping entails looking for recognisable features such as size, colour, or level to determine concepts that share similarities and, therefore, should be analysed together. In the current study, the open coding technique gave the researcher the freedom to continuously explore new concepts relevant to the association between socioeconomic factors and the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya.
Additionally, the opening coding technique entails grouping concepts into higher-order categories to facilitate further analysis and understanding. While concepts are specific, categories tend to be broad and generalizable. Hence, categorisation allows researchers to reduce the
number of concepts that would be used to comprehend the broader picture of the variables confounding a specific social phenomenon (Morrison & Hamp-Lyons 2007, p. 417). The process of categorising concepts into few units takes place in phases. The first stage entails combining ideas into subgroups, which are subsequently broken down into order categories (Morrison & Hamp-Lyons 2007, p. 417). However, a researcher must be careful when using existing constructs because they are often subject to commonly held beliefs and biases. The researcher should identify the identifying characteristics of each category to ensure a seamless naming process. This form of differentiation allows researchers to organise data to generate inherent patterns (Morrison & Hamp-Lyons 2007, p. 417). Therefore, the open technique facilitates the formation and continuous refinement of concepts emerging from the explored social
phenomenon.
The second stage of analysing data using grounded theory is known as axial coding. During this phase, a researcher assembles categories and subcategories into causal relationships that could be used to tentatively elucidate the issue of interest (Singh & Estefan 2018, p. 4). While this phase is distinct, a researcher can undertake it simultaneously with open coding. Associations between data may be precisely evident in the data or could be subtler and implicit.
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During this stage, researchers may utilise the coding paradigm to comprehend the specific categories that represent conditions, actions, and implications (Singh & Estefan 2018, p. 4). This process is vital in facilitating the formulation or identification of theoretical propositions. As the researcher continues to identify conditions, actions, or consequences, theoretical propositions gradually emerge from the data (Morrison & Hamp-Lyons 2007, p. 417). Therefore, this process can help researchers explain the reasons behind the occurrence of a phenomenon and identify the underlying conditions and potential implications. In the present study, axial coding facilitated the generation of theoretical schemes of the socioeconomic factors contributing to the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya.
In the third phase, grounded theory emphasises the need to undertake selective coding of data. As with the other two phases, this form of coding enables researchers to generate meanings from the acquired data. Selective coding entails the identification of a central category or core variable and systematically correlating this central category to others (Larossa 2005, p. 851). A researcher can generate a central category from the existing categories or use the higher-order category to subsume previously coded clusters. Hence, this process can allow researchers to build a tentative theory. This form of coding limits the range of analysis and makes the process move quicker. To capitalize on this benefit, a researcher must continuously watch out for other categories that emerge from the new data that may be related to the phenomenon under
investigation (Larossa 2005, p. 851). The emergence of a new set of data may facilitate the refinement of the initial theory. Hence, a researcher can simultaneously use open, axial, and selective coding to analyse data. The process of coding new data continues until theoretical saturation is attained (Larossa 2005, p. 851). In other words, this process is only terminated when additional data does not yield any marginal change in the fundamental categories.
The grounded theory also stresses continuous comparison when analysing textual data. According to Birks et al. (2009), “this process entails frequent rearrangement, aggregation of categories, relationships, and interpretations based on the increased depth of understanding” (p. 406). The process involves four phases of activities. The first stage entails comparing texts signed to each set of categories. The second requires a researcher to integrate each category and its corresponding attributes. The third phase focuses on the delimitation of theory, while the
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fourth entails writing theory (Birks et al. 2009, p. 406). Worth noting is that the development of a central category does not imply an automatic integration of other clusters around it.
Strauss and Corbin recommend the utilisation of multiple techniques in identifying the core categories, including concept mapping and storylining (Birks, Mills, Francis & Chapman 2009, p. 406). Each of these techniques is critical in developing the ultimate theory concerning the issue under consideration. Birks et al. (2009) posit that “Concept mapping is a graphical representation of the emerging ideas and the inherent relationships using boxes or arrows” (p. 406). Therefore, this technique enables researchers to explore linkages among the fundamental concepts relating to the phenomenon under investigation. On the other hand, storylining entails using categories and relationships to refine a story of the social idea being investigated (Birks et al. 2009, p. 406). In the current study, these techniques provided a solid background to generate a grounded theory of the observed phenomenon.
The final phase in the grounded theory technique entails refining the generated theory. According to Pulla (2016), “this theory must be refined to ensure that it has internal consistency and logic. Researchers must ensure that the central construct has the stated attributes and
dimensions” (p.76). Thus, if the central construct is inconsistent, then the whole process of data analysis should be repeated. Additionally, researchers must ensure that the features and
dimensions show significant variation (Pulla 2016, p. 76). At the same time, grounded theory emphasises the need for theory validation. If the theory is inconsistent with raw data, then the coding process must be repeated to reconcile any contradictions or unexplained variations (Pulla 2016, p. 76).
In this study, grounded theory was used to analyse relevant data from the existing literature to understand the role of socioeconomic factors in the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya. This approach provided a platform to code data, generate categories, and draw theory about this correlation. By extension, grounded theory facilitated a deeper understanding of the influence of socioeconomic factors in the continuation of FGM in Kenya. This method was provided an explicit sequential guideline for conducting a comprehensive qualitative research on the nexus between socioeconomic factors and the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya by collecting and
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the conceptual analysis of the effect of socioeconomic factors on the continued women circumcision in Kenya.
4. RESEARCH MATERIAL
Research materials for this thesis included both primary and secondary sources. Secondary sources typically include publications based on experts’ findings, analysis, and discussion on a specific topic. Thus, secondary sources provide a tentative interpretation of primary sources. Some of the notable secondary sources include articles and books. On the other hand, primary sources are materials that contain first-hand information, notably, raw data, surveys, interviews, statistics, and statutes. The use of primary sources enables researchers to access actual data as perceived by the target population without any further interpretation. Collectively, secondary and primary sources are critical in academic research endeavours. Virtually all research processes use secondary sources, at least as background information. However, primary sources are mostly preferred because they rely less on other scholars’ interpretations. The use of primary sources exemplifies a researcher’s ability to undertake empirical work and locate evidence to answer the research question and achieve the intended objective on a specific social phenomenon.
In accessing the most appropriate sources to examine the correlation between
socioeconomic factors and the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya, relevant databases were used. EBSCOhost, ProQuest, Social Science Research, and Google Scholar were consulted to obtain secondary and primary sources. These databases were preferred because they contain thousands of highly credible sources on a range of social science topics. However, an appropriate search strategy is required to locate the most appropriate sources. In locating relevant materials on the correlation between socioeconomic factors and the continuation of FGM in Kenya, specific search phrases were utilised across the four databases. The search terms were configured to locate sources that could provide adequate data that could meet the study’s objective. The following search terms were used to locate sources across the four databases: “socioeconomic factors in FGM theories,” “socioeconomic drivers for the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya,” “female genital mutilation and human rights theories,” “FGM as a human rights violation,” “socioeconomic factors contributing to the continuation of FGM in Kenya,” and “socioeconomic
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factors in the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya.” These key phrases were applied one by one across the four databases until sufficient sources to study the topic effectively were obtained.
The search process yielded several entries related to the concept of FGM. Notably, the combined search process yielded 3,600 entries. However, most of these entries were not specific enough in answering the research question. Therefore, their titles were automatically scanned to determine those that were related to the issue of FGM in Kenya. At the same time, publications that were related to the aspect of human rights violations were scanned to determine the most relevant ones. Ultimately, 3,400 sources were eliminated because they were not specific enough. The remaining 200 sources were scanned using their abstracts to determine whether they
examined the effect of socioeconomic factors on FGM persistence and the specific ways in which the practice violated children’s and women’s human rights. Out of this figure, 34 publications were deemed suitable enough for inclusion in the study for further analysis.
Therefore, this thesis analysed the role of socioeconomic factors on the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya using 34 sources.
5. AN OVERVIEW AND DISCUSSION OF PREVIOUS RESEARCH ON THE FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO THE CONTINUATION OF FGM IN AFRICAN
COUNTRIES
As FGM continues to become a significant human rights issue, scholars have attempted to understand the factors contributing to its perpetuation in the context of Africa. As early illustrated, Africa is one of the regions in the world where this practice is endemic.
Consequently, multiple studies have been published to provide empirical evidence for scholarly and policy-making purposes. Therefore, an understanding of these studies is critical in creating a foundation to understanding the specific socioeconomic factors enabling the continued practice of FGM in Kenya.
In Africa, studies and observations have revealed that justifications for FGM are different across communities. However, these communities share some similarities in the factors
contributing to the practice, and they include health, marriageability, honour, and status in society (Williams-Breault 2018, p. 227). On most occasions, these justifications are presented
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positively to encourage its perpetuation in line with the inherent sociocultural factors. Indeed, in most of the practicing communities in Africa, FGM is considered a basic prerequisite for
marriage (Williams-Breault 2018, p. 227). Therefore, this cultural requirement implies that uncut girls are less likely to be married. Consequently, the attachment of FGM to marriage has a greater potential to encouraging families to circumcise their girls regardless of anti-FGM laws.
Previously conducted studies attribute low socioeconomic status to the continued
practicing of FGM in Africa. In his study, Fikrie (2010, p. 53) found a strong correlation between low social status and FGM in Ethiopia. The findings indicated that families allow their girls to undergo FGM to elevate their social status in society. It was also revealed that families and girls that have not undertaken FGM are socially excluded. In this regard, parents in Sierra Leone are left with little option other than to subject their girls to FGM to safeguard their social status in the community. The consent of parents earns them the status of honourable members in society and a good reputation (Fikrie 2010, p. 53). Therefore, social status is one of the strongest social factors contributing to the continuation of FGM in some African communities.
Numerous socioeconomic factors have been shown to contribute to the perpetuation of FGM in many African countries. In their study, Ahinkorah et al. (2020) examined this
correlation in sub-Saharan countries. The outcomes revealed that socioeconomic determinants such as maternal education and wealth index play a critical role in perpetuating FGM in African countries. Incidences of FGM tended to decrease with the wealth bracket. Notably, females within the wealthiest bracket were less likely to undergo the cut. Therefore, this finding confirms that poor households have a higher propensity for FGM than their economically advantaged families. Wealth is mainly associated with other social parameters. This finding is consistent with what Andro, Lesclingand, Grieve, and Reeve (2016, p. 246) found in their study. According to this study, economically empowered women enjoy the power to make decisions on harmful conventional practices like FGM than their poor counterparts. Therefore, this empirical evidence confirms that wealth status is a vital moderating factor in the fight against FGM in African countries.
Existing empirical evidence has also linked educational status to the proliferation or decrease of FGM in sub-Saharan countries. Mohammed, Seedhom, and Mahfous (2018, p. 100)
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found that the risks for FGM among females diminished with an increase in educational status. Notably, women with higher education qualifications had a lower propensity of undergoing the cut and their daughters. This group of women had increased awareness on the negative
implications of the practice. Other social determinants such as age status and place of residence have also been shown to directly influence FGM in Africa. In their study, Ahinkorah et al. (2020) found that women in rural areas faced fewer risks to the cut than their urban counterparts. Hence, this finding reveals that living in rural areas is associated with fewer risks for women and girls to undergo FGM. However, this outcome is inconsistent with the commonly held belief that living in rural areas is associated with increased risks for FGM (Ahinkorah et al., 2020, p. 25).
Empirical evidence has also attributed the continued perpetuation of FGM in African countries to age. Ahinkorah et al. (2020, p. 2) found that women aged between 45 and 49 years are likely to undergo the practice compared to their younger counterparts. Perhaps, this pattern could be attributed to the fact that older women are accustomed to the traditional practices that govern their communities. Thus, this group of women is likely to uphold traditions like FGM than their younger counterparts. Additionally, living with elderly family members could greatly impact the willingness to accept FGM among younger women and their daughters in African countries. For societies with higher FGM prevalence, the practice is a symbol of transitioning from childhood to womanhood (Williams-Breault 2018, p. 227). Therefore, communities cut their girls or women as a confirmation that they have moved into a state of being considered mature and ready for the next phase of life. However, cultural influence tends to become weaker with modernisation. As communities continue to experience modernisation, younger
generalisations are less likely to encourage their girls to undergo FGM (Ahinkorah et al., 2020, p. 11). Thus, the practice is likely going to be skewed towards less modernised societies in the near future.
Additionally, existing evidence attributes the continued perpetuation of FGM in many sub-Saharan countries to its role in marriage. In some African communities, parents encourage their girls to undergo a cut to become ready for marriage (Karumbi, Gathara & Muteshi 2017, p. 12). This evidence confirms that FGM is considered a critical prerequisite for marriage in some African societies. In this regard, circumcised women or girls have a higher chance of attracting potential suitors than those who have not undergone the cut. Consistently, circumcised women
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are believed to be attractive or in demand for marriage in many of the communities that
undertake FGM in many African societies with massive prevalence (Karumbi et al. 2017, p. 12). Hence, the continued perpetuation of the practice in some of the African societies could be attributed to the attachment it has to suitability for marriage.
Existing evidence also attributes the continuation of FGM in sub-Saharan African countries to the types of occupation. It has been found that the main forms of occupation for women in countries with high FGM prevalence, such as Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Mali are in the informal sector. Notably, most women in these countries practice subsistence farming and other manual labour (Ashimi, Aliyu, Shittu, & Amole 2014, p. 138). Indeed, such jobs do not require a high level of education or specialised skills. These occupations make women and girls in such societies less empowered to contribute to major household decisions (Ashimi et al. 2014, p. 138). Thus, the lack of decent jobs among most African women increases their risks of
undergoing FGM.
Furthermore, existing evidence confirms that women in sub-Saharan Africa are susceptible to FGM because of a lack of exposure to the media. Women that lack exposure to mass media, such as magazine, radio, and television are at higher risks of undergoing FGM than those with sufficient access to these platforms (Sobel 2015, p. 385). Previously published studies have confirmed that women who have access to mass media are less susceptible to the practice. For example, Sobel (2015, p. 400) found that exposure to mass media anti-FGM campaigns reduced the practice significantly. This impact was attributed to the ability of such campaigns to change the attitudes of women and girls towards FGM. Indeed, this impact implies that mass media has a strong moderating influence on the practice of FGM. Therefore, communities whose women and girls have an elaborate exposure to mass media are likely to have lower FGM
prevalence rates.
6. ANALYSIS
The practice of FGM has attracted the attention of several scholars over the years because of its contentious nature. Consequently, various scholars have examined this practice from a broad range of viewpoints to understand it better and contribute to existing body of knowledge.
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Therefore, an in-depth overview of such research studies is critical in providing a strong foundation on which to examine the correlation between socioeconomic factors and the
continuation of FGM in Kenya. This section critically analyses the existing literature to develop a comprehensive understanding of the underlying socioeconomic driving factors for FGM continuation in Kenya.
6.1 The Effect of Social Factors on the Perpetuation of FGM in Kenya
6.1.1 Social Stigma and Rite of Passage
Socioeconomic factors have been central to the continued perpetuation of FGM in Kenya. Indeed, this attribute makes the practice to be enforced by community pressure and the threat of the associated stigma. While every community in Kenya that practices FGM has unique driving forces, they share some commonalities. Across the communities that practice FGM, they
consider it critical for a girl to become a woman (28 Too Many 2018, p. 26). Thus, communities subject their daughters to preserve their womanhood. Another common driving force across the communities is the belief that FGM preserves a girl’s virginity and protects them from issues of promiscuity and immoral behaviours (28 Too Many 2018, p. 26). Hence, this belief reinforces the intent for communities to continue subjecting their girls to the practice. Additionally, Kenyan communities hold a belief that FGM is aesthetically appealing (28 Too Many 2018, p. 26). Notably, they believe that uncut genitalia make women unclean and significantly masculine. Recent interviews with Kisii residents reinforce the influence of social pressure on the continued practice of FGM among the Gusii community. As early indicated, the Gusii people are among the leading communities that practice FGM at a large scale in Kenya. Komba, Esho, and Van Eerkert (2020) undertook an in-depth interview among healthcare practitioners to understand this correlation. One participant in this study noted that:
The quality of primary health care has really improved and this means that they are able to manage FGM complications adequately more especially when dealing with botched circumcisions. Regarding the emerging trends of the medicalization of FGM, she said “…..the practice has moved to private clinics within housing estates. In this community,
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the people that are cutting girls are retired nurses, other hospital subordinate staff” revealed a female respondent from Bobaracho (Komba et al. 2020, p. 2).
This response attributes the continued practice of FGM among the Gusii community to improved healthcare services. Specifically, the interviewer suggests that many individuals are motivated to allowing their daughters to undergo FGM because of the confidence they have towards the improved healthcare facilities in case they develop complications.
The interview outcome further attributed the continued perpetuation of FGM among the Gusii community to the pressure of conforming to social norms. Another respondent noted that:
The Kisii as a community continues to accept FGM as a necessary social norm. This means that many mothers are subjected to a lot of pressure to have their girls cut. In fact, if a mother chooses not to cut their girls, the only way they can survive is if they move outside of the county to avoid the mental abuse from insults, stigma, and discrimination that follows.” (Komba et al. 2020, p. 2).
This excerpt suggests that households are compelled to subject their daughters to the practice because of the community’s expectations. This outcome is consistent with a study by Moranga (2014), which found community pressure a significant contributor to FGM among the Kisii community. This study found that Kisii girls are under increased pressure to undergo the cut to avoid social stigma and contempt from the wider community (Moranga 2014, p. 50). This evidence suggests that girls can be willing to undergo FGM because of pressure from their respective community members who consider the practice an indicator of being a proper woman. Therefore, the influence of this social influence underlines the need for the development of a policy that targets social factors to address the issue of FGM among the Gusii community effectively.
Across many Kenyan communities, the continuation of FGM is attributed to the associated cultural importance. Some communities equate this practice to male circumcision. According to a study by Nkanatha and Karuri (2014, p. 94), the Marakwet community considers FGM a critical symbol of power, the rite of passage to womanhood, and maturity. On the same token, the Ameru community considers FGM an important practice like male circumcision.
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Among this community, FGM has perceived as a critical indicator for being a completely
acceptable and respectable member of society (Nkanatha & Karuri 2014, p. 94). Thus, this social determinant explains why some individuals in the Ameru community continue to subject their daughters to FGM despite the practice being legally banned in the country. Besides, most of the Kenyan communities that practice FGM believe that the practice prevents women and girls from prostitution. Notably, they believe that uncut girls are likely to become promiscuous compared to those who have undergone the practice (28 Too Many 2018, p. 26). While this notion is not universally acceptable across Kenyan communities, it suggests that some households subject their daughters to FGM as a remedy for promiscuity.
6.1.2 Religion and Ethnic Community of Birth
Religion has been found to play a significant role in the continuation and variant FGM prevalence in Kenya. Roman Catholics, Protestants, and Muslims are the three most dominant religious groups in Kenya. Comparatively, FGM in the country is more prevalent among the Muslim communities (51%), followed by those without religion (32%), Roman Catholics (21.5), and protestants (17.9%) (Shell-Duncan, Gathara & Moore 2017, p. 15). Clearly, these statistics suggest that being born in a Muslim community is associated with higher chances of undertaking FGM in Kenya. Despite this difference, girls are still at some risk of being subjected to FGM regardless of their religious affiliation. This differential impact of religion on the FGM
prevalence is a major challenge for religious groups. Indeed, the religious leaders may have to be engaged in further work to fully understand how religion predisposes girls and women to risks for FGM.
Using a spatial epidemiological approach, Kandala et al. (2019) examined the influence of socioeconomic factors in the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya, with the ultimate objective of identifying the specific drivers. The study also found that living in a community experiencing high rates of FGM, having a circumcised mother, or residing with women who believed that it was an essential practice increased the chances for a girl to undergo the cut (Kandala et al. 2019, p.14). Therefore, this evidence attributed social pressure to the likelihood of girls in Kenya undergoing FGM. Thus, this evidence highlights the importance of the influence of community-wide influence on the continuation of FGM in Kenya as experienced in other African countries
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(Kandala et al. 2019, p. 14). Overall, this evidence underscores the role of social influence, especially from community members, on the continued practice of FGM in Kenya and other African countries.
Additionally, Kandala et al. (2019, p. 14)’s study underlined the effect of religion and place of residence in moderating the chances for girls to undergo FGM in Kenya. The findings revealed that being a Kisii or Somali, living in the North Eastern Province, and belonging to Islam increased the chances for women and girls to undergo FGM (Kandala et al. 2019, p. 14). Therefore, this evidence underscores the influence of religion, the community of birth, and place of residence on risks for FGM among Kenyan females. At the same time, the findings revealed that living in urban centres and belonging to a middle wealth quantile household increased the risks for girls to undergo FGM. Surprisingly, the study found that girls whose mothers were highly educated had lesser chances of experiencing FGM compared with those with little education. This outcome suggests that a girl’s risks for FGM or medicalised FGM were not related to their level of education. Instead, the mothers’ level of education played a critical role in influencing the decision for a girl to undergo the practice. Thus, this evidence underscores the role of mothers’ low level of education in increasing the risks for their girls to undergo the practice.
6.1.3 Cultural Context
The context in which medicalised FGM takes place is critical to encouraging its
continuation in Kenya. In their study, Kimani and Kabiru (2018, p.13) found that many families within the Gusii and Kuria families preferred home and occasionally private clinics for
medicalised FGM to escape the attention of law enforcing agents. Therefore, this evidence implies that individuals prefer such contexts because of their privacy and potential to protecting the providers from law enforcers. Taken together, the reviewed evidence confirms that
medicalised FGM among the Gusii and Kuria communities has been motivated by the fact that this approach is relatively safer and not easily noticeable by law enforcing officers. Therefore, this evidence suggests that medicalisation offers individuals that may question the value of FGM an escape route to continue practising it because of its increased safety to the girls.
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Living in an ethnically diverse community has also been found to have a strong moderating influence on the abandonment of FGM in Kenya. Grose et al. (2019, p. 95) found that daughters’ risks to FGM decreased drastically if they lived in more ethnically diverse localities. This outcome was consistent even when the girls were living with mothers who had previously undergone the cut. This result indicates that community heterogeneity is a significant driver in societal change among Kenyan communities. Indeed, this finding provides a platform that goes beyond a simple understanding of ethnic identity as a tacit variable of culture for the specific content of social norms towards perceiving ethnic diversity as a means of
comprehending the nature of social boundaries. Consistently, Cloward (2016, p. 155) indicates that ethnic diversity provides an opportunity for families that practice FGM to be exposed to a range of networks that oppose the practice. Therefore, these pieces of evidence confirm that ethnic diversity could be a moderating influence on the abandonment of FGM among some Kenyan communities. Thus, communities that practice the cutting are less likely to abandon it if they have less contact with outside groups, especially those that oppose its perpetuation.
Ethnic fractionalisation has also been shown to play a critical role in moderating the risks for girls and women undergoing FGM in Kenya. Kandala et al. (2019, p. 14) found that the risk for girls and women undergoing FGM decreased as the ethnic fractionalisation index EFI increased. This finding confirms the idea of assimilative transformation and shifting reference groups. According to Achia (2014, p. 12), the concept of assimilative change entails processes of cultural borrowing along with re-examination of prior norms. This evidence suggests that even conservative traditional values from the past are subject to continuous change due to the moderating influence of social circumstances. This assumption is consistent with the study by Gebremariam, Assefa and Weldegebreal (2016, p. 363), which revealed a significant moderating influence from non-practising communities on the reduction of FGM. Notably, this study found that higher interactivity with non-FGM practising communities resulted in a shift away from the practice. Viewed from a structural functionalism lens, this influence underscores the importance of social interaction in minimising the influence of cultural norms, especially those with
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6.1.4 Community Influence
Other studies have also underscored the impact of community influence on the perpetuation or abandonment of FGM among Kenyan communities. Grose et al. (2019) examined this correlation to understand the effect of community influence on norms such as FGM in Kenya. The results revealed that daughters coming from households where mothers were less supportive were at a higher risk of undergoing FGM. Therefore, this outcome suggests that mothers play a significant role in either increasing or decreasing the risks for girls to
undergo the practice. On the same token, this study revealed that daughters’ chances of undergoing FGM were lower in communities that had fewer women who had undergone the practice. This outcome supports the theory that a collective change of expectations and coordinated efforts are critical in altering community norms (Bicchieri 2017, p. 111). This relationship underlines the importance of collective community actions in influencing the continuation or abandonment of FGM.
Consistent with the trend in other African countries, the need for acceptability in society has been playing a powerful role in the continued practice of FGM among Kenyan communities. In their study, Jerlström and Johansson (2015, p. 18) found that most households allow their daughters to undergo mutilation in line with the long-held tradition. Therefore, compliance with this tradition is considered essential in avoiding exclusion and stigma from community members. Some parents fear that their daughters may not get an opportunity to get married and have
children because of the avoidance of undergoing FGM as required by the communities’
traditions. Thus, this outcome implies that the practice gives the girls the honour they deserve to live in the community with others. This outcome is consistent with Imoh’s (2013, p. 40)
observations that FGM provides the girls with the honour they require as mature members of society. In line with the structural functionalism theory, these pieces of evidence suggest that FGM is persistent among Kenyan communities partly because some people perceive the practice as critical to boosting their daughters’ acceptability in society. Thus, an appropriate human rights policy should focus on addressing the influence that communities have on their members.
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6.1.5 Marriageability
Empirical evidence from the Rendile, Maasai, Pokot, Somali, and Samburu communities also underscores the role of marriageability in facilitating FGM in Kenya. UNICEF examined this correlation by conducting a baseline study among the five communities. Despite the existence of variations across the surveyed communities, the findings revealed four critical common drivers. Notably, it was revealed that these communities encourage this practice
because they consider it a critical indicator for readiness for marriage, religious identity, a sign of hygiene, and a tool to preventing promiscuity (Information Research Solutions 2017, p. 37). This confounding influence is consistent with the assertions of the structural functionalism theory. Consistent with this model, the interconnection between marriageability and FGM shows how social factors play a significant role in managing critical affairs in Kenya. Consequently, this influence illustrates that the interrelatedness of social life contributes to the abuse of women’s and girls’ fundamental human rights. This study contributes to the existing body of knowledge by suggesting that FGM is required to prepare women or girls for marriage, hence its
continuation in Kenya.
6.1.6 Parental Influence
Parental influence has also been attributed to the continuation of FGM among Kenyan communities. Mwendwa et al. (2020) used a focus group methodology to examine the role of parents, both men and women, in the perpetuation of the practice in Tigania East, Meru County. The findings revealed that parents forced their daughters to undergo FGM. One participant in Mwenda et al.’s (2020) posited that:
So you see there is a point where parents are the ones responsible for its continuation, the girls may not want it but the parents force them because as a parent if I do not support this practice, my children will not undergo it. (p. 8)
This outcome confirms that parents are the driving force for the continuation of FGM in some instances by making a decision on behalf of their daughters. Nevertheless, some women are encouraged to undergo FGM by grandmothers, especially if they do not have both parents. Another participant posited that:
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But you know the grandmother who is caring for these orphans is bringing them up just the way she knows, because for her nothing has changed, and all she has known is that circumcision is there and it is a good thing, and has importance, and she probably has never heard that people no longer circumcise. (Mwendwa et al. 2020, p. 9)
Similarly, this observation reinforces the effect of social norms on older women, especially those who did not receive higher education. As revealed in the above-cited response, most of the grandmothers who encourage their granddaughters to undergo FGM consider it a normal way of bringing up a girl child. Therefore, this evidence provides a strong suggestion that less educated grandmothers contribute to the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya, particularly when they are taking care of their granddaughters.
Empirical evidence from Kisii County also attributes parents to playing a leading role in promoting the perpetuation of FGM in Kenya. Moranga (2014) examined this association using a descriptive research design. The results indicated that while the mothers determined when the daughters were ready for the cut, the fathers facilitated the process through the provision of the required resources. Table 6.1 provides a tentative summary of the respective roles that both parents undertake in facilitating FGM among their daughters. Consistently, Ondiek (2010) concurs that girls are not usually involved in decision-making processes about FGM among Kenyan communities. Thus, parents have the ultimate responsibility or authority in ascertaining whether their daughters would undergo the cut. As revealed in the Table, fathers’ responsibility is to provide the resources, organise and prepare for the ceremony, and approve the appropriate circumciser. On the other hand, mothers’ role in facilitating FGM is to guide and give rules to the practitioners, take care of the initiated girls, encourage daughters to undergo the cut, and prepare food for the visitors. Overall, these outcomes are consistent with the assumptions of the structural functionalism theory. Parents influence the perpetuation of FGM because of their position in the family setup. Thus, the confounding influence of parents has made FGM become a serious human rights issue in Kenya.
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Specific Roles of Parents in Facilitating FGM among the Kisii Community (Moranga 2014, 55)
The Role of Fathers in Facilitating FGM The Role of Fathers in Facilitating FGM
Provide finances and resources for the practice and the associated ceremony
Guide and offer rules to the girls
Organise and prepare for ceremony Invite community members to participate in the ceremony
Give permission Take care of initiated girls
Giving approval for the practitioner Encourage daughters to be cut
6.1.7 The Perceived Safety of Medicalisation
Medicalised FGM has emerged as a new phenomenon among some Kenyan
communities, especially in response to government sanctions. Studies have been undertaken to understand the associated socioeconomic factors for its perpetuation. Kimani et al. (2020) examined the specific socioeconomic factors contributing to the rise of medicalised FGM in Somali, Kisii, and Kuria communities. The results highlight this practice as a paradigm shift possibly triggered by legal sanctions and narratives about the associated risks. The outcomes further revealed that parents seek medicalised FGM for their girls because of conformity to culture and tradition, marriageability, religion, and rite of passage (Kimani et al. 2020, p. 10-11). Therefore, social pressure is a significant confounding factor for the relatively high prevalence of medicalised FGM in these communities. Consistent with previous evidence by Shell-Duncan, Moreau, Wander, and Smith (2018, p. 8), this study found that FGM in Senegal and the Gambia pressure and negative sanctions push families to perform FGM on their daughters. This finding is consistent with the assumptions of the structural functionalism theory, which attributes social norms to a significant influence on societal affairs. Hence, FGM in these communities is considered a critical social requirement as those who undertake it conform to cultural
expectations and respect. However, this strong association makes FGM a substantial human right that is deeply rooted in cultural practices.
Despite exhibiting similarities in the driving socioeconomic factors, the Gusii, Kuria, and Somali communities have some differences in the practice of FGM. While among the Somali
