Home sweet home?: Free housing project and integration in Bogotá, Colombia

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Home sweet home?

Free housing project and integration in Bogotá, Colombia.

Peace and Development Studies

Author: Tobias Andersson

Supervisor: Manuela Nilsson Examinator: Christopher High Course ID: 2FU33E

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Abstract

Every year millions of human beings are forcibly displaced from their homes due to armed conflicts and natural disasters. By the end of 2019, more people than ever before were identified as Internally Displaced People (IDP), with numbers exceeding 45 million

worldwide. There have been various initiatives to repair the displaced by several government, such as giving them interest-free loans, temporary shelter, subsidies and free building

material. In Colombia, the government initiated a ground-breaking program that supplied more than 100.000 families with free housings. The free housing program was intended to fight inequality by alleviating the housing deficit, repair the IDPs for their losses caused by conflict, and further improve their quality of life.

Semi-structured interviews were conducted in the free housing community Rincón de Bolonia, which since 2016 has hosted more than 400 IDP families from various parts of the country. The objective was to compare the free housing programs objectives with the beneficiaries' experience, furthermore, if they think that the project serves the purpose of victim reparation. Intergroup Contact Theory was further adopted to analyse how the coexistence dynamics have looked and whether the government has taken initiatives to support and facilitate social inclusion in the community.

The case study showed that the interviewed IDPs do neither think that the government's free house project has improved their quality of life; neither served the purpose of victim

reparation. Furthermore, it became clear that the government had not taken many initiatives to foster coexistence and cooperation between the beneficiaries.

Keywords: IDP, Reparations, Urbanisation, Inequality, Intergroup Conflict Theory, Coexistence, Bogotá, Colombia, SDG 10, SDG 11

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Acknowledgements

I want to begin by expressing my gratitude to my supervisor and Professor Manuela Nilsson, that with her previous solid experience and her constructive criticism, guided me throughout this journey. She was always fast with giving feedback (even outside of her working hours), and for that, I am genuinely grateful.

Someone that I also want to dedicate a special thanks to, is my dear friend Alejandra, who helped me with translations throughout the interviews, showed a genuine interest in the research, and came with a lot of valuable feedback.

Finally, I want to thank all the interviewees that participated, despite the ongoing pandemic; without your help this research would not have been possible.

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1. Introduction

According to the United Nations (UN), millions of human beings are forcibly displaced from their homes every year due to armed conflicts and natural disasters. It is not uncommon that the victims further have been subjects to death threats and, in some cases, had their own family members or friends killed (Lozano-Borrero, J., Ramírez, O. and Paternina, O., 2020). By the end of 2019, more people than ever before were identified as Internally Displaced People (IDP), with numbers exceeding 45 million around the globe. Colombia was the country with the second-highest IPD rate, second only to Syria (UNHCR, 2020a).

While some IDPs move to other rural areas, many more are drawn to the cities for shelter. Furthermore, they can be dispersed, such as living with family or friends or other families in rental arrangements or living in grouped settlements. The latter usually consists of collective centers such as schools or self-settled camps (UNHCR, 2008). Sometimes they may end up in camps set up by a government or by humanitarian organizations, in some more rare cases, in abandoned or unfinished buildings (UNHCR, 2020a). Once relocated, they continue to face physical and mental stress, difficulties accessing health services and other public assistance. One further issue they face is to find new employment, as many are rural peasants who have lost their land. While some long to return after the conflict, many remain in the cities and do not wish to go back, thinking that they will never again get back their stolen land and return to their previous lifestyle (Carrillo, 2009). The ongoing pandemic is predicted to have further significant impacts on the already marginalized IPD population. (WHO, 2020).

Housing IDPs is as primary concern for countries engaged in conflict or post-conflict

reconstruction. According to the UN, adequate housing is a basic human need and an essential human right as it makes a secure place to live for human dignity, physical and mental health, and quality of life for the residents. This is further advocated by the guiding principles on internal displacement (UN-Habitat, 2014). IDPs are often vulnerable to a spectrum of human rights violations, including violations of the right to adequate housing (Ibid). This has pushed many governments around the world to develop strategies to help the victims’ struggle and providing adequate shelter has been one of them (UNHCR, 2008). Some examples of these strategies have been the distribution of rental vouchers, loans, and subsidies (Gilbert, 2013). For example, USAID initiated a project in Pakistan, where IDPs were provided with tents, temporary shelter, and repair material (UN-Habitat, 2009). In South Africa, as a response to

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8 the needs of the poor, IDPs included, the government initiated a project where more than 750,000 houses were delivered through grants for the ones in most need. These grants worked as subsidies that enabled some of the poor to cover all the housing costs. However, inherited structural problems after apartheid continued to be prevalent and challenged the effort to create spaces of inclusion and equality. During that period, the minister of human settlements mentioned his scepticism regarding giving away housing for free as it was not sustainable in the long run (SAnews. 2013). International organizations are often working together with governments or NGOs with supporting IPDs with essential things such as food, water, and basic shelter (WHO, 2020). However, the camps that are designated for the IDPs and refugees are often not providing adequate shelter or services, often overcrowded, and lack security. Also, in urban areas, many are forced to live in overcrowded and insecure conditions, often due to a lack of money which prevents the IDPs from renting or buying proper housing (UN-Habitat, 2014).

As a result of the violence and forced displacement that took place during the civil war that lasted for more than five decades, Colombia today faces one of the world’s most severe internal displacement situations (IDMC, 2020). In the power vacuum after the peace accord that was signed in 2016 between the FARC and the government, other armed groups have gained more power and entered the fighting arena, mainly consisting of members from the ELN, AGC and dissident FARC members who did not take part in the disarmament.

Furthermore, with the absence of the government in many parts of the country these groups have been more present in the battle for the control of drug and trafficking routes, illegal mining and land grabbing. Hence, instability is still very prevalent today in the country, with more than 135,000 new recorded displacements only in 2019 (IDMC, 2020). External factors such as landslides, earthquakes, and floods further consequences in the displacement of tens of thousands of people every year. These natural disasters in combination with rapid and unplanned urbanization set further pressure on the already ongoing displacement problem (Ibid).

In Colombia, the government has applied two major policy strategies as a reaction to the struggle of the IDPs. The first one was to facilitate land restitution policies and the second one was supposed to provide either temporary or permanent housing in urban areas (Sliwa, M. and Wiig, H., 2016). In response to the housing shortage and the growing IDP enigma, mainly due to conflict, the Colombian government initiated in 2012 a ground-breaking policy with the

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9 task to provide free homes for 100,000 families (Gilbert 2013). The free dwellings are

destined for the country’s poorest families and IDPs who were forced to leave the area where they previously have lived, and due to enforced displacement have a limited amount of recourses (Ibid).

In 2019 over 75% of the Colombian population lived in urban areas, which is expected to increase to 83.5% by 2035 (Oxford Business Group, 2019). The city that has been expanding the most is the capital city Bogotá, which has also been an important destination for IDPs, mainly coming from rural areas in search of safety, job opportunities, and urban services. However, they continue to face severe issues related to inclusion, lack of formal employment, and financial options (IDMC, 2020). Furthermore, an insufficient budget covering the free houses, which is not compatible with the cities' land price, is also an issue. Hence, the majority of the IDP that arrive in the city will in most cases be territorialized in the most marginal areas or districts (Gilbert, 2013).

The neighbourhood of Usme, located in the southern region of Bogotá, has hosted hundreds of IDP from various parts of the country, more precisely from areas such as Chocó, Cauca and Nariño (Mantilla, 2017). Nonetheless, they, as victims of conflict, are not the only ones

inhabiting the neighbourhoods. The area also includes ex-combatants from various armed groups (FARC, ELN, paramilitaries, among others) where they have been thrown into a real-time laboratory where they are supposed to live in coexistence (Ibid).

Ciudadela Bolonia is one of the more illustrative neighbourhoods on this matter (Mantilla (2017). Notably, within Ciudadela Bolonia, there is a residential housing called Rincón de Bolonia (RDB). It houses 400 IDPs families and makes part of the Integral Reparation measures of the Ley 1448 (Law 1448) together with the free housing project (Justicia Transicional, 2011).

1.1 Research Problem

The functions of housing and the meaning it has can vary between various cultures but also at the individual level. However, some attributes that seem to be more general are the ones also described by Barakat (2003) ''Housing is essential to the well-being and development of most societies. It is a complex asset, with links to livelihoods, health, education, security and social and family stability.'' In line with UN-Habitats (2014) definition, housing is not adequate if it

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10 does not take the expression of cultural identity into account, or the specific needs of

disadvantaged and marginalized groups. It is therefore essential to pay attention to the specific condition of the individuals and groups that are taking part in the relocation community to make sure that everyone can start over with good preconditions. According to The World Bank (2019), there is a lack of complete and updated housing quality information in the Colombian cities. Given this information gap and the high cost of obtaining it through field surveys, financial institutions and insurance companies frequently choose not to participate in low-income housing markets.

As a result of inadequate coordination in combination with not conveying sufficient

information, post-conflict reconstruction projects are often not sustainable enough and fail to supply the IDPs with their needs. Hence, sometimes the housing either gets rebuilt by the residents themselves or in the worst-case scenario abandoned (Barakat, S., 2003).

There are according to Barakat (2003) therefore essential questions that have to be addressed besides the construction of the dwellings themselves. Such as the needs that the groups within the community may have, together with the problems they could potentially be facing after the resettlement.

The free housing program was intended to fight inequality by alleviating the housing deficit, repair the IDPs for their losses caused by conflict, and further improve their quality of life. However, it appears that there is a lack of qualitative research producing more valuable in-depth information on the stated objectives and achievements by the government-initiated free housing project compared to the perceptions of the IDPs living there and whether they think that the project serves the purpose of victim reparation or not.

1.2 Relevance

Major organizations such as the UN organs UNHCR (2020b) and UN-Habitat (2014),

together with other prominent international players such as IDMC (2019) are underlining the importance of adequate housing for displaced human beings, IDPs included. However, various scholars have argued that housing reconstructions are often not addressed properly and should be more prominent segments in post-conflict, including more sustainable elements in the programming (Barakat, 2003; Hanson, M., 2012; Kearns, A. and Mason, P., 2013).

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11 In previous research, it has been shown that societies' demographic and economic dimensions play an important role in terms of how well IDPs integrate with their new community

(UNHCR, 2008). Studying integration policies to analyse their impact on IDPs in terms of inclusiveness and well-being are of great importance. It is also essential to understand the potential impacts the relocation in relation to the free housing projects have generated. Furthermore, whether they have resulted in increased segregation, inequality, and tensions between groups.

Neither the global goal to reduce inequality within and among countries (SDG 10) nor making cities and human settlements more inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable (SDG11) will be achieved as long as inequality and segregation are present in our societies (United Nation, 2020). Hence, poor planning in integration politics could strengthen inequality and

segregation of the IDPs and therefore being a hindrance to achieving the goals.

With a growing number of internally displaced worldwide due to mainly conflict and natural disasters, the demand for social housing will most likely increase. Hence, a growing need for new housing schemes for vulnerable and IDP groups will be required. Therefore, it is

essential to develop more comprehensive strategies for integrating and repairing the IDPs through housing programs. Further, to identify the issues before the program launches,

increasing the opportunities to improve post-conflict recovery and integration. This is not only relevant to Colombia but for all countries that face issues relevant to displacement.

By investigating an existing case through an abductive approach with semi-structured interviews this research could bring forth more information regarding the relationships that arise among the IDPs within the free house program. Deeper information about the local coexistence among conflict victims in social housing settlements can be used as a tool for better designing state policies and further interventions, such as those from international and local NGOs.

The findings that may be generated throughout this study could add to the literature

concerning experiences among IDPs and enhance political will in implementing programs for more sustainable and including solutions. Further, how the residents consider the impacts of the free housing project and whether they think it has generated inclusion within the society of

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12 Bogotá. The interviews will also make it possible to bring forward voices that previously have been neglected.

Colombia, being the pioneer country in terms of initiating a free housing program for repairing the IDPs, also carries the responsibility to be a good example for other countries around the globe who face the same problem with a high number of displaced people.

1.3 Objective and Research Questions

This thesis evaluates the state-led free housing project in Colombia, comparing its stated objectives to the perceptions of the IDPs living there in order to get a better understanding of the challenges of peacebuilding, transitional justice, and local coexistence in Colombia that are reflected in the task to provide housing for IDPs. The small community within Usme, Rincón de Bolonia (RDB), has been chosen as a case study in this paper.

The following questions has been conducted to lead the investigation forward:

● What do the inhabitants of RDB think of the Free Housing Program?

● In how far do inhabitants IDPs think that the RDB project serves the purpose of victim reparation?

● What are their dynamics of coexistence and relationship with the community?

1.4 Analytical Framework

Intergroup Contact theory (ICT) will in this study be used as a lens with the intention to analyse the case of RDB and work as a tool to answer the third research question. Gordon Allport's intergroup contact theory suggests that positive effects of intergroup contact occur in contact situations that are characterized by the following four key conditions, equal status, common goals, intergroup cooperation, and support by social and institutional authorities. (Everett, 2013). The theory could help to analyse how the members of RDB integrate with each other. Further, if there are any social platform available where positive coexistence can

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framework chapter will explain in more detail about the various key conditions.

1.5 Methodological Framework

In this paper, semi-structured interviews will be conducted through Zoom with the inhabitants of RDB in a purposive manner, hence allows the participants to reflect and voice their own experiences and opinions. One of the communal leaders of RDB has agreed to facilitate the author with other residents of RDB to perform the interview that will help with the data collection. Most of the residents in RDB came in 2016, hence 4 years have passed, and could therefore be considered that enough time has gone by for implications of the relocation project to show results.

Instead of a quantative approach that uses operationalization and measuring, a qualitative method of research will be conducted in this paper. The author wants to give the interview participants the opportunity to reflect on their own answers while using the theme of the study as a point of departure. Hence, a semi-structured style will be used. In order to give a deeper understanding of the case and by setting the case into a relationship with general structures and theories, an abductive approach will be adopted (Danermark, 2002, p.88).

2. Literature review

Colombia seems to be the only country in the world that have initiated reparation measures for the internal displaced by giving away homes for free. Nonetheless, there have been other initiatives from governments worldwide to provide reparation for the IDPs. In Moldova, for example, displaced people who had their homes destroyed were given loans free from interest, and in some cases, the state paid 50% of the loan amount. The government in Azerbaijan arranged temporary housing provided on a free cost basis for the ones who got displaced in conflict with Armenia over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh in the early 90’s. Moreover, in Serbia, building material was granted for free to IDPs; most of them were Serbs who left Kosovo after the NATO bombing in 1999 (Sheltercluster, 2017). In Ukraine, the government has adopted several housing measures to compensate the IDPs for their loss due to conflict, such as temporary or affordable housing. It has also reached to debate to include free housing

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(ReliefWeb, 2020).

The literature on IDPs taking part of the free housing program in Colombia underlines the anxiety many have of not being able to pay the bills for maintenance. Further being located far away from the city, lack of social platforms, health, education, security, poorly built constructions, and not meeting the minimum standards of sanitation and hygiene have all been various obstacles for the habitants of the free housing project (Sliwa, M. and Wiig, H., 2016; IDMC,2019). Another example is in La Guajira where over 2900 free houses were provided for IDPs with many of the areas found themselves in absence of public spaces and without any green areas to enjoy (El Espactador, 2014).

Further concerns regarding the future security of the free housing communities have been expressed by local media, such as the areas turning into ghettos and isolated pockets of poverty (El Espectador, 2014). In Medellin criminal gangs took over a free housing project and forced the residents to pay them taxes for using the parking lots and other utilities (Colombia Reports, 2015).

In connection to their master thesis, Sliwa and Wiig (2016) interviewed IDPs taken part in the free housing project. The dwelling location was on the Caribbean coast of Colombia, and the investigation took place in 2014. Their findings illustrated that the free housing project has made the ones taking part in it less prone to return to their places of origin in the rural areas. Consequently, more people are ending up staying in urban cities, and the already existing population pressure further increases (Sliwa, M. and Wiig, H., 2016). With the increase of IPDs choosing to stay in urban settlements, it has become even more relevant to improving the quality of life, providing adequate housing, and dignifying those inhabiting them. The importance of interacting urbanism with sustainability and inclusion is now more important than ever (UN-Habitat, 2020).

In terms of coexistence, there has been more attention towards the dynamics between the beneficiaries of the free housing program and the neighbour communities, where signs of nimbyism and neighbours complaining about the IDPs behaviour has been shown (El

Heraldo, 2015; Gillbert, 2013; Sliwa, M. and Wiig, H., 2016; DNP, 2014) However, it seems that no empirical qualitative studies are mentioning how intergroup interactions have been

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15 taken place between the IPDs themselves. The lack of empirical qualitative data indicates that the topic needs closer attention.

3. Analytical Framework

The following chapter will introduce the chosen analytical framework for this paper, based on the Intergroup Contact Theory (ICT). It will further clarify each key component of the

framework and ending by explaining how it will be used.

3.1 Intergroup Contact theory

Gordon Allport's book The nature of prejudice (1954) argues that from the very moment that we are born into this world, we are parts of preconditions, such as being part of a nation, a religion, or a group with certain cultural traditions. Despite often taking it for granted, familiar things in our everyday surroundings we tend to value, may it be food, customs, or the people we have grown up with. It is then in these surroundings, that the fabrics of our own existence are knitted together. When our own existence is seen as something good, the group we belong to gets affirmed as something good as well. Hence, adhering to our families, clans, or ethnic groups is seen as a natural phenomenon. However, Allport (1954) argues that close and prolonged contact with members from the outgroups could generate positive attitudes, reduce stereotypes, and pierce prejudices.

Allport brings up four key elements as fundamental conditions for positive contact between different groups: equal status, common goals, intergroup cooperation, and support by social and institutional authorities. Together, they are effective conditions for reducing prejudice between groups (Allport, 1954). Since the book's publication in 1954, it has been further expanded and empirically tested by various researchers; more prominently, one of Allport's own students Thomas Pettigrew together with Linda Tropp (Everett, 2013). Together they did a meta-analysis in which they went through more than 500 published analyses between the 1940s and the year 2000, including over 250,000 people from 38 different countries (Petigrew and Tropp, 2008). The results indicated that the more contact various groups had with each other, whether it was groups from mixed ethnical backgrounds, religions, or other types of groups, the less prejudice they felt towards each other. However, even unstructured contact

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16 was shown to reduce prejudice in some cases. Hence, the conditions Allport proposed are now seen as facilitating rather than absolutely necessary (Everett, 2013).

The people engaged in the interaction, according to Allport, need to share status equality, meaning that one person being more superior will not enhance positive interaction. Hence, it reduces prejudice between the groups and creates favorable conditions with less intergroup bias (Ibid). Allport continues to emphasize the importance of having goals that are desired by both groups and can only be achieved through mutual cooperation. Furthermore, he also stresses the importance of institutional support where institutions or organizations should facilitate platforms for creating a social community that aligns with the contact theory. Prejudices can be pierced if the groups have the perception that there is a similarity between them. Thus, even if a majority group works together with a minority group, prejudice can be reduced and broken down as long as the groups work towards a common goal with systematic contact.

In his book, Allport (1954) describes an example of black and white soldiers who had equal status when they fought together in war, where they shared common goals that helped reduce prejudices that might otherwise exist in common social situations. Further, the results in Henry and Hardin's study regarding intergroup contact and prejudice between blacks and whites in the United States and between Christians and Muslims in Lebanon provide empirical evidence that the ICT is a promising way for intergroup relations (Henry and Hardin, 2006). Another example that indicates how these factors work together is found in an experiment conducted by Muzafer Sherif in 1961, in which twenty-two boys at the age of twelve were divided into two groups named the Rattlers and the Eagles (Muzafer Sherif, O. J. Harvey, William R. Hood, Carolyn W. Sherif, and Jack White, 1988). The groups created their own identities and values within the intergroup. In the beginning, both groups were persuaded to become militantly ethnocentric. Simultaneously, friction and stereotyping were spurred by a tug-of-war, which generated frustrations perceived to be caused by the outgroup. When the groups were eventually introduced to each other, competition arose. However, the groups were later given tasks that they could only handle by cooperating with the other group; thus, the atmosphere changed, and both teams started to work in a solitary manner towards the same goal (Ibid).

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3.2 Use of the framework

More and more IDP's tend to remain in urban communities where they develop their post-conflict urban livelihoods and create social networks that are important for improving coexistence among displaced victims of the armed conflict. The residents of RDB consist of various groups, including Indigenous, Afro-descendants, and Peasants. The different groups came with their cultural norms and beliefs. The inhabitants of the free housing project are affected by relocation process since they are the ones who establish a relationship with their surroundings.

One part of this study aims to understand the IDPs dynamics of coexistence within the free housing community. ICT will be used as a lens to observe how the dynamics have developed between the groups and what initiatives have been taken by the government to facilitate positive coexistence between them. However, it has been debated that simply being with members from outer groups does not necessarily reduce prejudice but could also increase it.

The analytical framework has partially informed the interview guide for the semi-structured interviews. As an analytical approach to the study, the data collected through the interviews will be analyzed following the four parameters for success. Firstly, equal status, how the free housing project participants in RDB consider their groups social status compared to the other groups living within the same community. Then, common goals - how do the general goals within and between the groups illustrate itself in RDB. Furthermore, intergroup cooperation - how has the space for initiating cooperation between the groups looked like. Finally, support by social and institutional authorities - what initiatives have been taken by institutions to facilitate positive coexistence between the residents.

4. Methodological Framework

This chapter will explain and justify the methodological framework for this qualitative case study. The chapter will initiate with an explanation of the choice of this case study's area and the chosen abductive approach. It will follow by describing the study's chosen methods, including analysing secondary sources and primary documents, purposive sampling, semi-structured interviews, and data validation. It further discusses the limitation and delimitations in the research design, including the availability of data, participants' willingness to

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18 participate in the study, security limitations, and concludes with the ethical considerations that have to be considered.

4.1 Abductive Reasoning

The conclusion based on assessing different concepts of reasoning is, according to Danermark (2002), the most suitable way of conducting a qualitative study. Bryman (2016) describes abduction as a way to explain and understand the participants worldview. The abductive approach in this paper aims to analyse the data collected through the conducted interviews. The analytical framework will then be used to examine the dynamics of coexistence among the IDPs in RDB. By placing ICT into context with the case of RDB, discoveries that have not been observed earlier may come forth (Danermark, 2002).

4.2 Qualitative Case Study

In this paper a qualitative method of research will be conducted. The author wants to give the interview participants the opportunity to reflect on their own answers while using the theme of the study as a point of departure. Hence, a semi-structured style will be used. In order to give a deeper understanding of the case and by setting the case into a relationship with general structures and theories, an abductive approach will be adopted (Danermark, 2002, p.88).

4.3 Selection of case study area

The neighbourhood Bolonia is located in the south-eastern corner of Bogotá in the

Municipality of Usme and has hosted hundreds of IDPs from various parts of the country. More precisely from areas such as Chocó, Cauca, and Nariño (Mantilla, 2017). Within

Bolonia, there is a residential housing called Rincón de Bolonia. The area that previously was surrounded by peas, blackberry bushes, and potato crops was replaced by cement and multi-family housing towers. It houses 400 IDPs families and participates in the Integral Reparation measures of the Ley 1448 (Law 1448) and the free housing project. (Justicia Transicional, 2011). With the resident complex being located at the top of Juan Rey hill, getting to RDB is difficult due to poor roads and limited transportation options. Hence, the area has become a strategic location for micro trafficking networks operating within the neighbourhood and apartments. Besides micro-trafficking, high crime rates in the neighbourhood, and community

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19 leaders getting threats from outside have generated further problems for the residents

(Mantilla, 2017).

This research investigates the impact of the free housing project, and how far the IDPs think that the RDB project serves the purpose of victim reparation. RDB houses 400 IDP families from various parts of the country, making it an interesting area to investigate how the various groups have coexisted with each other. The ICT will be used as a lens to observe how the dynamics have developed within the free housing community and how the resident from the various groups coexists with each other. Furthermore, to find out if any measurements for fostering positive coexistence have been made by the government.

4.4 Interviews and Purposive Sampling

Semi-structured group interviews were facilitated by one of the community leaders in RDB with different origin groups, consisting of peasant farmers, afro-descendants, and indigenous groups. The interviews were done through the platform Zoom, which was suggested by the community leader. Three group interviews were conducted in the house of the community leader within RDB, with four participants in the first and second interviews, whereas two in the last one. The original idea was to have four participants in all interviews. However, in the last interview, two interviewees cancelled at the last minute due to COVID-19 symptoms. Further, all participants were anonymized due to safety measurements.

Each interview has been given a number corresponding to the chronological order and their cultural background; Afro-descendants, Indigenous and Rural Peasants. The community leader further suggested to divide the groups since they may feel more comfortable in groups with more similar cultural attributes. However, the participants all shared the same status as IDP and have been recipients of the free housing project in RDB since it was established 4,5 years ago. The questions concerned the process of getting to Bolonia, perceptions of living there, and potential problems that are prevalent. Further, a comparison of stated objectives of the state and their achievement was made from the perspective of the residents. The last part asked what they think can have been done better to improve the project and make it more successful. Each interview lasted between 90 minutes and 120 minutes. None of the

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20 interview session. The participants were all asked to wear a face mask to prevent potential risks for spreading the COVID-19 virus during the whole interview.

An interpreter was used for the interviews and transcription since the author of the study is yet only intermediate in the Spanish language. Both the author and the chosen interpreter have previously spent a substantial period of time in the community of RDB and are therefore familiar with the area and the context.

The findings follow the conducted interview guide (see Appendix 2) and are in line with both the research questions and the chosen theory. To provide more holistic results with greater diversity in terms of age, and origin, the author consulted with one community leader who helped arrange the interviews before they were conducted.

In the community of RDB a higher percentage of women than men are present. This will be manifested in the constellation of the interview. Furthermore, the interviews were made and transcribed in Spanish. Thus, all the quotes are the translations made by the author.

The data gathered from interviews with the RDB residents will be the main primary sources of this paper's data. However, to increase the understanding of the free housing project's objectives and its impact on the IDP population living there, primary and secondary data sources have also been used. Including research articles, news articles, and official documents that are related to the free house initiative. Hence, adopts a data and methodological

triangulation approach (Yeasmin and Rahman 2012).

4.6 Validity of Sources

Each participant answered from his or her own subjective viewpoint, which, combined with the surrounding environment and circumstances, are all factors that influence their answers (Bryman, 2016). Nevertheless, the participants gave an impression to speak sincerely. The limited number of interviews conducted in this research is not enough to generalize any results. However, they are meant to bring forth the IDP's experience within the free housing program in RDB and hopefully give a basis for ideas on how to foster more positive

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4.7 Limitations and Delimitations

Spanish and English are not the author's native tongue and may therefore impact the interpretation of the data. Due to the ongoing pandemic, most of the RDB residents kept themselves inside due to the prevalent restrictions. Consequently, potential interviewees drastically decreased.

The methodological approach of limiting the interviews with only a few representatives from every group can obviously not be considered representative of the whole population in RDB. Since the author could not participate physically in the interviews, one of the community leaders facilitated the interviews with the residents. Hence a relation built on dependency is prevalent. Just as with any other method, group interviews can potentially cause negative consequences. The interviewer has to follow the rules of confidentiality; however, the same rules do not apply to the participants and could, therefore, be considered as an ethical problem (Trost, 2010).

4.8 Ethical considerations

The interviews in this paper have been anonymized to protect the identity of the participants. Furthermore, the participants will be informed of the purpose of the study, how the data will be used, that they do not need to answer all the questions, and finally that the interview can be terminated upon request at any time. By adopting these policies, this research will follow the main ethical demands of the Swedish science council (Vetenskapsrådet, 2002, pp.6-14). The interviewees were able to choose the place where the interviews are to take place, though it is considered appropriate that the interviewer also comes with alternatives in mind. Hence not putting the whole responsibility in the hands of the participant. Normally, the

interviewee's home is not considered a legit place due to external distractions that may occur, such as a telephone ringing, kids, or animals in the background that may prevent or falter the relationship between the interviewer and the interviewee (Trost, 2010). However, due to the ongoing pandemic and the restrictions in place, the options of places to conduct the interviews have considerably narrowed down. After the interviews, the author will consider and

scrutinize the chosen place's reliability for the interview and how it may have impacted the data.

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5. Background

5.1 The Colombian Conflict and IDP

Due to years of severe violence over wealth and land distribution in the countryside combined with a turbulent colonial past, fractionalization between various groups in Colombia is today very prevalent. These are also some of the reasons why the oldest and largest rebel group of Latin America, the FARC, later in the 60´s came to be engaged in an armed conflict with the Colombian government for more than half a century (Colombia Reports Profiles, 2018). Besides FARC, the other guerrilla group National Liberation Army (ELN), government security forces, paramilitary groups and other groups, such as drug traffickers and exploiting corporations, were all prevalent in the conflict. Land issues have been the prominent cause of the conflict. To tackle the coca cultivation, the US initiated attacks with pesticides, resulting in infertile land and further displacements among the rural population (IDMC, 2020). In the vacuum after the peace accord that was signed in 2016 between the FARC and the government, other armed groups have gained more power and entered the fighting arena, mainly consisting of members from the ELN, AGC and dissident FARC members who did not take part in the disarmament. Furthermore, with the government's absence in many parts of the country, these groups have been more present in the battle for the control of drug and trafficking routes, illegal mining and land grabbing. As a result of the violence and forced displacement that took place during the civil war that lasted for more than five decades, Colombia today faces one of the world's most severe internal displacement situations with more than 135,000 new recorded displacements only in 2019 (IDMC, 2020). The majority of the IDPs are coming from minority backgrounds where indigenous, afro-descendants and peasant communities have been the main victims of the armed conflict (Gilbert, 2013). Due to the prevalent stigmatization and discrimination that many of these minority groups face, accessing adequate housing has still been shown to be difficult for many (UN-Habitat, 2014). Moreover, since the fear of becoming victims for further discrimination and stigmatization after the relocation from rural to urban settings, many IDPs attempted to disguise their own status. However, in the cases where they managed to register themselves, the relocation to the urban areas of resettlement does not guarantee them a safe environment. (Shultz and Garfin et al, 2014). External factors such as landslides, earthquakes, and floods further consequences in

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23 the displacement of tens of thousands of people every year. These natural disasters, combined with rapid and unplanned urbanization, set further pressure on the already ongoing IDP problem (IDMC, 2020).

5.2 The Free Housing Program

It took over four decades of civil war before the government began to plan for temporary or permanent housing solutions for the IDPs. Before that, little compensation was provided (Naranjo, 2004). Previously the National Government's Housing Policy's main actions have been by giving subsidies that the receivers then combined with their own savings or credits to either obtain a home or improve their previous one (DNP, 2014.; p.151). One of the more prominent examples was the ABC program, which was put into action in 1991. Which had a more neoliberal approach where private companies would build and sell the homes to the poorest population. The idea was that homes could be built cheaper and let the beneficiaries have more options. However, the majority of the recipients had limited savings and could not access credits due to banks unwilling to give loans to the people who lives in poverty. Hence, it was difficult for them to use the subsidies they had been given (Gillbert, 2013).

With the implementation of Law 1448 in 2012, also referred to as The Victims Law, the population that had suffered from the armed conflict was recognized as victims and therefore eligible to obtain compensations through legal measurements. The law aims to secure the victim's right to truth and justice, and further compensate them for their struggles (Victims Law, 2012). With vast numbers of displaced due to the armed conflict, one of the victims' compensations that caught attention was the need for adequate housing. The new law provided the country with a powerful tool to address the population groups without decent housing access. Furthermore, it made the government introduce the free housing program that would provide homes for 100,000 families. The program's ultimate goal was to "contribute to improving the quality of life of families from fewer resources through access to better housing and environmental conditions" (DNP, 2014; p.153).

The program was promoted by Germán Vargas, the then minister of housing, and Juan Manuel Santos, the president during that period. According to Vargas himself, the objectives are to indicate the proficiency, responsibilities, and roles of the national and territorial law entities and further provide social interest housing to help the very poor and repair the ones

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24 displaced due to conflict (Larepublica, 2012). Vargas further expressed that the congress is responding to the thousands of Colombians who never even dreamed of the possibility of having their own roof (Colombia Reports, 2012). The program developed to include the ones reliving in extreme poverty or those who became victims of natural disasters. Among the displaced population, the households who belonged to the government-led Red Unidos

(United Network) were prioritized. Hence, it allowed them to become beneficiaries of the

program (Urnadecristal, 2018).

With the previous mentioned flaws of the ABC programs combined with an increasing internal displaced population, the government of president Santos, applied two major policy strategies to repair the IDPs. The first one was made to facilitate land restitution policies, and the second one was supposed to provide either temporary or permanent housing (Sliwa, M. and Wiig, H., 2016). The Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development (MinAgricultura) was assigned the task to implement land restitution policies and coordinate housing programs in the country's rural areas. The Ministry of Housing, City, and Territory (MinVivienda) became in charge of housing-subsidy schemes for the displaced population and compensation of properties in the urban areas (Ley de Víctimas y Restitución de Tierras, 2015). After the division, there was no further coordination between the two programs, and they each implemented their own policies (Gillbert, 2013). MinVivienda further issued decree 1921, which guidelines the free housing allocation lottery mechanism and identifies the potential beneficiaries in line with the prioritization groups. Most of the free housing projects today are funded entirely by the federal and local governments. However, some others are subsidized by the National Savings Fund or built-in collaboration with private companies and donors

(Oxford Business Group, 2019). MinVivienda has set a limit for construction costs to 70 minimum salaries regardless of where the money comes from; equivalent to 21,840 USD in 2012 (Sliwa, M. and Wiig, H., 2016). Shortly after the new program was announced, the construction of the first projects started; approximately 103,000 new free homes with a unit value of around 18,000 US Dollars have been built between 2013 and 2019, with another 22,000 expected by the end of 2020. Moreover, the government has reduced the housing deficit with the free housing program and parallelly stimulated economic growth and employment within the construction sector (Oxford Business Group, 2019; World Bank, 2019).

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25 Through social housing programs such as the free housing project, Colombia has significantly reduced the housing deficit (World Bank, 2019). However, many new problems were created, such as with the coexistence with the neighbour communities, insecurity, illegal activities, poor quality of the dwellings, lack of quality public spaces and locations far away from social services (DNP, 2014; Espectador, 2014; Mantilla, 2017). There have also been other

discourses regarding the motivation behind the free housing project. Gillbert (2013) argues that the former president Emanuel Santos may have initiated the project to win more support from the poor and as a way to change the trend of his decreasing popularity rating before the re-election that took place in 2014. Not only did the project give the targeted population a roof over their head, but it also generated jobs within the construction industry; hence, it did not take long for it to reach popularity. During the planning and implementation of the project, both Santos and Vargas were very prevalent in the media coverage to ensure that their close links with the program were palpable. Moreover, the policy did not only create jobs within the construction industry but also stimulated other economic actors, such as banks and developers (El Tiempo, 2012). In this context, Gillbert (2013) also argues that the free housing project may have been more prone to stimulate the construction industry than providing adequate housing for the targeted population.

One of the requirements for taking part in the free housing program is that you cannot sell or rent out the apartment within the first ten years. This was an attempt by the government to prevent issues observed in previous housing programs; the beneficiaries had rented out their dwellings and lived somewhere cheaper while still receiving subsidies (Gillbert, 2013). The idea that keeping the beneficiaries looked in the same place for 10 years could be a problem was something that was shown in the empirical study of Sliwa and Wiig (2016), where their findings of contradictions between the land restitution and the free housing program

illustrated that the free housing project has made the ones taking part in it less prone to take part in the land restitution program and return to their places of origin in the rural areas. Martínes Cortés (2014) took the debate further and argued that despite announcing the

program as a tool to help the armed conflict victims, the government continues to favour land grabbers to the disadvantage of rural communities. This may indicate that the government is less prone to get back the displaced to their original land due to lucrative profits that can be made by buying up land for export industries.

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26 Poblar de Santa Marta Project

To ensure that the readers do not get confused with what was mentioned in the interviews, a short description will be written regarding a previous housing project supposed to house some of the interviewees before they got placed in RDB instead.

In 2011, the Ministry of Housing was introduced to the Poblar de Santa Marta project by another government unit, the Central Department of Habitat, which included 36 buildings with 864 homes of 36 to 42 square meters. The project was supposed to be constructed in the Esperanza neighbourhood, which is located in Usme-Bogotá. However, it took more than one year for the construction to start due to prolonged license procedures. Once the project began, another issue came up due to the cost of risk mitigation, which resulted in a deficit of 5.466 million COP (1. 579. 319 USD). The Department of Habitat tried to solve the dilemma by asking the Ministry of Housing to include the Poblar de Santa Marta project in the national government's free housing program. Nevertheless, the deadline was already set, and the last option for proceeding with the construction was an additional cost of 5 million COP from the beneficiaries themselves. Since most of the ones taking part in the program were either displaced or belonged to the country's poorest population, they could not pay such an amount of money, and Poblar de Santa Marta got canceled (Espectador, 2013). The ones who were supposed to be beneficiaries of the project were either moved to other free housing projects, including the one in Rincón de Bolonia, or got a subsidy of 16.753.100 COP (4. 840 USD) (Habitatbogota, 2015).

6. Findings

The following chapter will present the findings from the interviews conducted with inhabitants of the investigated community Rincón de Bolonia in Bogotá and attempt to answer the research questions leading this study.

The interviewees have been given a number and a letter as an abbreviation to clarify which interview group they belong to. The participants from the afro-descendants will get the abbreviation (A), the indigenous group (I), and then finally, the peasants will be given the abbreviation (C).

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6.1 What do the inhabitants think of the free housing program?

Unemployment

Both A2 and A1 mentioned that many had to quit their previous jobs in Bogotá after moving to RDB due to the inconvenient location, far away from the urban centre. Except for A4, who is currently studying to become a flight attendant, all participants are today unemployed. I4 mentioned she had not had a job for a very long time. However, participant I1, I2 and I1 had jobs before the pandemic.

Long waiting time

All of the interviewees had to wait 10 years from that they applied to the free housing

program until they were able to move in. C1 further mentioned ‘’In those years that we spent

waiting for the house, they did not give us more help’’ Both A1 and C1 had during those 10

years tried to apply for other social housing projects but got denied since she was already listed for the Poblar de Santa Marta Project that later got cancelled. The official reason for the cancelation of the project was due to a fund deficit. However, C1 mentioned that ''They did

not give us Poblar de Santa Marta because they said the terrain was unstable and had geological faults, but today they have already built a housing project on that land''. C2 also

mentioned her relation to the cancelled project, "My husband and I also got enrolled for the

El Poblar de Santa Marta project, but we ended up in RDB. However, this project does not meet the needs of decent housing".

Security

After arriving in their new homes A1, A2 and A3 had noticed the vast amount of drug consumption that was prevalent in the neighbourhood areas, which created a feeling of insecurity and the fear that the kids would become victims. A2 added," You have to be like a hen with her chickens by her side, taking care of them all the time." When the question of whether they feel safe within the community in RDB was asked, A3 shouted," No, here we

are dead meat, and the authority neglects us; when the police come, they come to walk away."

A1 followed by stating," "Internally we are in the same. Within the same group, they rob us.

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''Within the same group, there have been robberies, threats to people (especially against leaders). Security within RDB does not exist''. C1 further mentioned worries about getting

displaced again because of the drug cartels taking over more and more in the area.

However, in contrast to I2, I3, and I4, who all felt insecure and thought the security in RDB was poor, B1 expressed that there were not so many security problems within RDB except some drunken fights now and then. One of RDB's social leaders and a representative of the indigenous group Nasa mentioned in a separate interview, "I have been denouncing this since

I was at the district counsel for victims. The security study that was given by the army or the police says that there are no armed groups in Bogotá; they deny it, but the facts show otherwise. The leaders and social leaders are being assassinated in our territories and here in Bogotá, and this indicates that there are armed groups at different scales in Bogotá. That is a bigger problem because it is the word of the institutionalists against the people's word, which usually does not echo in those instances. There is a great lack of state presence and a lack of true policies that have a social impact". He further mentioned his concern regarding

the children ending up in the armed groups due to the lack of possibilities and opportunities, making them unprotected and vulnerable.

Location

All of the participants thought that the location of RDB was inconvenient in terms of access to social services "Neither health centres nor schools; all are far away, here a person gets sick and, along the way, could die if her case is serious. There is no Police CAI either. We are far from everything." (A2) I3 stated that the issue of transport and distance has always been complex. ‘’Further, that buses do not always go, and if you do not want to take a unlicensed taxi, you have to walk from here all the way down the hill’’. The participant C2 mentioned this in another interview, saying, "Here, there is honestly no education, no health, no

transportation, nothing. There are neither health centres nor a health post. The land that was supposed to be used for the health post, the local mayor, wants to sell to third parties to make more free housings". Interviewee C1 mentioned her concerns regarding the increase of micro-trafficking gangs due to the location being far away from everything else. According to some of the interviewees, they have begun building a school nearby a while ago, but it is not yet finished.

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29 Level of satisfactionwith the dwellings

Once they arrived in RDB, things were not finished. All the participants mentioned problems with water and moist sipping through the roofs and walls, resulting in black mould covering some of the walls. This has further led to health issues among the residents, especially the elders and the children. Respondent A1 who had delivered her complaints said that the architect had answered that nothing would happen until a wall was about to collapse. They also brought up that they have had problems with the electricity, with I4 saying ‘’Our bulbs

have also burned out a lot. In some buildings you also begin to see the movement of the earth’’. Further dissatisfaction mentioned during the interview was that there are no ramps for the disabled ones. Consequently, according to A2, one girl had to stay inside for months, finally resulting in the family having to leave RDB with their disabled daughter.

I1, I2 and I3 began with expressing gratitude´´ I could not believe that after so much time and

after so much suffering I would have my own home´´ (I1). ´´I share what colleagues say here, for me it was also a great joy´´ (I3). ´´Having a roof and not having to pay a rent is a great blessing, I was also very happy, despite, of course, all the shortcomings that we eventually realized that this house was beginning to have´´ (I2). Participant I1 coming from the

indigenous group called Nasa, declared her gratitude for the free dwelling she has been granted; however, when it comes to considering the cultural aspects, she thought that the government had failed, "Here it has been difficult for us. You know that we, the Nasas, usually

have a large farm, and if many families come, there is no problem when it comes to space; there are beds and hammocks for everyone. However, here we do have problems because we cannot all be together in the apartment; it is very tiny". C1 also expressed her disappointment

with the size of the dwelling: ''This does not correspond to the actual repair; How can one

compare an apartment with the land that one left? We had huge spaces''.

All of the interview participants think the dwellings can be improved. Besides the leakages and the poor isolation in the walls, they expressed that they would want more social spaces to be built in the community. ‘’When they made this set (RDB) they thought we were all adults

and they didn't think of the children; There are more than 1,000 children here and how come they don't build a park inside’’ (A1). Something else that several interviewees thought could improve the quality of the community was sport areas for the kids.

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30 Regarding the availability of spaces for community activities within RDB, only a communal hall seems to exist. I4 and I1 commented on how they wish they would like to get permission to use some of the land surrounding the community for growing their own crops, "the problem is that the State does not allow us to use it" (I1).

The Afro-Colombian interviewees further mentioned how they felt tricked by the government. In order to give us the background, A1 explained how the receivers of the free housing got a check from the government as a compensation fund saying how much the dwelling was worth," They gave us these homes for 48 million, almost 50 million (COP), and we have

realized that the real value of these apartments ranges between 33 and 35 million. They tricked us." (A1)

No one of the interviewees could imagine staying in RDB in the future. However, A1 did not want to sell the apartment and stated," the apartment symbolizes the death of my father, my sister, and my niece and the uprooting I suffered from my lands and roots. That is why it means a lot to me.

6.2 In how far do inhabitants IDPs think that the RDB project serves the

purpose of victim reparation?

The free housing project is supposed to provide housing for the poorest and give reparation for the IDPs’ and give them a new chance to improve their quality of life. However, the majority of the interviewees mentioned that their version of how well the implementation has taken place look quite different "People coming here had no income and were hungry, and they could only look at the walls and the bricks…that is not a comprehensive repair" (A2). All the participants further expressed that they do not feel that they have been repaid enough, with A1 adding," Starting with the area where we are, many of us have been re-victimized, so the norm is not being met."

Further, they were also asked how they perceive the compensations they were given. One of the Indigenous leaders mentioned, ‘’They simply told us that they were going to give us a

home to fully repair us for being victims and they told us to be grateful because they were giving us something. But they forget the town which we originally come from. But forget that this is how we remain at peace and safe due to the negligence that has been and has been in

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our territories for a long time ;Have these four bricks for the murder of your son; It seems to me that this is neither fair, nor equitable’’ C1 expressed this further and said, ''They said that this was a gift, but what happened is that they broke ties with our entire social environment and our culture. Moreover, they keep telling us that it is free. I lost two sons who were killed, and my partner was also killed. They are wicked, telling us that our houses are free!''.

I4 expressed his disappointment saying," They haven't given me any kind of help. For

example, when that isolation began, they told us that they would give us help. I was desperate at the time, what were we going to eat? bricks?". Participant I2 continued," Nor have they given us the subsidy they promised us so much. Last time they told me to call, but they never answered me after that ". When the interviewer followed with the question of whether anyone

had taken the initiative to do something about this injustice, they mentioned it was really a matter of administrative competence. ''When I was in the administration, I reported it, but in

reality, nothing has happened. The only one who informs us is one of the community leaders; he is aware of everything and guides us. We also have another leader, a Nasa governor, who informs us about all the government aid projects. We only have the two of them. Not even the administrator of this group informs us of anything'' (I1)

6.3 How do different groups of origin interact with each other within RDB?

Interaction Between the Residents

The majority of the participants had in common that they did not know anyone else when arriving in RBD expect C2 and A1. During the 4,5 years living in the area, they had all

established friendships with other neighbours. However, it seemed that the majority have been selective with whom they have taken up contact, "You do not know where people come from,

or what they do, so many times it is better to avoid and have only close friends" (I1).

Participants I4 and I3 agreed and underlined that they preferred to stay inside their

apartments, not spending much time in others. I3 said it was to avoid problems from occurring "that is where all the problems come from; they start to blame others, saying that she or he

stole from me or things like that." I2 added, "Well, I also have some friends; not many, but among them, we talk to each other, sometimes we invite each other to our homes."

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32 In terms of interaction with the other neighbours on a daily basis, A2 and A1 both said that the social exchange usually only consist of greeting phrases" good morning, good afternoon and a few words and that is, because here you cannot talk about many things." (A1)

The participant I1 further expressed, "here are many families that still have many

psychological problems which make coexistence difficult". Participant C1 mentioned that

despite rarely going out of the building, she gets along very well with the 23 families that live in the same building as her. ''We have a good coexistence, with the other neighbours, I do not

know many of them”. According to the rest of the participants there seems to be little

interaction between the groups, even before COVID-19. Though, most of the interviewees mentioned that it is essential to know the people around them in order to build proposals and facilitate community work. Everyone thought that there had been collaborations between the members of RDB and A1 mentioned, ": The nice thing is that when events are held here (despite the inconveniences), the community comes to collaborate and participate because people need that participation and collaboration."

Discrimination

I1, I3, and I4 thought that other groups within RDB looking down on them due to their ethnic background is prevalent at a certain extent, "At least to me as a Nasa they sometimes tell me

(oh, this Indian, you are not white, you are Indian). There is a lot of discrimination for being Indian" (I1). I3 and I4 further stated, "Yes, there are people like that; there are people who have been discriminating a lot". One of the community leaders continued with saying,

"Ultimately, what is certain is that due to the differential approach, the government should

not have put us here; They should have considered our conditions and our way of life as indigenous". When the question was asked whether anything had changed since they arrived in RDB, the participant answered, "Today I have to say that people have learned to know us and have realized that we contribute."

However, even though discrimination seems to be prevalent no one of the participants has felt threatened by other groups within RDB except the ones dealing with micro trafficking.

Solidarity from neighbours

All respondents think that there exists solidarity within RDB except C1 who expressed, ''Yes,

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33 Injustice

Everyone among the interviewees thinks that there is injustice within RDB's community where some groups receive more help than others. For example, they mentioned that there have been people within the community who have received humanitarian aid and subsidies such as solidarity income. Their children also receive the "Familias en Acción subsidies," which was launched in the year 2000 as a part of the Government's policy to complement the poor families with young children (Inter-Regional Inequality Facility, 2006).

The interviewees I2, I4, and C2 further expressed that there are people within RDB who are receiving humanitarian aid due to the pandemic, where I2 added, "but we don't receive any of that".

When the interviewees were asked what they think would make them feel better living in the community, the majority stressed how they want the coexistence between RDB inhabitants to improve. Poor roads and access to public services combined with insecurity were further brought up as points to improve. C2 expressed her wish that, ‘'all those drug gangs that are here in RDB will end and rescue all the young people so they can have opportunities to study and work''. C1, I1, A2 and I2 wished to promote more productive projects that can be done from home and make the most of their potential when it comes to handcrafts.

7. Analysis

This chapter will analyse the findings by applying them to the main assumption of Intergroup Contact Theory (ICT), which argues that close and prolonged contact with members from the outgroups could generate positive attitudes. It will be further analysed following the four parameters for success. Firstly, equal status, how the free housing project participants in RDB consider their groups social status compared to the other groups living within the same

community; secondly, common goals - how do the general goals within and between the groups illustrate themselves in RDB; thirdly, intergroup cooperation - how has the space for initiating cooperation between the groups looked like. Finally, support by social and

institutional authorities - what initiatives have been taken by institutions to facilitate positive coexistence between the residents.