The role of nonpermanent members on the United Nations Security Council: The case of Sweden 2017

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International Relations

Dept. of Global Political Studies Bachelor programme – IR103L 15 credits thesis

Spring 2018

Supervisor: Scott McIver

The role of nonpermanent members on

the United Nations Security Council

The case of Sweden 2017

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Abstract

This thesis investigates the role nonpermanent members have on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). This as the contemporary scholarly debate on the UNSC tends to exclude the nonpermanent members in the study of the only international institution that can bind all UN members under its decisions. Building on the slim literature existing on why states seek the nonpermanent seats, this thesis uses the case of Sweden in order to investigate whether Sweden has met its objectives during its first year on the council. This case also contributes to a broader question of the potential influence nonpermanent members can have on the council. The results of this thesis are in line with the research it is building on, inherited from a liberal strand of international relations, that Sweden has influenced outcomes in line with its objectives and that nonpermanent members can influence the council in terms of resolutions, making them relevant to study in research concerning the UNSC. It also provides additional knowledge to the existing research it is building on by expanding the scope in how nonpermanent members can influence the council, which can be used in future studies.

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1.0 Introduction

The research question of this thesis is: Has Sweden met its objectives during its first year on the United Nations Security Council? It is accompanied by a sub-question: Can nonpermanent members influence the processes and actions of the UN Security Council? To give a background to these questions one must begin with acknowledging that research concerning the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is vast and encompasses multiple different approaches from multiple fields. In the study of International Relations, the UNSC has drawn attention from different schools of thought and is often focused on how decisions in the council are made. This often in relation to interventions, which is challenging classic notions of sovereignty and the legitimate use of force, which raise debates in IR (Malone, 2004: 1). Further, the UNSC is subject for attention partly due to its exclusive role in the international system as the only institution that can bind UN member states via mandates and resolutions.

Studies conducted in relation to the UNSC could be categorized in different theoretical approaches, where critical theorists as Cunliffe (2009) and Pugh (2003 & 2004) argue that the structure of UN decision-making must change in the quest for emancipating the world’s weak in which the UNSC is playing a constraining role (Cunliffe, 2009: 329; Pugh, 2003 & 2004: 54). Arguments for reform of the council are highly regarded as vital from both states and academics in order for the UNSC to work more effectively, where some argue that more nonpermanent members may be a solution (Schirm, 2010: 204; Gould & Rablen, 2017).

Opposed to critical arguments, one can highlight rationalist theories, where Howard and Dayal (2017), Reykers and Smeets (2015) and Shesterinina and Job (2016) argue that the decision-making in the UNSC is explained by mechanisms found in the permanent members’ (P-5) interests, leaving little room for the council to work as intended (Howard & Dayal, 2017: 3; Reykers & Smeets, 2015; Shesterinina & Job, 2016). Such categorizations help to put my inquiry in a broader context of the contemporary debate, where what is important is that substantial research is neglecting the nonpermanent members of the UNSC in analyzing, explaining and understanding decision-making in the UNSC. This as the literature often refers to the veto-power of the P-5. This trend was already discovered by Mahbubani in 2004, in his review of research on the UNSC in an attempt to find a theory of relations between the P-5 and the nonpermanent members, in order to advance knowledge in the question of ownership of the council, where the P-5’s disproportionate power is again determined (Mahbubani, 2004: 254). It appears that this trend is continuing today.

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2 The pursuit for the nonpermanent seats of the UNSC is rising and states announce their candidacies earlier and earlier. Based in the above scholarly narrative focused on the P-5, one must ask why states seek these seats if they have nothing to say. Adding to this puzzle one can highlight De Mesquita and Smith’s (2010: 667) argument that nonpermanent membership on the council has negative consequences on economy and political health in developing countries, which cannot be weighed up by the limited role the state has on the council. So, why would states want to become members of the council if they have nothing to say and in certain circumstances even hamper its development economically and politically?

1.1 The workings of the UNSC

It is important to give a quick overview of what the UNSC is before proceeding. The UNSC is one of six main organs of the UN, with the purpose and responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. This is one of the four main purposes of the UN, the other three being 1) to develop friendly relations among nations, 2) to cooperate in solving international problems and in promoting respect for human rights, and 3) to be a center for harmonizing the actions of nations (UNSC, 2018). The council has the power of binding all UN member states under its decisions and resolutions, making it the only international institution with such mandate in relation to issues of international peace and security (ibid). The council meets whenever peace is threatened and discuss how to approach the given issue. The responses to such issues are, amongst many others, establishing peace agreements, dispatching peacekeeping operations and establishing sanctions (ibid).

The UNSC consists of fifteen members, of which five are permanent and in possession of the right to veto (The U.S., The UK, France, China and the Russian Federation). The ten other seats are nonpermanent seats, which are occupied over a period of two years. Each year five states have finished their two-year term, meaning that each year five new states are taking their seats. The role of these seats is the focus of this thesis. According to article 23 in chapter 5 of the UN charter, the General Assembly shall elect the ten nonpermanent members in regard to the council’s purpose of maintaining international peace and security and other purposes of the organization (UN Charter, 1945). In short, a nonpermanent member is supposed to be elected to contribute to the council’s agenda. In order for a resolution to be adopted, there must be nine votes in favor, with none of the permanent members using the veto. This means that whenever a resolution is subject for voting, a permanent member can, on its own, stop the resolution. Hence, a nonpermanent member cannot succeed alone in the council, but is dependent on what the other members do. This, as seen above, is the foundation for neglecting the relevance of the

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3 nonpermanent members in terms of influence. What one must acknowledge is that the nonpermanent members collectively can stop resolutions due to the voting procedures of the council, regardless what the P-5 say. If the nonpermanent members decide to come together on a certain issue, they have a collective veto.

1.2 Aim and purpose

Although I acknowledge the importance of the veto mechanism, the pattern described above raises questions about what the purpose of the nonpermanent members is, and why states seek these seats if they have no influence in decision-making processes. As states pursue the nonpermanent seats more intensively than ever, there seems to be something else to discover, where not only the P-5 are center of attention (Malone, 2000; Hurd, 2002: 43).

This thesis will examine the Swedish objectives of becoming a nonpermanent member of the council and assess if Sweden has met its objectives during its first year (2017) on the council. This serves as a case in order to assess the sub-question of this thesis, whether nonpermanent members can influence the processes and actions of the council. In doing so, section one of this paper is reviewing the slim but important literature existing concerning the question of why states seek these nonpermanent seats. This serves the purpose of building an analytical framework, which informs how I define Swedish objectives, as well as informs what documents are relevant to analyze in order to answer my research questions. Follows does the methods section illustrating in detail how I define the Swedish objectives and how I operationalize the objectives in order to establish whether these objectives have been met. This feeds in to the main part of this thesis, the analysis. This paper is ending with a concluding section in which the findings of the investigation are discussed in light of the existing literature this thesis is building on and the broader research agenda on the UNSC, as well as the potentials for further research.

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2.0 Literature review of earlier research

This section serves the purpose of situating my investigation in the existing literature on what motivations and objectives states have for pursuing the nonpermanent seats of the UNSC, and at the same time build an analytical framework to guide the analysis in order to answer the research questions of this thesis.

2.1 Why states seek the nonpermanent seats on the UNSC

Sweden has finished its first year on the UNSC and little research concerning its objectives and if they have been met exists. Although the foreign ministry states that the first year has been successful, an assessment is needed to systematically evaluate the first year. In order to approach this question and due to the lack of research it is valuable to start with identifying earlier research conducted that focuses on why states seek the nonpermanent seats, to provide a basis for defining and operationalizing Swedish objectives.

As stated, relevant research conducted in relation to my investigation is limited, however the existing research can be categorized in to two main methodological approaches, where the first approach is quantitative, and the second qualitative. These methodological approaches can broadly be stated to adhere to certain theories of IR, where the quantitative approach easily can be traced to realist theories, while the qualitative approach tends to adhere to theories of constructivism and liberalism. To build an analytical framework, this chapter first highlights the quantitative approach and the relevant research conducted. It then moves on to the qualitative approach, which is the approach most relevant to this thesis, and builds the analytical framework out of the relevant research discussed.

2.2 Quantitative research

To start with the quantitative approach, one prominent piece of work conducted by O’Neill (1996) is worth mentioning. He focuses on power distribution in the UNSC, and via the Shapley-Shubik index concludes that the power of nonpermanent members is 0.2 % each, while the P-5 have 19.6% power each. The power distribution in the council is argued to merely reflect the international distribution of power (O’Neill, 1996: 235). Thus, there is no reason for states to seek the nonpermanent seats, suggesting that states that candidate are misperceiving their national interests and capabilities. Such research does not lend much for my investigation, other than suggesting that if I build on this, my answer will be that Sweden has not met its objectives due to the irrelevant role nonpermanent members have, regardless of size, reputation,

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5 development and resources. Sweden along with all other nonpermanent members are in the council for no reason, reinforcing the traditional narrative that the council is all about the P-5. However, it seems unlikely that almost all states in the world are misperceiving their objectives and potential influence while on the council. Therefore, I argue that a closer investigation is warranted in order to discover whether Sweden has met its objectives. Further, what O’Neill is neglecting is the potential influence a nonpermanent member may have on issues that are beyond what happens on the Security Council, and its other interactions in the international context. Thus, his analysis is limited and not opening up for other potential benefits of being a nonpermanent member. Although this is not the primary target to address in my investigation, such doors are unnecessary to close at this stage.

Much of the research in the quantitative approach can be related to O’Neill, as many refer to his arguments on power distribution. The main relation is concerning his quantitative method, however not necessarily to his explicit focus on power relations. Instead, the focus tends to be on aid and loans that developing states receive when they become members of the council in exchange for votes on the council. This indicates that economic factors may explain why some states seek membership on the council. Kuziemko & Werker are using economic methods and identify that developing states face increase in U.S. and UN aid when they take seat on the council. This suggests that nonpermanent members can gain economically and make profit during their two year-term in exchange for votes. Their investigation indicates that there might be influences of vote-buying and bribery going on between the P-5 and nonpermanent members which could explain why some developing states seek these seats (Kuziemko & Werker, 2006: 905). Influenced by such arguments, Dreher, Sturm and Vreeland make an investigation whether nonpermanent members of the UNSC receive favorable treatment from the World Bank (Dreher, Sturm & Vreeland, 2009: 1). By analyzing data of 157 countries between 1970-2004, they find a positive relationship between nonpermanent membership and the number of World Bank projects a nonpermanent member receives. Their results also suggest that nonpermanent members are more likely to receive IMF assistance than other countries (ibid: 2). However, if these results can explain why developing countries seek these seats is not determined. To verify research arguing that nonpermanent members receive favorable treatment from the IMF, the World Bank, U.S. and UN aid in exchange for their votes, Hwang, Sanford and Lee (2015) analyze data from 197 countries between 1946-2008. Their focus lies with voting behavior in order to trace whether nonpermanent members’ voting behavior is in line with the above arguments concerning vote-buying, which they find positive results for (Hwang, Sanford & Lee, 2015: 256). Accounts like these may be valuable in understanding

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6 why certain states seek the nonpermanent seats on the council. However, that Sweden has had objectives in gaining economically in exchange of votes is highly unlikely. So where do we turn then?

One can start by addressing that Dreher, Gould, Rablen and Vreeland (2014: 52) present an article, in which they try to understand what determines election to the council and the nonpermanent seats. They argue that the role nonpermanent members have is crucial and important, opposed to arguments suggesting their irrelevance. As they apply a quantitative method, using an original multiple discrete choice model in order to discover patterns what determine election to the council, they are mostly interested in voting procedures. They do acknowledge that some states may seek the nonpermanent seats due to the above stated, that aid increases when on the council (ibid), but that such an explanation is limited to developing countries. In short, what is important in their argument is that they argue that the nonpermanent members have a central role on the world stage while on the council, and that the role of presidency in the council, a rotating position, makes nonpermanent members able to influence the agenda and the order of voting. Thus, there is something else at play, which is not necessarily only economic benefits, by being a part of the council. As they conclude, membership assign important international influence and also financial benefits (ibid: 79). States can influence the council which opens up for states’ desires for pursuing the seats. What these other desires and objectives are, are unfortunately not addressed in their work, but can however be found in more qualitative studies, which will be highlighted below.

In sum, this quantitative category may explain why some developing states seek the nonpermanent seats, however cannot be effectively used to define objectives of states not dependent on aid. Although there are arguments suggesting that there might be something else for states to pursue due to the position they have on the council, more in depth analyses are required. And relating back to my question and as Sweden is not dependent on foreign aid, such objectives do not apply to states like Sweden, and are therefore of no use in this case in determining Swedish objectives. Important to acknowledge here is that a membership on the council may indirectly be economically beneficial for Sweden outside the frames of the workings of the council, but that it is unlikely that Sweden’s objectives can be traced to direct economic benefits in trading their votes with other states on the council. What is important though and imperative in moving forward are the arguments that the council provides states with a central role on the world stage, with an ability to influence.

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2.3 Qualitative research

The second methodological approach in the research on why states pursue the nonpermanent seats on the UNSC, is the qualitative one. This methodological approach contains the research on which I build an analytical framework. Here, research is conducted through in-depth case studies, which are then argued to serve a broader picture in explaining nonpermanent members’ role in the UNSC and why states seek these seats. These accounts are generally applying a liberal approach in their assumptions that nonpermanent members can have influence on the council, although little, and that this serves as a factor explaining why states candidate for the seats. However, there are also other more simplistic explanations to why states purse these seats.

2.3.1 Constructivism and the pursuit for the nonpermanent seats

Hurd (2002: 36) argues by applying a theory of legitimacy and symbolic power that states seek these seats in a quest for increasing their status in the international system. By being one of the nonpermanent members, the status of a state increases due to it being a part of the UNSC, which is the exclusive institution that can bind UN members to its decisions. At the same time, when crisis occurs, a state in possession of a seat will be, due to its status, in a favorable position in handling the situation. Hurd further argues that states recognize that they do not have any significant influence on the council, but that the proximity to the P-5 is something that is considered a symbolic payoff for the nonpermanent member with a sense of international recognition at its core (ibid: 44).

The findings and arguments of Hurd are valuable, however there is something lacking, which can be found in a liberal approach. Here, supplementary arguments are given, incorporating potential explanations that Hurd argues for. These are of interest for my inquiry whether Sweden has met its objectives during its first year on the council. Is there something else than just symbolism and international recognition at stake that motivates states to pursue these seats, and can they accomplish what they intend to? To elaborate on this, a review of research with liberal influences follows.

2.3.2 Liberalism and the in-depth case study

Here, one must start with the work and research conducted by David M. Malone who has specialized his academic career in studying the UNSC but also practiced for Canada at the UN. Malone (1998) argues in his book concerned with decision-making in the UNSC in relation to Haiti between 1990-1997 that yes, the P-5 had disproportionate amount of power, but that

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8 nonpermanent members managed to have influence in the negotiations (Malone, 1998: 167 & 2000). This is an argument that serves as a basis for conducting research concerning the motives and objectives states have in pursuing the nonpermanent seats, which the literature above suggest is irrelevant. Most research conducted relating to my question builds on Malone’s ideas, which will be addressed further below (Malone, 1998, 2000 & 2004).

Starting with acknowledging the increasing active agenda the UNSC has had since the end of the cold war, Malone states that the trend in applying for the nonpermanent seats is increasing in speed and effort, although the dominant view is that there is little room for influence (Malone, 2000: 3). His work is concerned with the Canadian candidacy for the 1999-2000-term, in which he tries to answer what states’ objectives are for pursuing the nonpermanent seats. He presents three main arguments for why states bother to seek the seats, in which the first argument is shared with Hurd (2002). These are 1) states want to underline their international prestige, 2) advance their national position in a conflict, and 3) nourish a belief that broader objectives can be pursued through membership. These three can at the same time be overlapping, and one can label Malone’s statements to fit a liberal tradition.

In short, international institutions can serve the national interest and at the same time serve the institution’s interests in a belief that the council can act as an important actor in achieving international outcomes independent from strict power interest between the P-5 (Malone, 1998: 34 & 2000: 7). The case of Canada reveals that Canada had an objective of promoting ‘human security’ while on the council. Such an objective suggests that states does not solely seek the nonpermanent seats for international prestige, but also for promoting other elements (Malone, 2000: 8). Malone argues that it could be valuable for states seeking the nonpermanent seats to focus on two or three themes during the campaign that are continuously referred to in order to get elected, like Canada did on human security. It appears that Canada also had success in influencing the council by bringing this theme to the agenda. At the time of Malone’s writing, he states that little evidence exists if other states have been as successful as Canada in this aspect, and that only time will tell if states can make substantial influence in broader objectives. Thus, further research is required.

Building on Malone’s ideas on what objectives states have, Langmore (2013) reviews Australia’s campaign for a seat in 2013-2014, as well as evaluates, together with Farrall (2016) whether Australia met their objectives during their time on the council. He does also, along with Thakur (2016) argue for the relevance of the UNSC in opposing arguments suggesting that the UNSC is irrelevant and ineffective, and that there is more than just the P-5 that is of interest

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9 in studying the council. Such research is valuable to build on in pursuing with my own inquiry, as these studies are directly addressing the question I investigate.

In the work conducted together with Thakur, Langmore (2016) argue against the critique the UNSC has received for being irrelevant and ineffective due to the occasional deadlocks on certain issues (e.g. Syria and the Middle East, Ukraine and the Korean peninsula). Langmore and Thakur agree that the UNSC is failing in performing according to its purpose on such issues, but that there is no substitute for it and without it, international peace and security would be far worse than today. International issues that requires global solutions will be discussed in the UNSC even if the council does not always work as intended. This makes Langmore and Thakur to argue for the relevance of the council to study. They also suggest that the study of the UNSC unfortunately often are left concerned with the P-5, ignoring the role of the nonpermanent members (Langmore & Thakur, 2016: 100). Opposed to the argument that the UNSC only is about the P-5, they develop an argument that the deadlock between the P-5 on certain issues may provide the nonpermanent members with an enhanced opportunity to play productive roles in the handling of global crises (ibid: 107). This as the dominance of the P-5 is undermined by the inability to agree with each other. Important here is that Langmore and Thakur emphasize the role nonpermanent members can have on the council, referring to the case of Australia, and also the cases of Brazil and Germany. Brazil were successful in introducing ‘Responsibility while protecting’ in light of the criticism of NATO misusing their resolution 1973 mandate in Libya. Germany was successful as a penholder on Afghanistan and sanctions, as well as promoting debates about security and climate change and in establishing a resolution on children and armed conflict while council president (ibid: 108). Without going deeper into how Brazil and Germany were able to influence the council, Langmore has focused substantially on Australia’s recent term on the council by writing before the term, and afterwards in evaluating what Australia was able to do on the council.

2.3.3 Defining nonpermanent members’ objectives

In analyzing the Australian campaign and its objectives for a nonpermanent seat, Langmore conducts a case study using official statements from the Australian government in relation to the campaign, and the official campaign itself. Langmore argues that it is in all developed states’ interest to be a part of the council in order to serve the purpose of the council in maintaining international peace and security, although the P-5 veto may strangle the council’s effectiveness at times (Langmore, 2013: 102). Along with Malone, Langmore strongly believes that international cooperation is possible in the council in order to battle conflict and security issues

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10 of common interest. States also campaign hard for the nonpermanent seats on the council as a seat generates international prestige as well as opportunities to promote positions that are considered to be in the national interest (Malone, 2000; Langmore, 2013). Although both Malone and Langmore acknowledges the constraining role the veto of the P-5 can play, they argue that this is no excuse for any state to not pursue a nonpermanent seat. According to Langmore in line with a liberal conception of international relations, every national government claiming it self to be responsible, requires active involvement in international governance and support for the tradition of liberal internationalism (Langmore, 2013: 102). Further it is far more cost-effective to handle issues of international peace and security collectively through the Security Council than acting unilaterally. This is something all states should be willing to participate in (ibid). This is restated throughout Langmore’s articles written on the UNSC (ibid; Langmore & Farrall, 2016; Langmore & Thakur, 2016: 100).

In defining and operationalizing Australian objectives, Langmore identifies seven themes drawn inductively from the official campaign and speeches made by Australian officials in relation to the candidacy (Langmore, 2013: 104). These themes emphasize commitment to peacekeeping and disarmament, support for the Millennium Development Goals, climate change, reform of the UNSC, commitment to make a difference for small and medium-sized states and to indigenous peoples. Langmore proposes, in line with Malone, that Australia should adopts two or three issues that stand out in order to influence the council, as the themes identified cannot be labeled to be exclusive Australian objectives, but something that the council already has on its agenda (Langmore, 2013: 109; Langmore & Thakur, 2016: 107).

2.3.4 How the nonpermanent members can influence the council

In the research conducted after the Australian time on the council, Langmore and Farrall (2016) conclude that Australia was successful in meeting some of its objectives. In this case study, Langmore and Farrall develop a strategy for where to look for answers whether a nonpermanent member can influence and meet their objectives. Firstly, a state can shape the council schedule while having the presidency, a monthly rotating role, which much of the research above considers to be important. The president can call the council to meet at any time he deems necessary, suggesting that there is potential for the president to shape the agenda and exercise some control over the council (Bailey & Daws, 1998: 130-131). Here one can relate back to the operationalization of the objectives of the campaign, in order to see if these objectives were brought up during the presidency where Langmore and Farrall finds that Australia brought up issues relating to their objectives (Langmore & Farrall, 2016: 63). The presidency is a window

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11 for a nonpermanent member to schedule meetings on issues that concerns them, and Langmore, Farrall (2016) and Thakur (2016) raise what Malone is mentioning concerning Canada and human security. To introduce the council for a thematic issue that is not as integrated on the UNSC agenda, may provide an opportunity for the council president to influence the council. There has been a growth in thematic focus on the UNSC. These themes are concerning a wide range of issues relevant in understanding why conflicts exists and occur, as well as how management of it should be designed in terms of peacebuilding and conflict prevention. This has been attempted by different states focusing on themes such as protection of civilians, especially women and children in armed conflict, nuclear proliferation, small arms and light weapons, justice and the rule of law (Langmore & Thakur, 2016: 108).

Secondly, nonpermanent members can chair the council’s subsidiary organs. These organs are established when they are perceived to be necessary for the performance of the council, authorized by the council itself. These organs are overseeing what is happening on the ground, which makes them essential for the council’s effectiveness (ibid). The chair of a subsidiary organ is in a position where it can shape the agenda of the specific organ, which under authorization of the UNSC makes decisions (Bailey & Daws, 1998: 334). These organs work by consensus, meaning that if one state oppose a decision or draft resolution made in the organ, it will prevent its adoption. This means that nonpermanent members have a veto in these negotiations (Langmore & Thakur, 2016: 108). Thirdly, if a nonpermanent state is ‘penholder’ on a country-specific agenda item, it can shape the drafting of resolutions on issues. This means that one member can be chair of a subsidiary organ, while another member can be the penholder on the same issue, or both. The P-3 (the UK, France and the U.S.) are penholders on most issues, while the chairs are distributed between nonpermanent members. The ‘penholder’-system was introduced in 2010 and is argued to provide the penholder with a role in which it can control issues that concerns them (Langmore & Farrall, 2016; Langmore & Thakur, 2016: 107). Finally, states can deepen council discussions by bringing special knowledge about crises subject for council attention, although this may be more relevant for states involved in conflict directly. In their concluding remarks they state that nonpermanent members can have influence if they have clear goals and objectives and actively engage in dialogue with other members and also prioritize effectively (Langmore & Farrall, 2016: 73).

More concretely, Australia scheduled debates concerning small arms and light weapons as well as police in peacekeeping during the time as president of the council. One could relate the latter to Australia’ stated objective of commitment to peacekeeping and disarmament. Pushing these themes are argued to have contributed to the council adopting resolutions, the first of their

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12 kind, on these topics (Langmore & Farrall, 2016: 63). Australia also had the rare privilege for a nonpermanent member to be a ‘penholder’ on a country specific agenda item, where they were able to lead the drafting process of resolutions on Afghanistan (ibid: 64).

While stating that Australia has been successful in those terms on the council, Langmore and Farrall are focusing on three issues which Australia came to prioritize during their term, in identifying how and when Australia was able to influence council decisions. These are not necessarily directly relating back to the objectives of Australia’s campaign, which makes their analysis somewhat ad hoc, but they reflect what Australia’s main initiatives were during their time on the council. In this work, they argue that Australia’s objectives were 1) security and development, 2) conflict prevention, 3) protecting civilians, 4) increasing the role of regional organizations, and 5) strengthen the transparency and accountability of the council. Note here that the objectives are differently defined from Langmore’s article before Australia took its seat. This will be addressed further below.

While Langmore, Farrall and Thakur argue that Australia had substantial influence in establishing a resolution concerning the downing of Malaysian Airlines Flight MH17, and that Australia engaged energetically in strengthening sanctions implementation and enhancing the humanitarian crisis in Syria, they do not explicitly anchor their evaluation in the operationalized objectives Australia had before taking the seat on the council. The humanitarian situation in Syria could perhaps be related to the objective of protecting civilians. The focus on the three prioritized initiatives made by Australia also reveals that there are limitations for nonpermanent members, as Australia was not able to establish anything of significance on easing the humanitarian situation in Syria. Their findings are however interesting but adds confusion to what role the intended objectives for Australia played while on the council. Surely, it is important to state that situations in the world occurs all the time and that pragmatism is required to approach these, making objectives change. Still, what I lack in this evaluation is a connection between the intended objectives and what Langmore and Farrall are analyzing in reflecting where Australia has been successful. However, Langmore and Farrall argue that there is scope for nonpermanent members to meet their objectives, although the P-5 are disproportionately powerful (ibid: 59). Still, this statement is limited due to the fact that the study is a case study, focused on Australia, from which such strong generalizations should be avoided. Although I acknowledge their arguments that Australia met some of its broad objectives, they are not presenting how these successful outcomes are traced back to the efforts of Australia. There is no consideration for whether a resolution would not have been adopted if Australia was not on the council and other possible intervening factors. However, that Australia met some of its

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13 objectives may indicate that other states also are capable of attaining their objectives, which is central in driving this thesis.

What is of interest and a warning in this case study is that the Australian objectives are described differently from the study conducted before the time on the council compared to the one conducted after. Before, Langmore identified seven themes, and in the evaluative case study, there are five themes identified. This goes unnoticed and may provide a potential criticism for the findings. This is taken into account in defining the Swedish objectives further ahead.

Australia’s Objectives (Langmore, 2013) Australia’s Objectives (Langmore & Farrall, 2016)

1. Peacekeeping 1. Protecting Civilians

2. Disarmament 2. Conflict Prevention

3. Millennium Development Goals 3. Security and Development

4. Climate Change 4. Increase the role of Regional Organizations 5. Commitment to make a difference for small &

medium-sized states

5. Strengthen the Transparency & Accountability of the UNSC

6. Reform of the UNSC

7. Commitment to make a difference for indigenous peoples

Figure 1

The Australian objectives were defined differently before and after their term on the council, providing some confusion in establishing whether Australia met its objectives.

2.4 Summary

Relating back to the question of what role nonpermanent members can play in the UNSC, the existing research concerning why states pursue these seats provide valuable insights in how one can approach my specific question, if Sweden has met its objectives during 2017. Although the narrative tends to concur that nonpermanent members have a constrained role in decision-making, the apparent ignorance of them seems unwarranted. At least if we consult Malone, Langmore, Farrall and Thakur. Building on their research, I adopt an operationalization concerning the objectives of states from a liberal tradition, where states have objectives beyond realist conceptions arguing that the national interest and economic growth is explaining why states seek these seats. Thus, this investigation challenges the mainstream conception that nonpermanent members have no influence in the actions of the council.

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14 In sum, an analytical framework is appearing from the literature reviewed, which is used below to answer whether Sweden has met its objectives on the council. The basis for this is that the definition of Swedish objectives is in line with how Langmore and Farrall defined Australian objectives. Whether these have been met are then analyzed based in that council presidency appears to be central whether you consult quantitative, or qualitative research, hence January of 2017 and its meetings is of great relevance as Sweden held the role of council president. Adding to that, Malone, Langmore, Farrall and Thakur inform me that council meetings as a regular member, documents of subsidiary organs and issue-specific documents where Sweden is a penholder are important areas to analyze in order to answer my question.

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3.0 Method

The studies on why states seek the nonpermanent seats can be seen as rather atheoretical, based on states’ different national interests, which sometimes makes states pursue different objectives, as shown by Malone’s case of Canada and Langmore and Farrall’s case of Australia. However, the general understanding on why states seek these seats is based in liberal accounts that international cooperation is possible, where the UNSC can act as an important international actor in serving the common interests of the members, not only the P-5. This investigation rests on assumptions that are contending the realist and rational approaches that are trying to find general laws concerning the objectives states have for being on the UNSC. Thus, objectives can be beyond traditional realist assumptions of relative gains. Although this paper does not centralize the debate concerning ontology and epistemology between the law seeking positivist accounts, and the more liberal accounts and views on international relations, it is useful to mention. Realism and the rationalist accounts give a limited view of the potential role of nonpermanent members, while liberal accounts give a deeper understanding of the role nonpermanent members can have on the council (Halperin & Heath, 2012: 49).

This section starts with introducing the choice of a case study approach. It follows with describing how the Swedish objectives are defined and operationalized in detail, and how these objectives were coded for in the relevant documents. It also describes how an interview with the Permanent Mission of Sweden to the UN was conducted and ending with noting the potential shortcomings with this case study approach.

3.1 Case Study

The best way to approach the question of whether Sweden has met its objectives during its first year on the Security Council appears to be by using a case study approach, based in what has been conducted before. As not all states are the same, and the fact that qualitative methods are not following as strict lines as quantitative methods, and involves inductive reasoning, the qualitative case study allows this thesis to have the high flexibility it needs (Bryman, 2008: 368-370). The case study is one of the best approaches to use in order to get in depth knowledge about a specific case, in this case Sweden, as well as it informs a wider debate of international relations and the role of nonpermanent members of the UNSC (Halperin & Heath, 2012: 205; Lamont, 2015: 137). In building on Malone, Langmore, Farrall and Thakur, I can investigate whether Sweden has met its objectives by approaching what they identified as the main forums for influence for a nonpermanent member. However, I cannot use their defined objectives as

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16 these apply for the Australian term. Important to note is that there are overlapping objectives between Australia and Sweden, which the analysis highlights.

3.2 Defining Swedish objectives

Again, as there is little, or no assessment of Swedish objectives in relation to its term on the UNSC, it is hard to adopt an existing definition of its objectives. Hence, the first part of the analysis is wedded to define these objectives. In order to define its objectives and as Sweden is a developed state, which earlier studies have approached qualitatively, the logical way is to align with these accounts. The data collection strategy is building on the assumptions of Malone, Langmore and Farrall and how they defined objectives for nonpermanent members in official campaigns and statements in regard to the campaign. However, I add another element found in Baturo, Dasandi and Mikhaylov (2017) who argue that state preferences can be found in the UN General Debate (UNGD), where states once a year give their most unbiased speeches towards the issues that concerns them internationally. These speeches are argued to provide invaluable insights to the study of international politics which has been overlooked before (Baturo, Dasandi & Mikhaylov, 2017: 1). Why I intend to add this is due to the inconsistency in defining the Australian objectives across studies as mentioned above. I hence triangulate my definition of Swedish objectives through analyzing statements in the UNGD, the campaign itself and official statements in relation to the candidacy.

The documents used are from 2014, when Sweden revealed its campaign, until the 31st_of

December of 2016, the day before Sweden took its seat on the council. These documents were found on the Swedish government’s website and its database. These are documents that appears to be central in relation to the Swedish membership on the council and general foreign policy directions, consisting of the Swedish priorities in the UN established in 2015, an article addressing why Sweden wants to be on the Security Council, an article by the foreign ministry arguing that Sweden is needed on the council, a debate article written by the foreign minister when Sweden was elected in 2016 focusing on how Sweden will make a change on the Security Council, another article in which the foreign minister presents her goals with the Swedish term, a questions and answers-article concerning the Swedish candidacy, the Programme for Sweden’s membership of the United Nations Security Council 2017-2018 established after Sweden was elected and the Swedish action plan for the Feminist Foreign Policy 2017. These documents are mainly in Swedish and not accessible in English. Only the official Programme is in English. In terms of UNGD-statements since Sweden revealed its campaign, there are three statements of interest (2014, 2015, 2016). The statements were in English and has thus not been

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17 translated. The authenticity and legitimacy of these documents are high as these are official documents from the UNGD, and the Swedish government. By using three different sources of data I argue that I define the Swedish objectives in a most reliable way based in the data available.

In total 11 documents were analyzed. From these, I was able to define Swedish objectives and at the same time inform my operationalization of what to look for in the documents I examine in the second part of the analysis. I used grounded codes that emerged as I read the three set of documents (Halperin & Heath, 2012: 323; Lamont, 2015: 90). It is beyond the scope of this paper to analyze in detail whether Sweden has met each and every objective or theme risen before its time on the council. Hence, only the most highlighted themes are of interest the analysis. As the analysis below will show, the five themes defined as Sweden's objectives are;

• Enhance equality and promote women’s rights, representation and resources.

• Enhance cooperation between members of the UNSC, and the cooperation with regional and sub-regional organizations.

• Enhance peacebuilding and conflict prevention.

• Promote development through the existing framework of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

• UN reform, particularly UNSC reform.

3.3 How to identify whether Sweden has met its objectives

With the Swedish objectives defined, the case study design further allows me to address the second part of the analysis in which I am investigating whether Sweden has met its objectives during the first year. The defined objectives are the categories that were used as codes in the analysis of the documents. More specifically a content analysis was used in analyzing the data (Halperin & Heath, 2012: 320).

In this part, I used official documents as data collection strategy, a strategy which I also draw from the case studies conducted by Malone and particularly from Langmore and Farrall’s strategy in finding whether Australia met their objectives as a guide. The strategy suggests that Swedish statements in the council, statements as the council president, documents from chaired subsidiary organs and issue specific areas where Sweden is a ‘penholder’, are of interest in order to answer whether Sweden has met its objectives during the first year. These documents were hence taken from the first day of membership (1st_{of January 2017) to the last day of the}

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18 Security Council database. Here official transcripts of the meetings in the council are available for the public. However, closed sessions are not available, which I acknowledge to be a disadvantage. During 2017 there were 295 meetings, of which 13 were closed offering no access, making 282 transcribed meetings of the UNSC available. During January, Sweden’s presidency of the council, there were 19 meetings, of which 2 were closed sessions. Thus, 17 meetings out of 282 available meeting records reflects the period in which Sweden was the council president, which is of vital importance based in the literature discussed. In the population of texts, I only focused on the Swedish statements, reducing the textual documents to be only of Swedish concern, which is in line with my investigation and to make the data more manageable.

The UNSC resolutions of 2017, which Sweden co-drafted were also analyzed. This in order to identify whether these binding documents have been influenced by the Swedish membership on the council. The number of resolutions Sweden has been a part of drafting is 19, of which 2 were vetoed, leaving nothing to analyze. The resolutions are available on the UNSC’s database. The resolutions were analyzed using the same codes used in analyzing the statements made by Sweden during 2017. Context is central in identifying whether Sweden has met its objectives in concrete terms, and not only voicing its objectives. In the 17 resolutions in which Sweden had a part in drafting, one must ask if there is anything that one can directly link to Sweden that is different from earlier resolutions on the same issues. This may not be the initial question of this investigation; however, it gives it more depth and visualize if the Swedish membership has changed resolutions coming out of the council during 2017. Additionally, during the investigation and as a result of contact with the Permanent Mission of Sweden to the UN, 4 more resolutions were analyzed on issues Sweden has not, on paper, co-drafted. These resolutions were analyzed due to an extract received from the Permanent Mission of Sweden, containing a list of concrete actions in which Sweden has had influence.

Sweden chaired the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 on Libya. There are 4 available committee briefings before the Security Council of 2017 in which Sweden spoke, one annual report of 2017 and 2 relevant resolutions on the subject. Sweden also chaired and was a penholder for the working group on Children and Armed conflict. Here there are 5 different documents of conclusions made during 2017 and 1 annual report. The documents from the working group on Children and Armed Conflict are not transcribed speeches, but conclusions taken on specific areas. Hence, there are no direct speeches from Sweden as chair and penholder to analyze. Instead these documents were analyzed in order to see if they contained themes that relates to the Swedish objectives.

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19 The analysis section is divided and structured in regard to what sources of documents I have been led to analyze by Malone, Langmore and Farrall. First, the Swedish objectives are defined. Second, there is a general section on the 282 meetings and how the objectives were taken up on the council during 2017. This is followed by an in-depth concentration on the 17 meetings in which Sweden was council president, ending with Sweden as chair on the Libya committee and working group on Children and Armed Conflict, in which Sweden also is the penholder. It is now outlined what documents that are of interest to my investigation and what I looked for in these documents in order to answer the research question (ibid; Lamont, 2015: 90).

In establishing whether Sweden has brought up its objectives in the council and subsidiary organs to the degree that one can argue that Sweden has met their objectives or not, I supplement the findings with valuable insights from the interview conducted with the Permanent Mission of Sweden to the UN.

3.4 Interview with the Permanent Mission of Sweden to the UN

Interviews are a widely used data collection method and is valuable as it allowed me to create my own primary data (Halperin & Heath, 2012: 253). I chose to supplement the textual documents’ limitations by conducting an interview with the Permanent Mission of Sweden to the UN. This in order to investigate whether the Permanent Mission could give insights that were not available to capture by coding the textual documents as described above. It appears that this interview was of great advantage in conducting this investigation, as it not only through the interview gained interesting insight to the Swedish membership, but also led to access to an extract of the Permanent Mission’s list containing issues where Sweden has concretely influenced the workings of the council. This was a direct result of the interview. This would not have been possible to identify only using Swedish statements on the council, official documents from subsidiary organs, and resolutions alone. This is an access that goes beyond what is said on the council.

I initially sent a document of themes I wanted to talk about to New York and made a follow up telephone interview to discuss themes relating to the analytical framework constructed and findings in the documents analyzed. An interview guide was constructed reflecting a semi-structured design. This to allow for reflexivity and at the same time ask questions about themes that I needed to ask (Bryman, 2008: 419).

The attention of the themes I brought up also relates to the themes discovered in the definition of Swedish objectives. The interview was conducted in Swedish in order to reduce

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20 the risk of confusion between me and the interviewee. The transcribed phone interview is available in an appendix.

3.5 Limitations with conducting a case study

It is important to acknowledge the shortcomings of the approach this investigation adopts. For example, it is hard to draw conclusions from one case study to another and to measure the same measurements in different cases. The way I coded through the categories and objectives defined has limitations. As the first part of defining Swedish objectives is inductive, the later part is thus deductive, not allowing for much new to appear in terms of Swedish activities on the council and the subsidiary organs. However, I argue that the model presented accompanied with the interview is a comprehensive strategy in investigating the question whether Sweden has met its objectives during the first year on the council.

One must also ask if the speeches on the council and the documents from subsidiary organs can reflect whether Sweden has met its objectives. It may indicate, based in the literature, whether Sweden has voiced its intended objectives on the council. It may be so that criticism can rise and what Sweden takes up in the council is not to be related to whether Sweden has met its objectives. Still, it will indicate whether Sweden are bringing up what it intended to do, which according to the literature I am building on may reveal if Sweden is meeting its objectives. It is also the case that the availability of conducting multiple interviews was limited due to time constraints for the staff at the Permanent Mission in New York, which an evaluation of the whole term on the council could make use of.

3.6 Summary

Building on the slim, yet valuable research concerning objectives for states to pursue nonpermanent seats on the UNSC, I use a research design which is in line with previous findings in order to build my research and answer the question whether Sweden has met its objectives during the first year on the council. The commonly used case study approach enables me to answer a question directly relevant to Swedish foreign policy, as well as contribute to a larger under-researched debate of the role nonpermanent members have on the UNSC. The case study design also allowed me to use multiple methods of data collection enabling me to get foundations to conduct a substantial in depth-analysis.

The findings based in the coding of the categories and objectives are in line with Malone, Langmore, Farrall and Thakur’s theories of the possibilities nonpermanent members have to

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21 achieve their objectives in the council. At the same time this informs a wider theoretical debate about the role of nonpermanent members. This makes the findings valuable to the IR debate concerning the UNSC and the assumptions on which this project is building on, the liberal accounts of possibilities for nonpermanent members to influence the council (Bryman, 2008: 528).

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4.0 Analysis

As stated in the methods section, Swedish objectives in relation to its time on the council must be determined. And as the methods section informs, this is done through triangulation of three sources of documents. This is the first part of the analysis. The second part concerns an overview of the first year on the council, where documents (all available meetings of 2017, in which Sweden made statements) were analyzed using the defined objectives as categories for which I am coding. The third part of this chapter is narrowly focused on what Sweden did in relation to its defined objectives while council president, chair of the subsidiary organ concerned with sanctions towards Libya and as chair and penholder in the working group on Children and Armed Conflict. This as these according to the analytical framework are positions in which nonpermanent members have a great advantage in influencing the workings and decisions of the council and to raise and meet its objectives. Finally, the analysis chapter discuss the main findings of the interview with the Permanent Mission of Sweden to the UN. Along this, the interview is giving supporting data, throughout the analysis. The findings are discussed in summaries of the different parts of the chapter, in which the findings are related back to the literature this investigation builds on (Roselle & Spray, 2012: 48).

4.1 Swedish objectives defined and operationalized

The documents presented in the methods section in relation to defining Swedish objectives contains numerous themes which Sweden wants to enhance internationally. As I am interested in what Sweden has pushed extra for during the time leading up to Sweden taking its seat in January 2017, themes that have only been highlighted briefly over the eleven documents are not considered to be Swedish objectives. It appears that there is some consistency over the eleven documents of highlighting five themes more than others to be of importance in achieving international peace and security; 1) Enhance equality and the role of women in international issues of peace and security, their rights, representation and resources, 2) Enhance cooperation between the members of the UNSC, and the cooperation with regional and sub-regional organizations, 3) Enhance peacebuilding and conflict prevention, 4) Work for development with emphasis on the Sustainable Development Goals, and 5) Work for UN reform, in particular Security Council reform.

It is argued that Sweden is to take responsibility and influence world politics by being on the council and get the Swedish agenda through in order to contribute to setting the political framework of the UNSC. Sweden is not only to be a member of the council, but also to get

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23 things done. This was stated by the foreign ministry in the article published when Sweden revealed its intentions of becoming a member of the council. In this, it is emphasized that power is not only about muscles but also about an ability to cooperate in order to get things done (Foreign Ministry of Sweden, 2014). This particular text does not highlight specific themes as the other documents analyzed, however it sets out that Sweden is to make a change on the council.

Enhancing the role of women in issues of international peace and security and the importance of equality was the theme that was highlighted most in the documents analyzed in terms of frequency. For instance, The Swedish feminist foreign policy appears to emphasize that the inclusion and enhancement of equality for women in processes of peace and security will enhance the foundations for building peace, which is highlighted in the Swedish speeches made in the UNGD (Grunditz, 2014; Löfven, 2015; Wallström, 2016). This focus is also highlighted in the official programme of Sweden’s membership as well as documents relating to the foreign minister. On the Foreign Ministry’s website with focus on the mission to the UN, it is described that a feminist foreign policy is that;

‘Equality between women and men is a fundamental aim of Swedish foreign policy. Ensuring that women and girls can enjoy their fundamental human rights is both an obligation within the framework of our international commitments, and a prerequisite for reaching Sweden’s broader foreign policy goals on peace, and security, and sustainable development’ (Foreign

ministry of Sweden, 2018).

What appears to be clear is that this theme on women’s role in international peace and security is something that will be guiding the Swedish work in the UN and on the UNSC (Foreign Ministry of Sweden, 2015; Programme for membership, 2016; Wallström, 2016). In line with the earlier research on the subject of nonpermanent members, it appears that the focus on enhancing women’s participation, representation and resources in issues of international peace and security, is a theme that is constantly referred to, and not as integrated on the UNSC agenda as much as other issues. This is relatable to Canada’s promotion of the thematic issue of human security.

The four other themes most highlighted in the documents analyzed are an emphasis on enhancing effective peacebuilding and conflict prevention, an emphasis on working for development through the common goals in the framework of the Sustainable Development Goals, which was the theme highlighted most consistently throughout the eleven documents

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24 analyzed, an emphasis of the importance of enhancing the cooperation and dialogue between the members of the UNSC as well as cooperation with regional and sub-regional and other relevant actors in conflicts, and finally an emphasis on working for UN reform and in particular UNSC reform in order to increase transparency, representation, accountability and responsibility, including working for reducing the of use of veto. These 4 themes appear to be in line with what other nonpermanent members have pushed for, which is visual further below in a figure highlighting the objectives of Australia in contrast to the defined Swedish objectives.

It is apparent that the Swedish emphasis on women and equality is integrated in the objective of enhancing peacebuilding and conflict prevention, as there is a line through the documents continuously referring to UNSC resolution 1325, which stresses the importance of women in peace processes and that the inclusion of women in these processes changes the foundations for effective peace building and conflict prevention positively (United Nations Security Council, 2000: S/RES/13251; Programme for membership, 2016). Included in this, are also issues of ending sexual and gender-based violence that is targeted against women (Programme for membership, 2016). Swedish emphasis on peacebuilding and conflict prevention along the inclusion of women is highlighted by Swedish officials by referring to relevant research on the matter, without citing any particular studies. The outstanding reference of the importance of women’s rights, representation and resources are also relatable to the Swedish objectives of enhancing cooperation with relevant actors, calling for increased inclusion of women in negotiations and dialogues in order to sustain peace and prevent conflict, as well as it is in line with the fifth goal of the SDGs, gender equality. It is hence clear that the overarching objective of Sweden is the women, which is permeating its work on the council and throughout at least four of the defined objectives, with the exception of the objective of UN reform, which is not referring to reform in terms of women participation.

In the documents directly concerned with the Swedish candidature and statements concerning the Security Council, there is besides the themes taken up, an emphasis on contributing to the Security Council’s agenda (Programme for membership, 2016; Wallström, 2015 & 2016). This is in line with what the UN charter states concerning the requirements for nonpermanent members to be elected; to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security and to other purposes of the organization (UN charter, 1945: Chapter V, article 23). This also appears to be in line with what Malone, Langmore, Farrall and Thakur argue to be relevant, along with Sweden emphasizing women’s participation and equality which is

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25 something argued from the Swedish point of view to be lacking on the Security Council (Programme for membership, 2016; Wallström, 2016). This also provide Sweden with an opportunity to be successful on the council in these questions, as the literature this investigation is building on suggests that nonpermanent states may be successful if they emphasize themes that are not traditionally as integrated on the Security Council’s agenda.

The figure on the following page summarizes how Swedish objectives have been defined by inductively take those themes most highlighted in the eleven documents outlined in the methods section. This in order to depict both how often the themes were referred to, as well as to show in how many of the documents they were highlighted in. This as I doubt that a theme highlighted multiple times in only one of the eleven documents is representative for the Swedish objectives. As stated, the five defined objectives were the themes most highlighted in the documents. Of interest is that none of these themes were referred to in all eleven documents. For example, there is great emphasis in some texts on the promotion of women in international issues of peace and security, while this theme is lacking in some documents.

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26

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27 Below is another figure that puts the defined Swedish objectives in relation to Langmore and Farrall’s definition of Australian objectives. This can be valuable for further research concerning nonpermanent members and what objectives they have.

Australia’s Objectives (Langmore, 2013)

Australia’s Objectives (Langmore & Farrall,

2016)

Swedish objectives

1. Peacekeeping 1. Protecting Civilians 1. Enhance Peacebuilding & Conflict Prevention

2. Disarmament 2. Conflict Prevention 2. Promote Equality &

enhance Women’s Rights, Representation & Resources 3. Millennium Development

Goals

3. Security & Development 3. Promote Development through the existing framework (SDGs) 4. Climate Change 4. Increase the role of Regional

Organizations

4. Enhance Cooperation between the members of the UNSC & Regional Organizations 5. Commitment to make a

difference for small & medium-sized states

5. Strengthen the Transparency & Accountability of the UNSC

5. UN Reform, particularly UNSC reform

6. Reform of the UNSC 7. Commitment to make a difference for indigenous peoples

Figure 3

Swedish objectives in relation to the differently defined Australian objectives

As this figure shows, in relation to the existing literature on defined objectives in the case of Australia, there are indications that Sweden shares some objectives with those of Australia, while Sweden has emphasized the inclusion of women in issues of international peace and security and equality. This may be indicative to be a theme that is not as integrated on the council’s agenda. Therefore, the potential for Sweden to meet its objectives during 2017, will be most easily discovered if this theme appears to have changed in council decisions of 2017.

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4.2 Sweden on the UNSC 2017

Following the definition of Swedish objectives, an initial hunch of what one can expect to find from the defined objectives is developed with regards to the literature that this investigation builds on. This based on the arguments described in the literature review concerning that a nonpermanent member may be successful in meeting its objectives by introducing and continuously refer to a theme that is not as integrated on the council’s agenda, in this case the focus on equality and women’s rights, representation and resources. In light of this, it is suggested that Sweden can make a change on the council if Sweden keeps pushing and referring to this objective constantly through the interactions on the council.

This section presents the findings of the coding of the five defined categories (objectives) of Sweden during 2017, in line with the documents presented in the methods section. The defined Swedish objectives were used as the categories I coded for in reading the documents. As these categories can take different shapes, each document has been analyzed through reading the whole texts, in order to reduce the risk of missing out on information that could have been lost using computer assisted coding. This was a time-consuming endeavor, however provides a broader view of how Sweden has acted on the council in relation to its objectives. Of the 282 available meeting-documents of 2017, Sweden made statements in 151 meetings, making 131 documents unusable.

4.2.1 Promote Equality and enhance Women’s Rights, Representation and

Resources

In coding for the objective of promoting equality and enhancing women’s rights, representation and resources it appears that Sweden is promoting this objective across the Security Council’s agenda. Sweden is constantly calling for a gender perspective, in order to highlight developments in equality and women’s participation, rights and resources on numerous occasions in multiple different thematic meetings of international peace and security, e.g. the Middle East (United Nations Security Council, 2017: S/PV.78632; S/PV.7921), Libya (S/PV.7927; S/PV.7934; S/PV.8104), Terrorism (S/PV.7936; S/PV.7962), Women, Peace and Security (S/PV.7938; S/PV.8079), West Africa (S/PV.7868), the Lake Chad Basin (S/PV.7894; S/PV.8047), the Central African Republic (S/PV.7901), Afghanistan (S/PV.7896; S/PV.7980; S/PV:8055; S/PV.8147), Somalia (S/PV.7905; S/PV.7942), Mali (S/PV.7917) UN peacekeeping operations (S/PV.7918; S/PV.7947; S/PV.8033; S/PV.8051; S/PV.8150), Sudan

The role of nonpermanent members on the United Nations Security Council: The case of Sweden 2017

The role of nonpermanent members on

the United Nations Security Council

The case of Sweden 2017

Table of contents

1.0 Introduction

1.1 The workings of the UNSC

1.2 Aim and purpose

2.0 Literature review of earlier research

2.1 Why states seek the nonpermanent seats on the UNSC

2.2 Quantitative research

2.3 Qualitative research

2.3.1 Constructivism and the pursuit for the nonpermanent seats

2.3.2 Liberalism and the in-depth case study

2.3.3 Defining nonpermanent members’ objectives

2.3.4 How the nonpermanent members can influence the council

2.4 Summary

3.0 Method

3.1 Case Study

3.2 Defining Swedish objectives

3.3 How to identify whether Sweden has met its objectives

3.4 Interview with the Permanent Mission of Sweden to the UN

3.5 Limitations with conducting a case study

3.6 Summary

4.0 Analysis

4.1 Swedish objectives defined and operationalized

4.2 Sweden on the UNSC 2017

4.2.1 Promote Equality and enhance Women’s Rights, Representation and

Resources