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Historical culture of Soviet mass

deportations in contemporary Latvia.

How do cultural expressions form historical narrative and

use of history?

Elizabete Purvina

European Studies: Politics, Societies, and Cultures Bachelor

15 ECTS

Semester 6 /VT 2020 Supervisor: Inge Eriksson

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Abstract:

This thesis discusses the Soviet mass deportation historical culture narrative formation and their use of history in contemporary Latvia. Looking to find research answer to question of: How are the Soviet mass deportations of 1941 and 1949 used in, and forms Latvian historical culture, in the novel Five Fingers and the film Chronicles of Melanie?

The analysis is done via three connected parts using concepts of use of history, cultural and social memory. First, the paper gives an analysis of socio-historical context giving the historical background of mass deportations and the emerging historical culture use in society since 1986. The second part of the paper focuses on two separate narrative analysis of Latvian cultural expressions. The book “Five

fingers” by Mara Zalite and the film “Chronicles of Melanie” dir. Viesturs Kairish. Both works

analysed by their portrayed story narrative of deportation experience and how they form cultural narratives and use history within the work. The last part of the paper is interpretation- reinterpretation of socio-historical and narrative analysis together. To see the role of the novel and film, have in the use of historical culture, and how they help form the historical narrative in society. Analysing the broader context via social media responses book and film received from the public and seeing how cultural works are forming historical culture in Latvia.

The thesis concluded that the novel and film are moral and existential uses of history, as they discuss topics censored during the Soviet period. The authors feel a duty to bring accounts of the past back to the centre of attention in order for people not to forget. Additionally, both works are playing a part in forming new narrative within historical culture, by moving away from identifying as the victim of soviet deportations to survivors of the past. Thus, playing an important role in Soviet mass deportation historical culture in Latvia.

Keywords:

Latvia, Soviet deportations, historical culture, Historical consciousness, cultural memory, Narrative analysis, use of history

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Introduction ... 4

1.1 Literature Review ... 5

1.1.1 General academic research on Latvian Soviet Deportations... 5

1.1.2 Latvian Soviet Deportation remembrance and memory research ... 7

1.1.3 How previous research relates to thesis ... 9

1.2 Research problem, Aim, and Question ... 9

2. Theoretical Framework ... 11

2.1 Epistemology ... 11

2.2 Historical culture ... 12

2.3 Historical consciousness ... 12

2.4 Use of history ... 13

2.5 Collective Memory and its division ... 14

2.6 Conclusions ... 16 3. Methodology... 17 3.1 Method... 17 3.2 Delimitations... 19 3.3 Ethical Concerns... 19 4. Socio-Historical Context ... 20 4.1 Historical context... 20

4.1.1 June 14, 1941, First Soviet mass deportation... 20

4.1.2 March 25, 1949, Second Soviet mass deportation ... 22

4.2 Development of historical culture use in Socio-historical Context ... 23

5. Narrative Analysis and use of History in Novel “Five Fingers”... 25

6. Narrative analysis and use of history in Film “Chronicles of Melanie” ... 28

7. reinterpretation in wider Historical Culture context ... 33

8. Conclusion ... 37

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1. INTRODUCTION

While the last soviet deportation took place 71 years ago, it is still one of the most traumatic, as well as essential memories in Latvian collective consciousness that has tremendously affected its culture and shaped its identity. Since regaining independence, deportation memories have actively been remembered by the multiple established remembrance days, the more than 400 memorial sculptures, the many autobiographical novels, and academic research that has been released on this topic. All these elements together have created comprehensive soviet deportation historical culture in Latvia, and each plays a role in forming a particular narrative of the events to the society.

This thesis aims to understand how exactly cultural expression narratives form and shift the historical culture of mass deportations in Latvia by analysing two narratives portrayed in the book “Five fingers” by Mara Zalite and film dir. Viesturs Kairish

“Chronicles of Melanie.”

This paper has eight chapters. The introduction will present the research problem and previous research relevant to mass deportations. The next two chapters are focused on establishing the theoretical and methodological framework used in the analysis of the cultural expressions. In contrast, the fifth chapter's purpose is to give the historical background needed to place the film and novel, into an accurate socio-historical context. The next two analysis chapters will be devoted to the narrative analysis of the novel and film, to see what narratives they are showcasing and how are they are using history. In chapter seven, interpretation-reinterpretation of the previous three analyses are interpreted in the broader context of historical culture in Latvian society. Lastly, in chapter eight, conclusions on the findings will be discussed.

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1.1 Literature Review

In the following section, previous research that has focused on the primary topic discussed in this paper – soviet deportations in Latvia is reviewed. The chapter first explores general research done regarding mass deportations in Latvia. After discussing research that has looked at memory and remembrance activities in Latvia in the context of deportation memory. In the end, it is concluding how previous research is related to the thesis.

1.1.1 GENERAL ACADEMIC RESEARCH ON LATVIAN SOVIET

DEPORTATIONS

One of the first studies to link deportations with Latvia was already released in the 1950s by Alfred Erich Senn in the context of the sovietisation of Baltic states (Senn, 1958) and exiled Baltic historians trying to bring attention to soviet repressions. (Šilde, 1958; Švābe, 1952) It is noticeable that in the 50s, it was mostly only Baltic exiles caring to write about deportations and trying to establish the context of communism regime and deportations as a way to communicate to the west of the activities happening in the USSR. These papers did not result in additional help or significant research in the west, for the occupied states.

Academic historical and social research started to occur in the late 80s when national “awakening” movement started to form and culminated after USSR dissolved, as it became permitted for researchers to examine hidden USSR documents and limitations of censorship disbanded. When looking for research done on the case of Latvia, it is notable that Latvians or other Baltic states scholars have conducted most academic research, while west academics have not focused on the deportations. The research published by Latvians is mostly in the Latvian language, with some as Latvian National Archive also providing English and Russian translations to encourage international researcher interest. (Ignatane, 2005) There have also been many collaborations between the Baltic researchers, combining their research to discuss Baltic states in the context of deportations and experiences under communism together.

When it comes to historical context research, historians in Latvia has examined it in great length. Latvian National Archive has done vital historical research in

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Latvia, that is funded and supported by the Latvian government. They had done a 9-year long project (from 1999 to 2007) to collect, research, and analyse every available USSR directive documents related to deportation and collect and list every available name of the deported, as well as giving structure analysis of who, what gender and from where people got deported. The results of the project were a releasee of a two-part book volume called

“Aizvestie.”1 The first book focused on 1941, while the second looked at 1949

deportations.

As well a similar collection of information has been done by Latvian Historical Institute (Kangeris, 1999)2 , and historians had also given the overall historical context of Latvia and deportations. (Purs, 2012; Latvijas vēsturnieku Komisija, 2014; The Occupation of Latvia Research Society, 2017) 3

Historian J. Riekstins has done significant research in general analysis of deportations. He conducted a historical analysis of both 1941 and 1949 deportations. In the first analysis of 1941, Riekstins views the soviet deportation preparation, process, and repressive activity done in occupied Latvia. The main point of the research was to show that more than 15 thousand Latvian citizens were sent out by orders received by multiple soviet government offices. Concluding that by the United Nations standards of Genocide convention, what happened to Latvians can be classified as a genocide against the people of Latvia. (Latvijas Nacionālais Arhīvs, 2007, p. 22) Riekstins is not the first researcher to be claiming what happened in the Baltic state to be part of the Soviet genocide, the same ideas had been stated before by other Baltic authors and also by few academics in the west as Rudolph Rummel and J. Otto Pohl. (Rummel, 1990; Pohl, 1999)

In the international sphere, deportations of the Soviet regime are seen as crimes against humanity and are not officially recognised as genocide, as the exiled were not sent out to outright die. They were working in labour camps, as well as Latvian ethnic groups, were not deported entirely, only focusing on “anti-Soviet” nationals. Therefore, proving that it was genocide becomes complicated. Furthermore, as Lauri Mälksoo and Jutta Scherrer argue in their paper Baltic nationals are always identifying as victims and forgetting that their own nationals took part in the atrocities. (Mälksoo, 2001)

1English title translation: “Deported 1941” and “Deported 1949” by Latvian National Archive

2 English title translation: “From NKVD to KGB: Political trials in Latvia 1940-1986: Index of

Latvians Accused of crimes Against the Soviet State” by Latvian History Institute

3 English title trans: “Totalitarian Occupation Regimes in Latvia 1949-1964” by Latvian Historian

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Second J. Riekstins analysis in the book, the deported: 25 March 1949, Concluded that political, economic, and social consequences of deportations have not widely studied, but it is noticeable that these events had and are still affecting social and economic developments in Latvia and life of citizens. (Latvijas Nacionālais Arhīvs, 2007, p. 54) Moreover, the only way to overcome this trauma is by understanding its importance and scope for the citizens. (Latvijas Nacionālais Arhīvs, 2007, p. 56)

The need to understand is where remembrance research starts to show its importance, as it would help to understand how historical events are affecting and shaping society. Researchers at LNA as Riekstins, do not go further to elaborate on remembrance. However, their provided historical context has been used as part of social memory research by others.

1.1.2 LATVIAN SOVIET DEPORTATION REMEMBRANCE AND

MEMORY RESEARCH

While historical analysis of the mass deportations has multiple academic pieces of research works, still an exploration of remembrance activities of deportations is a quite recent topic in Latvia. The first exploration of the narrative of history and its use was done by Vieda Skultans in 1997 when she tried to theorise Latvian identity of when does individual experience become collective? She Uses the examples of the Latvian deportations as a transformation from having individual memories to collective identity (Skultans, 1997) and stating that starting to discuss the past is part of healing from what has been done.

In the last decade, communication of trauma, identity, and memory research got analysed by three linked Latvian academics – Martins Kaprans, Olga Procevska, and Laura Uzule. They had all worked together to make Deportation social memory and communication discourses analysis.

Both of their works (Kaprāns, Procevska, & Uzule, Deportāciju pieminēšanas atainojums Atmodas laika preses izdevumos, 2010)4 (Kaprāns, Procevska, Uzule, & Saulītis, Padomju deoprtāciju pieminēšana Latvijā: atmiņu politika un publiskā telpa,

4 English title trans: Chapter “Deportation remembrance during the “awakening” period press” in

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2012)5 analyse traumatic identity developments, as well as actors and elements that had influenced the remembrance. While their analysis in 2010 looked at remembrance communication through press releases (newspapers and magazines), their 2012 released books strive to provide a comprehensive study about the relationship between society and the remembrance of one of the most tragic events, from the 1980s to present. (Kaprāns, Procevska, Uzule, & Saulītis, 2012, p. 9).

The book discusses multiple remembrance factors as monuments, religious factors, press, politically repressed organisations, remembrance days and events, education of deportations, and cultural expressions focusing on their effects on social memories and how they are being remembered.

In the book, cultural aspects are discussed briefly in one short chapter. Stating that cultural expressions as books, documentaries, and films are an important aspect of keeping the memory of deportations alive in society. (Kaprāns, Procevska, Uzule, & Saulītis, 2012, p. 85) In the last 20 years each year, there is at least one new deportation biographical book from the repressed. All the stories published have a similar structure. Thus it makes them part of social memory. (Kaprāns, Procevska, Uzule, & Saulītis, 2012, p. 86) however, the book does not elaborate further on how novels/films are shaping the narratives presented in historical culture.

In more recent research on deportation perception by Aldis Purs, the importance of cultural expressions is stated to be vital, because academics research cannot satisfy the public needs to have a face that goes with the historical experience. Cultural works return the emotional dimension and descriptions of terror and trauma that many academic works lacks, as novels and film bring an emotional connection to victims for people who may not have experienced it themselves. These cultural expressions have an important factor in understanding what people went through, that may not be able to be portrayed by academics. (Purs, 2018, pp. 91; 96-97)

Purs also is the first to bring cultural memory aspects of novels into a more significant narrative discussion of deportation importance and remembrance activities. Giving a brief account of how these works discuss deportation memory and their

5 English title transl.: “Soviet Deportation commemoration in Latvia: Memory Politics and publice

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similarities – mentioning poor or lack of food, periods of starvation, cold weather, and living conditions. (Purs, 2018, p. 96) In the end, concluding that there is a lot more research to be done on Soviet Latvia and repressions. While Latvian academics have provided historical accounts, it is time to start focusing on more oral and written stories of deported to bring perspectives that traditional analysis of official documents cannot achieve – the lived experiences of the victims.

1.1.3 HOW PREVIOUS RESEARCH RELATES TO THESIS

It is noticeable that available research around Latvian soviet deportations have achieved a complete historical context of the events, compiled by all available official documentation and statistics (except for those in the Russian Federation). However, an exploration of the topic in the context of remembrance and cultural manifestations had been limited, mostly done by the same few researchers that had focused on identity and social memory aspects and less attention has been given to cultural works and their narratives, that give society emotional connection the events and influences how they are viewing the past.

By works from Kaprans and Purs, it is possible to conclude that there can and should be further research done on the role and narrative portrayed by novels and films on remembrance, as they give a perspective of understanding that traditional historical analysis lacks. That is what this thesis hopes to do. To analyse how historical novel and film shape the remembrance and narrative presented in Latvian historical culture of mass deportations.

1.2 Research problem, Aim, and Question

As Skultans has said in her research article, “As the Holocaust has become central to Jewish identity, so deportation has come to constitute a central feature of Latvian identity.” (Skultans, 1997, p. 765) While both events had an enormous impact on both the ethnic group’s traumas and memories. Holocaust has been researched farther, making it noticeable that mass deportations are understudied subject when considering historical culture. This has been shown in the literature review as we notice that Latvian academics had done extensive deportation research focusing on giving historical context

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and discussing memory politics and society. While overlooking doing a more in-depth analysis of cultural factors that play a role in shaping deportation remembrance and narrative for society. This forms a research problem: how is mass deportation historical

culture shaped and influenced by cultural works produced narratives?

Therefore, the research aim of this paper is to explore soviet deportation

historical culture in Latvia from 2013 to 2019, focusing on memory carriers as a book and a film, to find their historical culture context, narration, and study societies interactions with its manifestations.

Based on the stated aim and research problem above. The following research question is posed: How are the Soviet mass deportations of 1941 and 1949 used in, and

forms Latvian historical culture, in the novel Five Fingers and the film Chronicles of Melanie?

To answer the research question, additional questions are added, that is based

on previous research and theoretical readings, that will be expanded on in the next chapter:

What narrative is portrayed in the novel and film? • How are artistic works expressing the use of history?

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2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This chapter will present the theoretical framework of the thesis. Firstly, stating the epistemological standpoint of how the analysis is approached. Secondly, introducing to the main theoretical concepts used in the analysis based on Karlsson developed historical culture’s analytical framework with changes done to fit the topic of this dissertation.

2.1 Epistemology

For the analysis, the approach based on interpretivism epistemology, where

the core idea is that we can understand the meaning of social phenomenon and context. It keeps the belief that the researcher is part of the research, that interpretation of data can never be entirely objective and removed from the topic they are writing. This is quite true in my case as I identify as Latvian, thus sharing the collective historical past discussed in the paper. As Schwandt has put it: “We do not simply live out our lives in time and through language. Rather, we are our history. The fact that language and history are both the condition and the limit of understanding makes the process of meaning construction hermeneutical.” (Schwandt, 1998, p. 223) additionally, for interpretivism, there is a possibility of multiple and relative realities. Therefore, different versions of the same phenomenon can exist. (Guba & Lincoln, 1989) Thus, different research could find different meanings in the same cultural works discussed.

Additionally, a critical hermeneutic approach is employed in the thesis. This approach developed from Paul Ricoeur, who was observing Gadamer-Habermas debate, noticed that hermeneutics could not be reflectively approached without also being critical of our understanding. He decomposes interpretation into a dialectical process that has three related parts. The first one being social-historical analysis giving historical context

background, the second one is formal analysis as for example, structural semiotics or

discourse analysis and the last one being interpretation-reinterpretation, where the two

first analysis come together to see its role in the construction of social reality. (Phillips, 2004, p. 218) The three related critical hermeneutics analyses apply for the paper's methodological foundation.

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2.2 Historical culture

Historical culture is one of the newer concepts in history didactics, that developed in the late 1970s. However, to this day, it suffers from a shortage of definitions and operationalisations of the concept. (Karlsson & Zander, 2003, p. 31) The most well-known conceptualises and users of this concept are Karlsson and Rüsen. In his research framework, Karlsson is hugely influenced by Rüsen’s previous research that is noticeable in his book Echoes of the Holocaust, when Karlsson uses a modified version of Rüsen’s historical culture dimensions, combining it with Claus Bryld’s approach, ensuring that historical culture is viewed both as structural and processual.

This thesis uses Rüsen definitions of Historical culture, where he perceives it as:” the manifestation of historical consciousness in society in various forms and procedures. It includes the cognitive work of historical studies as well as everyday life attitudes towards an understanding of the past and the historically conceptualising of one's own identity.” (Rüsen, 2012) Where it is a structural and communicative framework used to discuss society’s relation to the past, focusing on aspects of culture that are related to history. (Heuman, 2015, p. 7) It is a vast concept that includes a large field of representations and remembrance activities of the past. (Heuman, 2015, p. 7) For Rüsen, it is an umbrella term separated into three dimensions: 1. Aesthetic 2. Political 3. The cognitive. Karlsson modifies these dimensions as a concept “ use of history”.

To discuss historical culture in the thesis, a similar framework to the one proposed by Karlsson combining the concept of historical culture with theoretical concepts of historical consciousness, use of memory and collective memory, making changes where it is necessary to fit the thesis.

2.3 Historical consciousness

There are two ways to look at historical consciousness, either as a collective phenomenon or as individual competence. (Grever & Adriaansen, 2019, p. 815) the collective phenomenon commonly approached as part of historical culture, where historians treat it as part of present consciousness that is concerned with the past. Thus, it has emerged as a collective mentality, where it understands that past is different from the

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present. historical consciousness is embedded into the historical culture, to analyse one you need the other. (Grever & Adriaansen, 2019, pp. 816-817)

Previous research often references Karl-Ernest Jeismann as the first introducer of a collective approach to historical culture in 1979. (Rüsen, 2012, p. 523; Sniegon, 2017, p. 8; Heuman, 2015; Karlsson & Zander, 2003) He defines it as Seeing historical consciousness also deriving from historical interest, knowledge of historical facts, and the relations between past, present, and future. (Jeismann, 1979, p. 42)

Still, the collective phenomenon approach of the historical consciousness aspect lacks in addressing our historicity and how we are affected by our presence. This thesis combines Jeismann’s definition with Gadamer’s concept of historically effected consciousness.

For Gadamer, this consciousness is both aware of the past and our historicity, realising our historical limitations and that we cannot escape the historicity that affects us. Instead of denying our historicity and its effects on our opinions, it tries to acknowledge the historical position of the interpreter, making it an open conversation of understanding and interpretation of the past, being receptive of views that may challenge the author. (Grever & Adriaansen, 2019, pp. 820-821)

2.4 Use of history

The concept of the use of history is interrelated to the previous two concepts, as it expressed how historical culture is created and communicated for specific groups and societies. (Karlsson & Zander, 2003, p. 38) Karlsson has developed historical cultures typology of use of history, to consider historical cultures different usages by different groups of people. There are five uses, and they can overlap with each other, either strengthening or weakened by the others, and sometimes there can even be a non-use of history. The five uses are:

Moral use – based on the attention historical culture is receiving in society. Commonly noticeable in states, where the past was concealed or suppressed, now gaining attention in political-cultural agenda. It can be seen as accepting, rehabilitating, and reinstating victims of the wrongdoings and open discussion of the past and its remembrance. (Karlsson & Zander, 2003, p. 40; Sniegon, 2017, p. 11)

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Existential use – Concerned with trying to answer questions about existence and identity, while also preserving and honouring the memory of history and victims of historical abuse. Triggered by societies need to remember, understand, and explain the past. This use is well developed in societies where there has been external pressures or powerful intracultural homogenisation. Thus, this use can be often noticed in societies that are struggling against forgetting and amnesia. (Karlsson & Zander, 2003, p. 39; Sniegon, 2017, p. 11)

Political use – Looks at the relationship between then and now, as unproblematic, and straightforward. Concerned with historical power, where the political use is a metaphorical, instrumental, and comparative reference to the historical phenomenon to evoke emotional, moral, and political narrative in current political and social issues and debates, as well help to secure political advantages. (Karlsson & Zander, 2003, pp. 40-41)

Ideological use – relates to attempts to use historical culture as a way of controlling, convincing, influencing, and rationalising current society with relevant history to build legitimacy, usually used by nationalists. There also is another form of ideological use that is intentional non-use of history. Used by some intellectual and political groups that believe that certain historical cultures should be deliberately ignored, forgotten, and suppressed. (Karlsson & Zander, 2003, p. 41)

Scientific use – Based on the notion that the past must be understood and explained by historical context. While also being concerned with understanding what interpretations of the past are true or false. This use tries to distance itself from present views, interests, and needs of the past. This use is performed by professionals and academic researchers. (Karlsson & Zander, 2003, p. 39; Sniegon, 2017, p. 12)

2.5 Collective Memory and its division

The last concepts used in the paper is cultural memory theory, which was developed by Aleida Assmann at the end of the 1980s.

It is one of the three contemporary conceptions that has built from Maurice Halbwachs original theory of collective memory, which was influenced by other academic’s as Durkheim, Bergson, and Renan. It stated that collective memory could be experienced at the level of entire society that developed sense of self-identity. (Erll &

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Nünning, 2008, p. 146) This memory could be constructed, shared, and passed down to other social and generational groups, as nations and communities in the present, feeling as they had experienced it themselves. (Gensburger, 2016, p. 401)

Assmann sees collective memory theory from Halbwachs being too vague to be critical. (Assmann, 2008, p. 55; Assmann, 2010, p. 35) Instead of proposing to use it as an umbrella term for different types of collective memories – societal, political, and cultural. (Assmann, 2008, p. 55)

Assmann defines social memory as pasts experiences based on lived experiences and how they are communicated in society. These memories vanish with their carriers and are continuously changing, being divided into generational memories where people who experience the same historical events have a similar frame of values, attitudes, and beliefs, while the next generations shift to their own historical experiences and conventional frames. This change shifts around the period of 30 years, when the newer generation takes over and reconstructs social memory and its vision of history. (Assmann, 2010, pp. 41-42)

While political and cultural memory are both long term and permanent, which can be found in external symbols and representations, transforming social memory into the long-term collective memory that can transmit from generation to generation. (Assmann, 2008)

Political memory is concerned with how it aids memory remembrance, as institutions themselves do not have a memory. It is mostly concerned with top-down memory that focuses on the formation of national identities and how historical memories are used and abused in politics. These memories centre around the ideas of the group's unity and emotionally charged narrative. Political memory can be a long-term memory manifestation in monuments, rites, and events. (Assmann, 2010, pp. 42-43)

Cultural memory can be defined as a strategic and systematic intervention against forgetting the past. It becomes a permanent memory, storing information that it deems vital for a specific group to remember. Assmann’s further developed cultural memory into two concepts of “canon” and “Archive.”

“Canon” concerns material that is used actively and society believes to be

vital for common orientation and shared remembering—manifesting in literary and visual canon as school textbooks, museums, remembrance days, popular historical novels, and films. While specialists can only access "Archive” cultural materials, this memory does

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not receive collective social awareness. It has faded into the background. Nevertheless, both the canon and archive interrelate with each other, as information in archive memory can become actively used in canon and vice versa. Thus, cultural memory is changing and transforming societal needs. (Assmann, 2010, pp. 43-44)

While the focus of the paper is to explore mostly cultural memory manifestations as books and film, it will also refer to societal and political memory when necessary for context.

2.6 Conclusions

All the presented concepts are interrelated to each other and can further elaborate on the concept of historical culture and are necessary for the analysis. Having historical consciousness awareness answers the issues of my historicity as being Latvian who lives in a society where mass deportation memory is actively used, and this makes the thesis possible for interpretation and criticism from other researchers that would build on further research debate. Additionally, it links together past, present, and future as a concept that is a manifestation of historical culture.

As well, when discussing different divisions of collective memory, we can also relate it to use of history typology from Karlsson, as we can see that political and ideological use can be manifested in political memory, while moral, existential and scientific use can be noticed in societal and cultural memory displays. These concepts are used in the analysis.

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3. METHODOLOGY

The previous discussion has presented what epistemological and theoretical points the thesis is taking, based on which derives the methodology carried out in the analysis. As an epistemological standpoint has indicated, the paper uses a critical hermeneutic approach. It is part of qualitative research, as the thesis tries to understand and explore a phenomenon from the perspective of insider applying a combination of personal experience and reasoning to the sources of knowledge. (Stephen D. Lapan, 2011, pp. 3-5)

The main goal is to analyse elements of mass deportation historical culture narrative portrayed in two specific Latvian cultural expressions – the novel “Five fingers” by Mara Zalite and the film “Chronicles of Melanie” directed by Viesturs Karish. They were later applying it to discuss its influence in shaping the historical culture of deportations in Latvian society. As mentioned earlier, critical hermeneutics has three interrelated parts to do the critical hermeneutic analysis – socio-historical context, formal analysis, and interpretation-reinterpretation.

This chapter further discussing the analysis approach more in-depth, stating sources used, delimitations that the study has, and the ethical concerns considered.

3.1 Method

The first part of the analysis is socio-historical context, where background information about Latvian mass deportations history presented and applied to discuss the start of mass deportation historical culture use in Latvia since 1987, use of historical culture is analysed by applying concept - use of history.

This chapter is essential as it gives a historical understanding of later analysed works, making it easier for readers to be able to understand the portrayed period and experiences, while also presenting the bigger picture of historical culture in Latvia, by discussing the beginning of historical culture use by Latvian society and its developments till now. Sources used are multi-dimensional, as the material is a reconstruction of the past by contemporary individuals and organisations, making it part of historical culture. While also being primary sources to give historical background and examine the use of history.

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Sources applied are several official Latvian State research and historian books. Some had been referred to before as Latvian National Archive research books

“Deported 1949” and “Deported 1941”, that give comprehensive background on

deportation data, events, and life in Siberia. Additionally, using historians Aldis Purs book

“Baltic Facades: Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania since 1945”, Dainas Bleieres history

book “History of Latvia: the 20th century” and research data from Rita Kasa and Inta Mierina book “The Emigrant Communities of Latvia” to provide more comprehensive historical information and data. By providing analysis with multiple credible historical studies, ensures that context is a factual and proper reconstruction of past events.

The second part of the thesis focuses on formal analysis. For this chosen is the narrative analysis based on Ricoeur’s narrative understandings. Ricoeur believed that language was a way we communicated our lived experiences. (Rhodes, 2016) The authors of cultural works fictional or factual, construct narratives of the described events based on the influence of their lived experiences, identity, and culture. (Wilson, 2015) Meaning, that it offered insight into narratives of the socio-cultural and historical context of the period when the work was released. Not only we can see the culture that the author was living in when they had released the work, but we can also search and analyse how can these portrayed narrative affect how we associate with collective past in the society.

By using narrative analysis, we can study what narrative is portrayed in contemporary expressions on mass deportations and perceive how they are used in and shaping the historical culture in Latvia. The narrative analysis conducted has two parts. First, focusing on the novel “Five fingers” by Mara Zalite, while the second part analyses look at Viesturs Kairish film “The Chronicles of Melanie.” Both analyses are looking at the narrative the authors present, and the works use of history.

The analysis uses theoretical framework tools like the use of history, cultural, and social memory. Karlsson’s concept of the use of history is used in context at looking at how the artistic works apply the different uses within its narrative. For analysis, sources used are the artistic works, Author public interviews in different formats on websites as YouTube and Latvian new sites to gain a better insight into what they have tried to convey.

Lastly, the third part of the analysis will reinterpret and review the findings gathered by the two first methods to see the bigger picture of historical culture in Latvia

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and answer the research question of how cultural works have shaped the narrative and use of the history of mass deportations historical culture in Latvia.

For the reinterpretation, both the previous two analyses will be used, as well as sources from social media as diena.lv, Kodols.lv, Liepajniekiem.lv, edruva.lv, goodreads.com, spigana.spectore.lv, baltaisruncis.lv and daug13vdk.lv to gather comments from Latvian public regarding the cultural works, see their reactions, and applying them to see the work wider historical culture context and uses of history.

3.2 Delimitations

The thesis also has delimitations. Firstly, the thesis concerns a limited time frame, specifically looking at memory expressions from 2013 to 2019, trying to focus on contemporary works that we can view as part of current historical culture, as well the interviews, reviews used are posted until the end of 2019. Secondly, the analysis is limited to the Latvian perspective, as the soviet deportations that happened in Latvian territory mostly affected and remembered by people who identify as Latvian. The works used as empirical material are Latvian author, as well the reviews and interactions are chosen to has been expressed in the Latvian Language, as this can also show that they do have Latvian identity if they can speak and related to Latvian works.

Lastly, due to the time frame, the analysis only focuses on four cultural manifestations – academic sources, novel, film, and social media, leaving out other structures of historical culture.

3.3 Ethical Concerns

I am and identify as an ethnic Latvian. Additionally, I had relatives that got exiled in the deportations. Thus, my research is affected by personal ties to the topic. This is giving me an insider perspective, and it can affect my objectivity. This aspect may limit the point of view I can give on this subject. While on the other hand, it lets me understand the meanings and portrayal of the events better. To overcome the limitations, I use the historically effected consciousness concept from Gadamer. I can acknowledge my historicity and allow for my work to be critically reflected upon other researchers. This also is addressed by choosing interpretivist epistemology, as there can be multiple versions of interpretations of the same works, giving different viewpoints.

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4. SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT

To discuss the past’s effects on current culture and its memory, we need to know the history behind it. To do so, this chapter will provide Latvian socio-historical background giving relevant context to the rest of the analysis, as well as discuss how past developed into historical culture and how it is being used.

4.1 Historical context

In the 1930s, Latvia was an entirely new state with around 20 years of independence; however, by the end of 1939, its liberty was in jeopardy. On 23 August 1939, Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union signed a secret protocol referred to as “Molotov-Ribbentrop pact,” which divided eastern Europe between the two powers. This pact passed Latvia to the USSR. Later on,5 October 1939, the Latvian state head was forced by Stalin to sign the “Mutual assistance treaty.” The agreement put more than 25 000 Red Army troops into Latvia’s territory, making it defenceless against the USSR invasion. (Purs, 2012, pp. 49-50) After on 17 June 1940, soviet military crossed the Latvian border and, in few hours, had occupied Latvia entirely in the act of unprovoked aggression. (Bleiere, 2006, p. 243) The soviet power right away formed a puppet government that was elected in a rigged election on 15 July 1940. (Purs, 2012, p. 51; Bleiere, 2006, p. 244) The new government only held one meeting on 21 July 1940 where they signed a petition to join the Soviet Union. On 5 August 1940 Stalin accepts this proposal, and Latvia was incorporated into the USSR. (Latvian National Archive, 2007, p. 697)

4.1.1 JUNE 14, 1941, FIRST SOVIET MASS DEPORTATION

The first year of soviet occupation is often referred to as “The year of horror” and almost entirely remembered by the first mass soviet deportation referred to as “great

terror.” On the night of June 13 to 14, 1941, 15 424 Latvian state citizens were taken out

of their beds, detained, and deported in cattle wagons to Siberia. (Bleiere, 2006, p. 249;255; 259; Purs, 2012, pp. 51-53; Latvian National Archive, 2007, p. 687)

The June deportation targeted people who were Latvia’s political elite or represented the nation's pride - the militia commanders, freedom fighters, the

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intelligentsia, farmers, and the wealthiest inhabitants before the occupation. (Bleiere, 2006, p. 259; Purs, 2012, p. 53)

The deported were sorted and separated. Most adult males were classified as enemies of the state and sent to gulags. Wives and families of the men were sent into administrative exile in the far-off districts in Siberia - Krasnoyarsk, and Novosibirsk, as well as sent to Karaganda district in Kazakhstan. (Purs, 2012, p. 53; Bleiere, 2006, p. 259)

It is estimated that around 40% of the deportees died, immediately or shortly after deportation, in camps or exile. (Kasa & Mierina, 2019, p. 38) Many of them died from lack of food, water, and the unbearable heat while being on their way to Siberia. (Bleiere, 2006, p. 259) More than 1400 people died in their places of settlement as living conditions in Siberia were extremely hard, living in crowded summer barracks, dugouts, and other premises unfit for living during the winter. These conditions did not improve until the end of the deportation. (Latvian National Archive, 2007, pp. 707-708)

Not only was their housing restricted, but the settled persons also had to work for the local state farms, manufacturing, and forestry enterprises, many of whom never had worked physical labour jobs. As well, the deported could not leave Siberia without administrative approval and periodically had to sign in at soviet offices or receive a fine. (Latvian National Archive, 2007, p. 707)There were cases of fugitives who left their settlement places to return to Latvia. These fugitives were mostly women. When arrested, they often got sentenced for three years of the labour camp, with a later transfer to their previous place of settlement. (Latvian National Archive, 2007, p. 708)

The sort of terror that happened on 14 June 1941, had never been experienced before in Latvia. After the first deportations, rumours started that a second wave would be following soon. There was a plan of kulak deportation, but it did not come to fruition as less than a month later, Nazi Germany started their invasion of Latvia. (Bleiere, 2006, p. 259) The experience and trauma from the soviet regime had changed Latvian's views that Germans were their primary enemies, to seeing that communism and Russians as the bigger evil. Therefore, when Nazis occupied Latvia on 10 July 1941, they were received as liberators from communist tyranny, thought they were another oppressive and murderous regime. (Bleiere, 2006, p. 260)

Much of the Nazi occupation, revolves around the Latvian local initiation of and participation in the murder of Latvians Jews. (Purs, 2012, p. 55) before the

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occupation, Latvia was one of Jew sanctuaries and had large, vibrant, and historical Jewish communities dating back to the 16th century. Hence the greater tragedy when over 25 000 Jews got killed. (Purs, 2012, p. 54) In June 1944, the Soviet troops started to press back into Latvian territory. Moreover, in 1945, Stalin had reconquered Latvia, and the second occupation began where it had left off in 1941. Continuing the path of Sovietization – colonisation, Russification, and collectivisation (Kolkhoz). (Purs, 2012, p. 59)

4.1.2 MARCH 25, 1949, SECOND SOVIET MASS DEPORTATION

To further cement the soviet regime and continue sovietisation, another deportation took place as part of the culmination of the campaign towards collectivised agriculture and to suppress armed resistance (partisans). Between March 25-30, 1949, 44 271 Latvian citizens got deported to regions of Siberia. (Latvian National Archive, 2007, pp. 193-194) A clear majority, 95% of deportees were ethnic Latvians, and a majority of the deported were children and women. (Latvian National Archive, 2007, p. 202)

The second deportation targeted partisans, nationalists, and the rural population, who got accused of being kulaks. Communists defined Kulaks as anyone who employed labour or owned livestock. (Purs, 2012, p. 62; Bleiere, 2006, p. 353) Kulak families were detained in the morning of March and sent into administrative exile in Siberia. They were theoretically allowed to take up to 1500 kg of food and belongings per family, but most were not given enough time to prepare, some having less than 15 minutes. (Bleiere, 2006, p. 356) Unlike 1941 deportees, they had more favourable circumstances. Families were not separated, and family members were free to follow them to resettlement place, and those who got deported separately could later join their families. (Latvian National Archive, 2007, p. 49)

Nevertheless, they still endure unliveable conditions. “Many children, the elderly, and those incapables of working could not endure the harsh climate, the starvation, and the exhaustive labour.” (Bleiere, 2006, p. 355) The deported were forced to work in Kolkhozes in northern Siberia, where there was an issue of shortages of free housing. The pay they received was meagre, 600-800 g of bread, and most could not feed their family. Many became debtors and did not receive full payments of the bread.

Additionally, most of the settled were also short on warm clothing and footwear for the winter months. (Latvian National Archive, 2007, p. 49 )Due to the harsh

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living conditions, some deportees tried to flee, but most were arrested and transferred back to their place of settlement, while others received the maximum punishment – 20 years of a labour camp. (Latvian National Archive, 2007, p. 50)

After the death of Stalin in 1953, the USSR decided to plan release administratively exiled from the settlement. This decision passed in 1957. (Bleiere, 2006, p. 357) In 1958, kulaks and their families were released, except for those related to partisan groups. (Latvian National Archive, 2007, p. 52) “Around 80% of those exiled in 1949 returned to Latvia.” (Kasa & Mierina, 2019, p. 39) However, for the rest of their lives, they felt discrimination as: “Those deported for special settlement in 1941 and 1949, were not rehabilitated or granted amnesty.” (Bleiere, 2006, p. 357) They and their children got restricted in their educational and career opportunities. The housing they used to own was confiscated and never compensator or returned; often, they were not permitted to live there. While few got the opportunity to repurchase their property from the Kolkhoz. (Bleiere, 2006, p. 356; 398)

4.2 Development of historical culture use in

Socio-historical Context

In the social context, we can notice an ideological non-use of history. During Soviet rule, deportations were a deliberately suppressed taboo topic. No one publicly dared to discuss expulsions in fear that they would exile, jailed, or killed. During this time, the deportees got discriminated against and this continuing until the end of the 1980s. (Latvian National Archive, 2007, p. 54).

In the 1980s, deportations started to be used in a moral, political, and

existential use, that becomes part of social memory. The use of historical culture was

started by Latvian human rights and freedom group “Helsinki-86,”, who for the first time on 14 June 1987, led a small demonstration at the freedom monument in Riga, to commemorate the deportation victims of 1941. (Purs, 2012, p. 81) It was the first public acknowledgement of the deportations since they occurred. It is part of moral and political use as this past was suppressed and now was gaining attraction as part of a political agenda to evoke emotional, moral, and political narrative to fuel the communist resistance movement.

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Additionally, its existential use as the group linked it to Latvian identity, playing a part in fighting amnesia of communist crimes, while also honouring the memory of victims. this use continued, as next year in 1988 Latvian’s commemorated both deportation dates. (Purs, 2012, pp. 84-86) Existential and moral use of history developed further in 1991, as the newly independent Latvian state started to rehabilitate the victims by giving them politically repressed status, helping them financially and allowed to create the first politically repressed person organisation. To this date, the Latvian government continuous to fund projects related to deportations and their victims.

After regaining independence, there was a growing need to remember and explain the past. Thus, scientific use of history starts to be noticed in Latvia as state funds research into mass deportation. The research is conducted by Latvian historians, who work on establishing historical context and data statistics of deportations. For example, the used literature in the historical context and literature review fall within this scientific use. This use is still active, but now, it is also supported and funded by the European Union.

Additionally, 1991, could describe the year when social memory became part of cultural and political memory as the repressed persons started to release books about their experiences in labour camps and Siberia. Previous research has shown that in the beginning, there were at least 20 books released on the topic each year. (Kaprāns, Procevska, Uzule, & Saulītis, 2012) One well-known example is Melanie Vanaga's book “Suddenly, a Criminal: Sixteen Years in Siberia,” that in 2016 was adapted into the film

The Chronicles of Melanie. The adaption is showing that there still is the active social and

cultural use of deportation memory in Latvia, that plays a role to keep existential and

moral use active.

In the end, we can conclude that the experience of mass deportations has played a significant role in shaping Latvian identity and memory of events since the late 1980s. Thus it has developed into a vital use of history in society and part of Latvian culture that is still being actively used in the present.

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5. NARRATIVE ANALYSIS AND USE OF

HISTORY IN NOVEL “FIVE FINGERS”

The book “Five Fingers”, was published in Latvia in 2013. It was the author’s Mara Zalites autobiographical novelisation of her childhood memories, using dramatized and poetic elements to narrate. The reader is viewing memory from a child’s perspective and follow five-year-old Laura, who is moving to Latvia with her parent’s mom Anda and dad Janis/John, that were exiled as kids to Siberia in 1941. It jumps between chapters of remembrance, memories, and stories of the experience of life in Siberia to accounts of her first year in soviet Latvia, her arrival, life experiences and treatment her family received and their emotional state when they returned.

In the interview, the author has mentioned that the events and memories presented in the book occurred, just presented more poetically. The stories of Siberia mentioned in the book, we are told by her parents and grandparents, as she was too young to remember. (Zalite, 2016,15:00-16:05). Indicating that her life circumstances and family influenced the authors narrative identity. It is her social memory of the experience she had as a child, by writing the book it is now turning into cultural memory narrated to the wider public. Forming societies historical cultures understanding and connection of the past events, they may not have experienced themselves. Therefore, the book can be interpreted as being part of the moral use of history, as the author has felt her moral obligation to write and release her book to bring additional attention to the historical culture of Soviet deportations. The novel can be understood as the author being ready to accept the past and being open to starting discussing the events in the public sphere. Something she avoided doing while her mother was alive, as she was distraught and affected by the past. (Zalite, 2016) Zalite is continuing the discussion on less explored aspects of deportations - how it was to return from exile and the treatment of the returned exile in Soviet Latvia.

Moral use overlaps with the novels existential use, as the book also works as preserving Zalites family’s memories as well as other ethnic victims. We can see this when Laura tells the readers her birth story in one of the first chapters. Not only does she reference her family, but she also relates it to the people in the Barracks, helping her and her mum to survive the childbirth - Lithuanian women christening Laura, (Zālīte, 2013,

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p. 18) while the Ukrainian, Oleksandr gave Laura’s mom bear’s meat to help her regain strength. (Zālīte, 2013, p. 22) Whereas the Georgian, Maya provided Laura with breast milk for her to survive when they expected she die. (Zālīte, 2013, pp. 23-24) We can interpret this as a narrative, that there were not only Latvians who were exiled and acknowledge that many other national groups in the 1940s endured similar faith under communism, including ethnic Russian intelligentsia.

Book, in general, is a moral use as it opens a discussion of the past. For instance, it can be found in the narrative of being betrayed by your comrades – Latvians. This is showcased, with the relationship and interactions Laura’s parents have with their neighbour, that knew Laura’s mom Anda’s family before occupation – Mr Liepa. At the beginning of the book, he seems like a friend that helped Laura’s dad to get a job (Zālīte, 2013, p. 160) and helped them not being arrested when another neighbour wanted to report that they had illegal Latvian books in possession to NKVD. In the beginning, they think that this was a made-up claim as they believe all books were destroyed and burned during the deportation raid. However, in the chapter called “books”, we see that Laura’s dad Janis and his friend Francis, while cleaning the discarded cow dung find the now illegal Latvian books underneath it, destroyed and covered in muck. (Zālīte, 2013, p. 137) Drawing the conclusions that however wanted to report them to NKVD or Mr Liepa himself had been there when the books where being demolished. (Zālīte, 2013, p. 138) Thus, being part of the communist party or supporter. It can be understood as Latvians had also taken parts of the atrocities and had willingly helped to destroy their acquaintances or friends lives for their survival or personal gain.

Another narrative portrayed in the book is the discrimination against the returned and being truly unaccepted by society. Noticeable when Zalite describes how her dad Janis, was struggling to find a job and when he had finally got one through Mr Liepa, he quickly was being fired and accused of being thief that had stolen fuel. (Zālīte, 2013, p. 159) Janis recites words from his boss: “If Liepa had not vouched for you, I wouldn't have taken someone like you at all, … There is no place for people like you in an honest workplace, write a resignation!” (Zālīte, 2013, p. 160) It enforces narrative that discrimination existed during Soviet times, and many struggled to find a way to support their families after the return.

Additionally, it can be given an interpretation that the deportees were in some way criminals, that had been punished to Siberia as they had no place in an honest society.

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Many times, in the book, Laura was referred to as fascist, state enemy or little Russian, and it can be interpreted as being unaccepted by any society or identity. As some Latvians would call her little Russian that had returned from Siberia, (Zālīte, 2013, p. 157) thus not seeing her as one of their own, while communist would see her as a child of fascists and state enemies, as she was born during exile in Siberia and spoke a different language - Latvian. (Zālīte, 2013, p. 28)

Additionally, the novel has another existential use portraying the narrative of her family – Latvians identifying as survivors of the past - those who returned and did not break. It is additionally related to ideological use, as the author writing can be interpreted

as trying to convince the readers to change the narrative of victims to survivors of the past. For example, it is showing when Laura’s dad discusses her mom’s illegal escape to Latvia, only to be caught and taken to the Gulag. “For months, she went from prison to prison…

Mom, a beautiful young girl. Together with criminals, all of them. With whores and murderers! She does not talk about it, but I can imagine. I know! That is why there are screams at night!” (Zālīte, 2013, p. 52) We can interpret the dialogue, showcasing true

survivor that has won back her right to return home, she endured the exile, Gulag that will always haunt her, but throughout the book, she keeps going forward in life. It can also be interpreted as nationalism narrative, as Laura’s mom motive to return to Latvia was the fact that it was her motherland, her home, and her family.

Overall, the book has a bittersweet feel to it as it both discuss tragic events of the past, while also trying to keep it light-hearted and show that the main character Laura loved Soviet Latvia as it was and life, in fact, was better than what she remembered and endured in Siberia, as she was able to meet her grandparents and their dog, as well as had her bedroom and always had food on the table. Thus, she did not have to starve.

In the conclusion of the chapter, we see that the book had many different narratives portrayed towards the historical past and gave a more in-depth context of the historical culture in Latvia. We can notice that the book actively is using the moral, existential and ideological use of history in the narrative analysed. At the same time, it does not try to have political use as the author does not draw similarities or differences between then and now as unproblematic, as both life in Siberia and Soviet Latvia had its issues and troubles.

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6. NARRATIVE ANALYSIS AND USE OF

HISTORY IN FILM “CHRONICLES OF MELANIE”

The film got released on 1 November 2016, and It is a producer’s representation of the exiled, based on a book released in 1991, “Suddenly, a Criminal:

Sixteen Years in Siberia” by Melanija Vanaga. Kairish helps to portray a narrative for the

viewers by the use of language, colour, and story of the movie. In the film, we can hear three languages – Latvian, Russian and German, accompanied by English subtitles. Hearing the different languages helps the narration of the film to be more cohesive and accurate as all three languages got used during the 1940s. Additionally, to set the mood, the movie is shot in black and white, which got used to building atmosphere and tone, as gruesome and painful, while also making the movie feel more emotional that is further enforced with the short and limited dialogue. For the producers of the film, deportations are part of a personal representation of their own families, who suffered in the tragedies as well. (Feldmane, 2016) Their historical consciousness can affect their attitude towards the exiled and how they portrayed them in the film. It creates moral and existential use of history by the producers as the film works as a reminder of the past and develops the discussion in current society. Thus the film has moral use of history, that can be interpreted in the way Kairish tries to portray the strength, hopes and survival of the exiled, by accepting their past and developing it from a victim mentality to survivors of communist atrocities, giving a different perspective of deportations than the previously analysed book, this results in a discussion of the past and Latvian identity.

The conversation of identity expands into the Existential use. The film acknowledges that deportations are a part of Latvian history, as well it honours the memory of the victims by retelling their experiences. We can interpret that one of the goals of the movie is to show how important it is to remember and understand how life was for the exiled, as newer generations had not experienced it. These hardships are showcased throughout the movie, for example, showing starvation and limited sources for food as in the scene with potato division. (Scene 2) By these sorts of portrayals of life in exile, the film tries to keep the memory alive and fight historical forgetting of what the victims had to endure.

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Overall, the film narrates the life of Melanie, starting with Showing 14 June 1941, deportation forced detainment and separation from her husband. The train ride to Siberia is making clear that it was three weeks of darkness where deaths, starvations, while also portraying the narrative of nationalism and unity when the woman sang Latvian National Anthem after a scene where we can hear shooting outside of the train. (Scene 1) When crossing the Latvian border. We can barely see the woman sitting together in darkness on their way to the unknown in Siberia singing the National hymn of Latvia.

“God bless Latvia, Our Beloved Fatherland, Oh bless Latvia, bless it so!” (Kairish, 2016,

00:12:18-00:12:41)

The film spends most of its time portraying Melanie’s power to survive during the sixteen years in Siberia. The movie deeply goes into the first years of her exile, making the viewers feel the pain of sacrificing the last bit of food for her child, the sicknesses, coldness, deaths of babies, seeing women trade themselves for a piece of bread and starvation. The latter, being a common theme throughout the movie, for example, when they divided small 2-3 potatoes over more than four people. Each was getting small half of potato to survive. (Scene 2).

It shows an ideological use of history as the viewer can see nationalistic influences in scenes where the unity of Latvian woman is represented, the help they gave each other to survive, for instance, dividing the tiny amount of food they had. (scene 2) As well as the common nationalistic tendencies, that also can be interpreted as ethnic unity when singing Latvian State anthem (Scene 1). Therefore, the movie consciously states

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that Latvians are the ones being deported and exiled to Siberia from Latvian territory and are living together in one Barracks in Siberia. The same Latvian identity and nationalism are portrayed, when Melanie writes a letter to her husband, the hope of a return to the motherland is one of the motivations to continue fighting for survival, it shows she feels a connection to the land where she grew up and lived.

We learn that Melanie got deported because her husband was editor in chief of a newspaper and throughout the movie, she keeps writing letters to her husband, that she never gets to send. In one of them, she states her reasons for persisting: “I no longer

expect anything from life. It is down to a single vibrating string, a tiny thread of hope, to see the motherland again, raise my son, and to be with you. A small corner of life with seven mountains of belief and seven swamps of love.” (Kairish, 2016, 1:04:05-1:05:10)

As a viewer, we interpret these three motives that keep her going forward. Furthermore, during the film, we see them slowly disappearing and getting harder for Melanie to endure. The first thread of hope disappears with her son’s chance to return to soviet Latvia. An opportunity organised by the Red Cross. Motivated by the mother’s love for her child and hopes for him to have a better life, it leads her to make sure he gets on the train, even if she may never see him again. The most important thread of hope dies when she realises that her husband has died, and she will never see him again. It occurs after she enquires, about him, after the ten years of labour camp was ensured to end.

As a viewer, we can observe a woman who has lost everything and is hopeless. Feeling like she will never see her child, never return to the motherland, and will not see her husband again. It leads to Melanie’s breakdown and giving up, which results in

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attempted suicide in the woods. Only, by a miracle, to be found by another Latvian woman that saves her from freezing. Approaching the end, we can see the portrayal of Latvian unity again, when a woman she had worked and lived within the same barracks went out of their way to save her, providing her with their last bit of food, visiting and giving her strength to continue and making sure she got her surgery. In a way, showed that the exiled Latvian’s had become a community as family and cared for each other.

After the hospital scene, cuts to Melanie's return to Latvia in 1957, making note she endured Siberia, and she is a survivor of prior traumas. Portrayed in the last scene, when she is eye to eye with one of the army men that invaded her home on 14 June 1941, only to state one fact and smile:

- “You do not remember me?” - “No, I do not.”

- When she turns to leave, the officer says: “How is life in Siberia?” - “It snows all the time. “

With this scene, the movie ends and leaves it open to the interpretation of the viewers. In a way, they were showing that it has come a full circle. It ends up concluding for us how the film represented the exiled - They fought for their lives, lived through hardships, and survived to see their motherland once again. The film ending can be interpreted as Kairish attempt to reshape Latvian national identity from a victim mentality to survivors of communist atrocities, as shown in scene 3. That is both existential and ideological use. It can be interpreted as conveying the idea that Latvians are durable and can survive under oppressive and controlling ideologies. At the same time, Melanie will always be a victim of deportations, and she also is a survivor who, producers of the film portrayed as being able to look in the eyes of one of the men who exiled her family and not to give a response. (scene 3)

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Lastly, it can be argued that the whole movie is part of the political use of memory. Instead of portraying differences between then and now it focuses on historical power of mass deportations. The director (producer) of the film tries to evoke these emotions with the colours, dialogue, and scenes of the movies to interact with the active viewers. Besides, the film can play into the narrative of current political and social issues with identity and how it wants to change how Latvian’s view their past of victims to survivors.

It is also important to note a political and ideological use that compare two separate atrocities with each other. Before Melanie attempts suicide, she takes in and help recover for people that had recently returned from Gulag. In one scene, there as comparison made of Holocaust Ghetto/concentration camps VS Soviet mass deportations/Gulag. A young Jewish girl that had been released from Gulag after a long period, discussed her family deaths in Latvian Holocaust, describing it as: “My relatives

in Riga died in the ghetto. My only comfort is that my parents had a quick and painless

death in the gas chamber, compared to what I had to endure in the Russian camps.” (Kairish, 2016. 1:40:24-1:40:41) This scene can be interpreted that even today, Latvians hold a cultural and societal belief that what had been done to them by communists, is worse than what was experienced by Jews in the Holocaust. It is playing a part as ideological use, as it is convincing and influencing the audience that in fact, Gulag is worst than concentration camps, while forgetting to discuss the role Latvians themselves had played in Jewish oppressions during Nazi occupation.

In the end, by the narratives portrayed in the film, we can see that it does it best to portray the hardships of life in Siberia and give a better understanding of what the exiled had to endure. Moreover, we can see the narrative of victimisation slowly becoming about being a survivor. However, there are issues with the film narrative portrayed when comparing two atrocities with each other, as one is being downplayed and this is reflective of Latvian historical consciousness and its current cultural and societal narrative towards both Holocaust and deportations, as one is seen more brutal.

References

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