Museums as tools for Cultural Citizenship: Two case studies in New Zealand

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Malmö University School of Arts & Communication

Museums as tools for Cultural Citizenship

Two case studies in New Zealand

Author: Maria Algers

Media and Communication Studies: Culture, Collaborative Media, and Creative Industries Two Year Master’s Thesis, 15 Credit Points

Date of approval: 25th September 2019 Advisor: Pille Pruulmann-Vengerfeldt Examiner: Temi Odumosu

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Abstract

This thesis will explore the concept of cultural citizenship by researching visitor’s responses to five exhibitions across two museums in the Lower Hutt region of New Zealand. The thesis will also examine museum management and staff’s perspectives on these exhibits, and compare these to visitor’s. The aim of the thesis is to understand how museum visitors reflect upon and use museum exhibits as tools in relation to their cultural heritage and cultural citizenship. This approach provides a focus for reflection regarding the cultural importance of museum exhibitions. Stuart Hall’s

encoding/decoding model will serve as an overall framework for the study, and the theoretical concepts of memory, rhetoric, meaning making and cultural citizenship will further inform the analysis. The results indicate that museum visitors reflect upon exhibits as tools for reminding, and also indicate that exhibits are seen important for learning and representation. Furthermore, the study finds that visitors do not find exhibits particularly challenging or personal. Museum staff provide other perspectives on the importance of museum exhibits, such as their art historical, representational and community-museum relationship building potential, but the study finds that these themes are seldom explicitly recognised by visitors. The concluding discussion reflects on these results, and suggests avenues for future research.

Figures, Images and Tables

Image 1. New Zealand Museum visitor statistics 6

Image 2 & 3. New Zealand Museum visitor statistics 7

Image 4. Hutt Valley Map 9

Image 5. Nuku Tewhatewha exhibit 26

Image 6. Māori Moving Image: An Open Archive exhibit 27

Image 7 & 8. Listening Post exhibit 28

Image 9 & 10. Meeting of Te Atiawa and British Migrants exhibit 28

Image 11 & 12. Whakatū Wāhine: Women Here and Now exhibit 30

Image 13. Stuart Hall’s Encoding/Decoding Model 46

Table 1. Ages of interviewees 36

Table 2. Details of interview subjects 37

1. Introduction

This thesis will focus on museum exhibitions, their production and importance, as well as their reception. The communication that takes place between museums and visitors is important to analyse and discuss, as it provides insight into the formation of community values and the role of museums in society. As museums are public institutions, they will be seen as forums where the public should be represented and engaged. Museums are communicative places where ideas and perspectives regarding culture are presented and negotiated. As such, this thesis contributes to the field of Media and Communication studies by looking at museums as part of the Cultural and Creative Industries, and by observing and discussing how these institutions communicate to different publics through their exhibitions.

In order to better understand the function and importance of museum displays for the public, this thesis will analyse visitor perspectives on exhibits with a specific focus on their sense of cultural citizenship, a concept that is tied to a feeling of community and belonging. The perspectives of museum management and staff will also be analysed and compared to visitor perspectives, as this can provide some insight into the intention behind the exhibits. The research questions guiding this thesis have therefore been phrased; How do museum visitors in New Zealand reflect on museum exhibits as tools and places for development of their own sense of cultural citizenship? How do visitors and museum management's attitudes on the importance of museum exhibitions compare? Are museums arenas for justification?

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The thesis will begin by describing the context of the study, by providing some information regarding cultural heritage in the region, as well as insight into New Zealand visitor statistics. The Theoretical Framework section will then introduce the encoding/decoding model which will serve as an overall structure informing the theory and analysis of the study. The theoretical concepts of Memory, Rhetoric, Meaning Making and Cultural Citizenship will also be introduced, as they serve to deepen the analysis and aid in exploring how visitors reflect upon exhibitions as tools to develop a sense of cultural citizenship. The Previous Research section will look at examples where these concepts have been used in relation to research on museums, and will thereby provide a foundation for using these concepts in the research for this thesis. The Methodology section will describe the methods used in the research, and also provide further insight into the selection of materials and the collaboration with the two museums in question. The Results section will describe the exhibitions in more depth, and will then detail the results of the interviews with museum management and staff, before moving on to the analysis of the interviews with museum visitors. The results will be described in relation to themes that were discovered in the analysis. Finally, the Discussion section will consider these results in relation to the research aim and questions, and reflect upon the cultural significance of museum exhibitions.

2. Context

2.1 - Māori, Pacific Islander and Pakeha heritage

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New Zealand has a rich history and heritage, and is a nation that people from a variety of backgrounds adhere to. In terms of cultural heritage, this has resulted in a mix where various ethnic groups have contributed with their distinctive cultures and influenced the cultural heritage of the country. According to the New Zealand Ministry for the Environment, “the result is an evolving mix of Polynesian, European, and also Asian, ways of seeing and doing, making each new generation of New Zealanders slightly different from the previous one and yet intimately linked to it” (Ministry for the Environment, 2019). The ministry also states that to define what constitutes cultural heritage is debatable, as what is valuable to some may not be valued by others (ibid.). These points demonstrate that the cultural heritage of the region is not always an easy thing to define, nor is it fixed in time but instead an evolving process.

At the core of modern New Zealand is the Treaty of Waitangi, the founding document of the nation. Signed in 1840, this treaty is an agreement between approximately 540 Māori rangatira (chiefs) and the British Crown (Ministry for Culture & Heritage, 2019). However, the English and Maori versions of the treaty differed in important ways, and as such the understanding of the agreement would have 1The word Pakeha refers to a New Zealander of European descent (Māori Dictionary, 2019).

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varied. Therefore, the precise meaning and the communication that took place through the treaty is a matter of debate.

The promises made to Māori were soon broken and thus the treaty was breached, which lead to claims for compensation (Te Ara - The Encyclopedia of New Zealand, 2019). In 1975, the Waitangi Tribunal was set up to deal with breaches of the treaty and settlement claims (ibid.). Te Tai is a new online resource project by the Ministry for Culture and Heritage, intended to spread awareness and increase the understanding of the impacts of Treaty settlements (ibid.). This project includes stories from iwi (Māori people or tribes) and is working to “explore how Treaty settlements are shaping our national identity and aspirations” (ibid.). The treaty and its repercussions are relevant to mention in this context, as Māori culture and relations between Māori and Pakeha (European New Zealanders) play a significant role in the cultural heritage of New Zealand. Today, “the intention, spirit or principles of the Treaty” are often referred to, but “the exclusive right to determine the meaning of the Treaty rests with the Waitangi Tribunal” (Ministry for Culture & Heritage, 2017).

The relationship between Māori and Pakeha is emphasised by the Ministry for Culture and Heritage. When describing the key roles and responsibilities of the ministry, the relationship is seen as critical to the future strategy of the ministry, and in particular the importance of “how we engage with Māori, as well as how we connect New Zealanders with Māori culture” is stressed (Ministry for Culture & Heritage, 2018). The ministry also mention that they have “Treaty settlement protocols and

relationship arrangements with more than 50 iwi, hapū and whānau groups” (ibid.). The interviews with museum staff and visitors were analysed with the idea of cultural citizenship in mind, and

therefore the connection between Māori and Pakeha culture becomes important when considering the cultural importance of museum exhibitions for visitors.

The ministry states that “engagement with our heritage tells us where we’ve come from and informs where we are going” (ibid.). This suggests that heritage is not only closely tied to history, but can also impact upon the future of a society or individual. Furthermore, the ministry states that “cultural expression also reflects and reinforces what it means to be a New Zealander, helping to build connection and cohesion” (ibid.). As such, engagement with the past and with culture may shape individuals as well as communities. On the other hand, exclusion of certain concepts of segments of heritage may also impact upon individuals and communities.

2.2 - Museums in New Zealand

Museums Aotearoa conducted a National Visitor Survey among 3636 adult visitors to 44 New Zealand museum in 2018. The results are presented in an infographic, which provides an overview of museum visitation in the country (Museums Aotearoa, 2018).

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Image 1. Museum Visitor Statistics, a section from the Museums Aotearoa infographic (Museums Aotearoa, 2018).

The data suggests that in terms of ethnicity 75% of visitors were New Zealand European (also known as Pakeha), 7 % were Maori and 3 % Pacific Island/Samoan (ibid.). A large proportion of visitors were from overseas (45%), while 35% reported that they were from the same town or region as the museum they visited. 20% of visitors came from a different region in New Zealand.

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Image 2 & 3. Museum Visitor Statistics, sections from the Museums Aotearoa infographic (Museums

Aotearoa, 2018).

The statistics show that 59% of visitors were female, while 40% were male. In terms of who they visited with, the survey reported that 37% visited with they partner/spouse, while 18% visited with a family member of family group (ibid.). A further 18% visited alone, closely followed by the 16% who visited with friends (ibid.).

Traditional Maori arts and craft was for a long time regarded as ethnographic material in New Zealand museums. This is no doubt due to the colonial history of the country. As described by Conal

McCarthy, in the 1980s “New Zealand society went through a process of internal ‘decolonisation’” where once eurocentric and “monocultural museums were transformed into avowedly ‘bicultural’ institutions” (McCarthy, 2016, p 2). This shift was informed by postcolonial critiques of museums’ treatment and exhibition of indigenous cultures around the world (ibid., p 3). According to museum scholar Anna Crighton, it was not until the famous Te Maori exhibition travelled to several major cities in New Zealand in 1986-87, that the general view among the public shifted to regard Maori traditional material “not only as ethnographic examples of a way of life but as works of art” (Crighton, 2014, p 204). At this time there was also an increasing awareness and appreciation of Maori

contemporary art, and according to Crighton, “Maori culture was being presented more publicly than ever before by Maori themselves and Maori were more comfortable operating in the public gallery domain” (ibid., p 215). These changing perspectives have meant that Maori art is now often presented in museums around New Zealand.

A museum sector survey undertaken by Museums Aotearoa between November 2014 and July 2015 reported that 48 % of institutions had “Taonga Māori objects within their collections, whilst a quarter hold Pasifika objects” (Museums Aotearoa, 2015, p 8). The survey was based on responses from 95

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museums, which accounts for approximately 27 % of institutions that were active in New Zealand at that time (ibid., p 7). Museums were defined in a broad manner and included “traditional museums, art galleries, historic houses, open‐air museums, science centres, cultural centres and marae‐based whare taonga” (ibid., p 7). The survey included institutions of various sizes, and 37 % of responding museums “reported no specific relationship with Iwi groups” (ibid., p 8).

This data provides a background for the research that will take place for this thesis, and will be used in the analysis of the collected material. In order to understand the specific region of the two museums that have been the focus of this thesis, the next section will explore the demographics and the culture of the Hutt Valley region.

2.3 - Hutt Valley

Hutt Valley includes Upper Hutt in the north-east and Lower Hutt in the south-west, and is flanked by hills and mountains on either side. According to the Ministry for health, which keeps data on the population based on each District Health Board (DHB), the Hutt Valley DHB services a population of almost 150 000 (Ministry of Health, 2019). The demographics of this population consists of 17.4 % Maori and 7.9% Pacific Islander, while the national average is a little lower, at 15.7 and 6.5%

respectively. The remaining 74.7 % of the Hutt Valley DHB population is labeled ‘other’ on the Ministry of Health website (ibid.).

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Image 4. Hutt Valley in relation to Wellington (Google Maps, 2019). Positions of museums added to

image.

Hutt valley is governed by Hutt City Council. On their webpage, the council states that they are the “local heritage custodians”, and also refer to themselves as “gatekeepers of this great heritage” (Hutt City, 2018a). In terms of heritage, they also state that Lower Hutt has a special significance for early settlement of New Zealand, as Petone (an area of Lower Hutt) was the first formal settlement of the New Zealand Company in 1840 (Hutt City, 2018b). At this time the European settlers purchased land from the Maori in the region, but this purchase was later disputed in the Waitangi Tribunal and compensation was sought (Love, 2017). A treaty settlement, including a financial component, was signed in 2008. The Hutt City Councils states they have “maintained strong relationships with Te Atiawa and other iwi in the region.” (Hutt City, 2018c).

The two museums selected for research are both located in the Hutt Valley region of New Zealand, within four kilometers of each other. Both are run by the Hutt City Council, and are dependent on council funding. They are both public museums that are free to visit, and are open all year around. The two museums are quite different in terms of their exhibitions and themes. The Dowse Art

Museum is located in the center of Lower Hutt, in a commercial area, and is focused on contemporary art and culture (The Dowse Art Museum website, 2019a). The Petone Settlers Museum, on the other hand, is situated on the Petone Beach front and looks out over the Wellington harbour. The Petone

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Settlers Museum occupies a memorial building - the Wellington Provincial Centennial Memorial - constructed in order to commemorate the first arrival of Brittish immigrants at the site in 1840 (Petone Settlers Museum website, 2013a). This museum is focused on social history pertaining to the local area. These two museums and the exhibitions that formed the basis of the research in this thesis will be described in more detail in the Methodology and Results sections of this thesis.

3. Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework of this thesis can be conceived within the model of Encoding/Decoding, developed by Stuart Hall (2001). This model will also frame the Results section of the thesis, and aid in connecting the theoretical concepts with the research and work discussed in the Previous Research section.

The encoding/decoding model of communication builds upon the traditional sender-message-receiver model, in order to create a theoretical approach that considers both the production and dissemination of messages, as well as their reception (Hall, 2001, p 163). Media messages are discussed as ‘texts’ (which may also include images and artworks, or in this case, exhibitions) that are encoded with symbolic meaning. These ‘texts’ are then interpreted, or decoded, upon their reception. The model suggests that the communication that passes, for example, from a museum to a museum visitor through an exhibition may be produced with a certain intent, and could be full of certain symbolic meanings but may also be interpreted in multiple ways depending on the decoding of these messages. The following sections will discuss a number of theoretical concepts that are relevant for this thesis, and will also situate these within the encoding/decoding model.

3.1 - Museums as places of memory and heritage

The concept of Memory is relevant to this thesis since museums are places where the events of the past and heritage are explored and represented. As such, this thesis will consider museums as places of public memory. The book Places of public memory : the rhetoric of museums and memorials by editors Greg Dickinson, Carole Blair and Brian L. Ott explores public culture by examining the relations between rhetoric, memory and place (2010). As the title suggests, the text is particularly focused on museums and monuments. Dickinson et al. argue that “memory places are especially powerful

rhetorically” and, as such, examination of the rhetorical character of museum displays is important for understanding of public memory (ibid., p 2).

Dickinson et al. explain that rather than using terms such as ‘social memory’, or ‘cultural memory’, the term ‘public memory’ is used since ‘publicity’ is also emphasised in rhetorical studies as a vital aspect of rhetoric (ibid., p 6). By this they suggest that rhetoric is first and foremost concerned with the speech, writing and other expressions which are addressed publicly, rather than the communication that takes

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place privately. Additionally, the term ‘public memory’ captures the fact that they are referring to shared memories that are of common interest to the public, often widely contested, and therefore have political implications (ibid., p 6). Seeing museums as places of public memory is relevant to the

research presented in this thesis, as it considers the ways in which museums emphasis certain aspects or moments of history. ‘Memories’ or specific historical objects/stories that are presented in an exhibition are necessarily chosen and designed and therefore encoded with a message, according to Hall’s

encoding/decoding model. The encoding, or intent, of museum exhibits will be studied in this thesis through interviews with museum management and staff, that will look specifically at why certain exhibitions are important to exhibit.

Several assumptions held by memory scholars regarding memory as a concept are outlined in Dickinson at al.’s text. These positions or assumptions are listed as follows;

“(1) memory is activated by present concerns, issues, or anxieties;

(2) memory narrates shared identities, constructing senses of communal belonging; (3) memory is animated by affect;

(4) memory is partial, partisan, and thus often contested; (5) memory relies on material and/or symbolic supports; (6) memory has a history.” (2010, p 6).

Memory’s connection to ‘shared identities’ and ‘communal belonging’, as stated above, has also been discussed by Jan Assmann and John Czaplicka, in relation to his theory of cultural memory (1995, p 130). Their theory is particularly focused on the communal aspects of memory, and considers,

similarly to Dickinson et al., how shared memory plays a role in unifying a group of people and can act as an “identificatory determination in a positive (‘We are this’) or in a negative (‘That's our opposite’) sense” (Assmann & Czaplicka, 1995, p 130). This sense of belonging relates to the concept of cultural citizenship, which will be explored shortly. As such, the concept of memory is also relevant when studying how museum exhibits can act as tools that encourage visitors to consider their own sense of heritage and belonging.

Furthermore, a few of the exhibitions studied for this thesis contain oral testimonies. Oral history will be discussed by some of the museum staff, in particular as it relates to the oral storytelling traditions of Maori in New Zealand. The book Cultural Memories by editors Peter Meusburger, Michael

Heffernan and Edgar Wunder describe how the experiences and perspectives of marginalised

communities have become a focus in contemporary historical inquiry (2011, p 3). This shift has meant that “different kinds of nontextual evidence, from oral testimonies to the many other nonwritten ways in which intergenerational individual and collective memories have been articulated” are now being analysed (ibid., p 3-4). While the book refers to ‘collective memory’ rather than ‘public memory’, it is

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also preoccupied with the way that memories are preserved in a physical space, such as a museum. The emphasis on non-textual communication and passing-on of memory, such as through oral testimony, is somewhat counter to Dickinson at al.’s list of assumptions regarding memory. While Dickinson et al. state that “memory relies on material and/or symbolic supports” (2010, p 6), oral testimony and therefore also the collective or public memory associated with such testimony may not rely on any material supports. Symbolic supports, such as the symbolism inherent in visual or oral language, are however a necessary component of oral testimony and public or collective memory.

Important to the concept of memory is the idea that while it can be public, it is also partial or partisan. Memories relating to a historical event, for example, can be seen from many different perspectives and may take on various meanings in different communities. As public institutions, museums may

represent a multitude of ‘public memories’, or may have chosen to focus on a few. By observing which perspectives that are represented, and which are not, we may learn a great deal about a community and its values.

The concept of memory is relevant to the research conducted for this thesis, as the representation of memories in museum spaces are prevalent in the selected material. Memories are encoded in the messages produced by the museums, and could therefore be a useful concept when considering the intention of museums, as well as the museum displays as a tool used by visitors to develop their sense of cultural citizenship. The Results section of this thesis will look at whether museums have chosen to emphasise certain memories or aspects of heritage and how this may compare to visitor’s reading of exhibitions. The inherent symbolism of language and communication will be discussed further in the next section, in relation to the rhetoric of museums.

3.2 - Rhetoric

The combination of rhetorical studies and museum studies is not the most common area of research and theoretical writing. However, in addition to Dickinson et al., a few scholars have engaged in the interdisciplinary field of rhetorical museology. Among them is Elizabeth Weiser, who describes rhetoric as “concerned with the public sphere, with how individuals interact in social scenes as they forge—in union and in opposition—the imagined community” (2017, p 8). The emphasis on

interaction in the public sphere, and the joint construction of an ‘imagined community’ is well suited to research on museums and the identity construction and meaning making that takes place there. As Dickinson et al. stated above, rhetorical studies are engaged with the public aspect of

communication. This makes the field particularly suitable in combination with museum studies. Lisa King, another scholar of rhetorical museology, observes that the two fields of research also meet in their concern regarding “knowledge making and institutional dissemination of that knowledge” as well as “the relationship between display and audience” (2013, p 672).

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When considering these different descriptions of rhetorical studies together, an image of the field emerges; rhetorical studies deal with public communication, and can specifically be applied to ‘institutional dissemination of knowledge’. As such it is concerned with how institutions or individuals with a certain authority frames and shapes their message. But rhetorical studies are also, according to the descriptions by King and Weiser, interested in how such a ‘display’ relates to the audience, and how an image of a community is ‘forged’ through that social interaction. This suggests that while rhetorical studies are often focused on the communication being disseminated, the

reception and the effects of that communication in its audience is a vital part of the field.

King argues that the communication that takes place in museums is often assumed to be one-way: information passing from the museum to the audience (2013, p 671). King also states that this assumption “has made museums ideal public sites for building national narratives” (ibid.). This suggests that if visitors assume the information that is being relayed to them through exhibits is not open to questioning, then the museum is in a position to shape the visitor’s idea of the narrative that is presented. Even if visitors are critical to the museum’s narrative and exhibitions, that narrative may still have an impact on visitors.

In other words, the wording and framing of exhibits may have an effect on visitors. Weiser argues that museum selections and presentations matter, since they “necessarily promote certain values and perspectives over others” (2017, p 9). Representation is therefore always partial, just as memory is partial. Drawing on Dickinson et al., King argues that context and culture must be included in the analysis, in order to fully understand the rhetoric of communication (2013, p 680).

In relation to Hall’s encoding/decoding model, the field of rhetoric is concerned with the texts - the message that is passing from sender to receiver. Rhetoric looks at how that message is constructed, and what the symbolic meaning is, but also what has been left out. The concept of Rhetoric matters for this thesis, as the encoded messages communicated by the museums through exhibitions also matter for the decoding of those same messages by visitors. Interviews with museum staff will highlight why certain messages are important. As such, rhetorical museology will be one of the theoretical concepts that inform the study in this thesis, and the analysis will be informed by relevant context and local culture.

3.3 - Meaning making

While the arguments presented thus far suggest that museums are sites of one-way communication, where knowledge and values pass from the museum to its audience, the popularity and proliferation of ‘new museology’ practices have changed the way that many museums operate in recent decades. New museology suggests that knowledge can and should pass both ways between museum and visitors. As discussed by King, new museology encourages museums to be more democratic, for example by giving communities and audiences an influence over exhibits and collections (2013, 672). This relates to the

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concept of ‘meaning making’, where visitors engage in processes that are different from one-way communication.

Heritage and museum studies scholar Laurajane Smith discusses preformative practices of meaning making in a museum setting. Smith argues that these performances center around “remembering, recognition and reflection, and the making of intergenerational connections, all of which help define a visitor’s sense of place and identity” (2017, p 70). By this description, meaning making involves both memory and intergenerational communication as tools which forge a sense of identity and belonging. The use of the word ‘performances’, in this case, is influenced by Smith’s definition of heritage as an “embodied cultural performative practice that individuals, communities and societies engage in to negotiate both the meaning of the past, and the way in which that past is used to legitimize or to remake cultural and political values and narratives in, and for, the needs of the present” (Smith, 2017, p 70). This negotiation of the meaning of the past, and the sense that the past can be used to legitimise the present, ties in with the previous discussion of memory. The term meaning making does, however, suggest that the individuals who are involved are not only being ‘passed’ a sense of memory or

meaning, they are actively engaged.

Indeed, the term ‘meaning making’ suggests that visitors are not only taking in information when they visit a museum, they are also creating a sense of themselves, their community, heritage and nationality. Weiser’s description of rhetoric as individuals interacting and ‘forging’ an identity through

communication is relevant here, as it is similar to the concept of ‘meaning making’; the framing, the context and the use of specific words can affect the outcome, and so can the interaction between individuals when they engage in meaning making.

‘Meaning making’ relates to the decoding practice in Hall’s model. This thesis will look at how

museum visitors perceived the museum exhibitions, and compare those results to the intention behind the exhibits, stipulated by museum staff. The analysis of interviews will also look for ‘meaning making’ when considering how visitors use exhibitions as tools to consider and develop their sense of cultural citizenship. This concept will be explored in more detail in the next section.

3.4 - Cultural Citizenship

Weiser argues that “the rhetoric of museums—museological rhetoric—shapes public debate about the parameters of national citizenship” (2017, p 5). This idea comes back to the concept of identity formation in a museum setting. According to Weiser’s statement, the rhetoric of museums shapes public debate, and the presentation, framing and context of exhibitions may therefore have an effect on the discussions that take place regarding citizenship, belonging, and what it means to be a part of a certain community or society. The idea of citizenship that will be discussed in this thesis is of a cultural variety, rather than a legal one, and therefore it can also be referred to as cultural citizenship.

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In order to apply this theory to the analysis in this thesis, the concept of citizenship will now be explored in more depth. Peter Dahlgren analyses the concept in his text Doing Citizenship: The

cultural origins of civic agency in the public sphere, where he discusses citizenship through various

traditions of thinking regarding democracy, civil society and the public sphere (2006). Dahlgren argues that there is a need for a sociological perspective in citizenship theories, because cultural citizens do not emerged already fully formed, they must somehow become citizens (2006, p 268). Central to his argument is the community where individuals interact with each other as well as within various public spheres, which can be understood as public institutions or organisations, and thereby they form a sense of identity. According to Dahlgren, such “interaction helps individuals to develop socially, to shape their identities, to foster values suitable for democracy and to learn to deal with conflict in productive ways. In short, a realm of practice, self-creation and meaning-making now opens up” (ibid., p 272). This statement highlights that cultural citizenship formation is based on the ideas of

participation and democracy. These concepts are part of New Museology, which asserts that museums should be inclusive and democratic institutions. Pille Pruulmann-Vengerfeldt and Pille Runnel have also contributed to the theorization of cultural citizenship in museums. They write that “the

democratic museum (that encourages citizenship) has to consider participation and engagement as modes of communication that help the museum support democracy” (Pruulmann-Vengerfeldt & Runnel, 2018, p 145). Pruulmann-Vengerfeldt and Runnel’s statement suggests that the

communication between audience and museum is instrumental to create a democratic environment in museums. This communication should involve participation from audiences, and must therefore not be top-down. With regards to cultural citizenship, this interaction between museum and individuals can shape the visitors sense of self and open up the understanding of several issues and concepts for both visitor and museum. This results in a form of meaning making.

In this thesis, the concept of Cultural Citizenship will be seen as a part of the decoding process in Hall’s model, as it centers on the visitor’s negotiation of a sense of self and community in relation to messages created by the museums. The analysis of interviews with visitors will look at how visitors reflect upon the importance of exhibitions for themselves and their communities, in order to establish how exhibitions may act as tools that influence a sense of cultural citizenship.

4. Previous Research

As we can see from the above discussion, cultural citizenship is closely tied to the concept of meaning making, and therefore also with rhetoric and memory. All these aspects of a museum experience influence each other, but are also not contained within the museum. Instead, the museum is simply one arena in which audiences come into contact with such concepts and practices. The Previous Research section will look at a few examples of research which touch on these ideas, and will also provide examples for how the concepts can be applied to empirical research in the field.

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4.1 - Cultural citizenship in Museums

Pille Pruulmann-Vengerfeldt and Pille Runnel’s chapter The Museum as an Arena for Cultural

Citizenship, in The Routledge Handbook of Museums, Media and Communication is based on a study

involving children invited to participate in a participatory project at the Estonian National Museum (2018). The text discusses both the possibilities and difficulties related to participatory projects from a museums and visitor perspective, and also explores the broader implications of understanding

museums a democratic and participatory institutions where cultural citizenship is encouraged (Pruulmann-Vengerfeldt & Runnel, 2018, p 144). The study found that the collaborative project encouraged young visitors to be active in the museum visit, and this also affected how adults experienced the exhibits (ibid., p 155). Pruulmann-Vengerfeldt and Runnel describe that “cultural citizenship operated implicitly” and that, as a result of the collaborative and participatory nature of the project, the exhibit might also have contributed to youth’s “active citizenship in general” (ibid., p 155). This research relates to the theories presented in relation to cultural citizenship and meaning making, and suggests that these theories may in fact be encouraged through active collaboration between museums and visitors.

The site-specific nature of cultural citizenship must be emphasised, as it is dependent on the cultural context it is placed in. Therefore, the description of New Zealand heritage in the Context section is entirely relevant when using the concept in relation to the analysis in this thesis. In terms of looking at Cultural Citizenship as a process that visitors engage in in museums, Laurajane Smith has produced relevant research in the area. Her work questions the assumption that visitors are passive consumers in museum environments, and instead finds that museums are places where visitors go to feel and engage in “active performances of heritage creation in which remembering and memory occurs” (Smith, 2014, p 125). Based on interviews with visitors using open-ended questions, Smith’s findings suggest that among other things “museums were used as arenas for socialisation and acculturation” by visitors, where the site functioned as a “cultural tool in the passing on of familial memory, knowledge and values” (ibid., p 129). This suggests that a type of remembering, meaning making, and cultural citizenship process is taking place collectively, where the museum and its exhibits can be a tool to discuss certain issues, pass on knowledge to the next generation, or engage an individual in a sense of community and heritage.

4.2 - Museums as arenas for justification

Smith’s study also found that a majority of those interviewed stated that the museum visit was a way of “reinforcing not only what they already knew, but more importantly, what they already feel and believe” (2014, p 127). In this way, visits affirmed values that visitors already held, rather than

challenge their beliefs. Smith’s findings also suggest that many visitors use the museum to “remember and commemorate” experiences, and through this already established values were reinforced (ibid., p

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128). Smith found that these personally held narratives were often firmly maintained despite “curatorial messages aimed at destabilising and challenging these narratives” (ibid., p 128). This finding is relevant, as it suggests that visitors are not particularly open to new perspectives that may challenge their established views. While museum’s are often described as places of learning, Smith’s research indicates that for individuals who already have an established idea of a topic, a museum exhibit on that topic is more likely to reaffirm than educate. The research conducted for this thesis will look for the same phenomenon in interviews with museum visitors, by asking whether visitors were challenged by exhibitions.

In additional research by Smith, these aspects of museum visiting were explored further. Based on her understanding of heritage as a performance, Smith suggests that this process “actively works to assert or negotiate the nature of individual and collective identity that interacts with societal acts of offering or withholding of respect and legitimacy” (Smith, 2017, p 71). In this statement, Smith is developing her interpretation of recognition and misrecognition in the museum environment, which can be understood as the museum’s presentation and validation of diversity, or their failure to recognise diversity (ibid.). This becomes important when understanding the museum as a space where visitors engage in meaning making and cultural citizenship. Exclusion of a local visior’s heritage in a museum can be understood as more than simply a failure to represent a certain demographic, it could also be understood as a disregard and active ‘forgetting’ of a section of history or culture.

4.3 - Rhetorics in the museum space

Susan Manchino’s article A Communicative Review of Museums looks at the contribution of communicative study of museums through case studies and examines the wider implications for the field (2015). Manchino’s analysis is influenced by both memory studies as well as rhetorical

museology. Drawing on Greg Dickinson, Brian Ott and Aoki Eric (2005), Manchino finds that the rhetorical practices of museums include “collection, exhibition and (re)presentation” and therefore acts as a “gatekeeping practice” in the manner in which it selects which stories that are of importance and how these are presented to the public (2015, p 263). For this reason, the layout and structure of exhibitions in the physical museum space can also be seen as a rhetorical practice, since it guides the visitor’s experience and reading of the material. Manchino also argues that the museum’s selection process is a rhetorical practice, since it is a powerful tool in determining which aspects of history and art that receives attention (ibid.).

Furthermore, Manchino identifies museums as “powerful phenomenological spaces determined by exhibition content and design” and these aspects of the museum “guide the hermeneutic and interpretive nature of these institutions” (ibid., p 263-264). These observations regarding museum experiences are in line with memory studies as well as the meaning-making perspective on museums, as they take the visitors point of view while recognising the institutions ability to affect the visitor

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experience. These observations will guide the choice of methodology with regards to the research for this thesis, and will also influence the analysis of collected material.

Public forgetting is also discussed by Manchino, as an aspect of museum rhetoric which has been observed by communication scholars (2015, p 266). The term, again, refers to the collection,

presentation and framing of artifacts in museums, which can enable a collective forgetting of certain aspects of history. An example of this phenomenon, and its critique, is Fred Wilson’s landmark exhibition Mining the Museum at The Contemporary in Baltimore, US. Wilson was invited by The Contemporary, and received access to the archives of the Maryland Historical Society in order to create a new exhibition (Wilson & Halle, 1993, p 152). In the article Mining the Museums by Fred Wilson and Howard Halle, it is described how the exhibition “brings to light a history and a cultural presence that have been buried beneath layers of neglect and deliberate exclusion” (1993, p 170). This statement refers to the power of the exhibit in its ‘new’ framing of the objects which had been buried in the collection. An example is the section of the exhibit labeled ‘Cabinetmaking 1820-1960’ which includes a whipping post from the Baltimore City jail (c. 1850) and a selection of side chairs and armchairs (c. 1820-1896) arranged in front of the whipping post as if they constituted an audience (Wilson &Halle, 1993, p 162-163). The exhibit was completely designed by Wilson, including the arrangement and labeling of items (ibid., p 152). This labeling was often quite sparse, and included little detail regarding the objects or why they had been arranged in a certain way. This resulted in visitors leaving the museum with various views on what they had seen, what these objects were and how they related to one another (Maryland Historical Society, 2013). Some visitors left with the understanding that the wooden post had been used to whip slaves, although according to the

Maryland Historical Society this was not the case (ibid.). An article by the New York Times at the time stated that Wilsons intention was to encourage visitors to “rethink their notion of the museum” (Kimmelman, 1992).

The Mining the Museum exhibition draws attention to the rhetorical power of museum exhibits, and the curatorial influence of placing objects within various contexts, thus affecting the reception and contemplation among visitors. As an example of the rhetoric of museum displays, this exhibit

manifests how both the placement of objects in a space, as well as the walltexts or name tags associated with object can have an effect on the visitor’s reading of material. In terms of memory studies and public forgetting, the exhibition calls attention to the many objects in a museum collection that may be overlooked, or ‘hidden’ from public view because of their sensitive or controversial cultural context. The exhibit title ‘cabinetmaking’ emphasises that while museums may tend to focus on the skillfully carved chairs of an era, other items, such as the wooden whipping post, carries different connotations and histories and would therefore not usually be exhibited for its craftsmanship.

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4.4 - Meaning Making in the museum

In relation to the theoretical framework regarding meaning making, Kirsten Drotner, Line Vestergaard Knudsen and Christian Hviid Mortensen engaged in a study on young danes’ view on museums (2017). The study focused on youngsters aged 13-23 years and is based on a sample of 2350 individuals (Drotner, Knudsen & Mortensen, 2017, p 456). Based on a semantic analysis of the results, the study found that the views usually belonged to the three categories of ‘exciting’, ‘educative’ and ‘boring’ (ibid., p 456). Further analysis found that respondents described museum objects as “capable of explicitly communicating and connecting historical and contemporary issues” (ibid., p 462). A minority of respondents also described that the learning that takes place in museums is also “learning about contemporary issues” (ibid., p 463). These findings suggest that the meaning making that takes place in museums is not only connected to history, but has relevance for how visitors understand their contemporary culture and society. As described in the theoretical discussion of meaning making, visitors ‘forge’ a sense of themselves and their community, and perhaps also their future. Drotner et al.’s study also found that visitors reflected on their sense of self, and used metaphors such as a “change in perspective” and an “expansion of horizon” (ibid., p 463). These findings suggest that visitors engage in identity work and that exhibitions can lead to a different view on historical and contemporary issues.

Tensta Museums: Reports from New Sweden is another example of an exhibition which attempted to

challenge visitor’s perception of their local art institution. As a part of the project, the Tensta Konsthall was renamed Tensta Museums, in order to “play with the notion of the museum” and suggesting that “the Konsthall needs the kind of stability and continuity that a museum typically has” (Milliard, Niemojewski, Brothwick & Watkins, 2016, p 140). This is an example of rhetorical use by the institution, where the word ‘museums’ is used to suggest that the precariously funded art and heritage project in Tensta could take on a different status and permanence.

The project involved a range of artists, workshops, performances and exhibitions across a number of sites. Maria Lind, instigator of the project, described that the exhibition was provoked by the current socio-economic and political situation in Tensta, a suburb of Stockholm, which she describes as a socially disadvantaged area at risk of “pure inequality and discrimination, and bad tensions” (ibid., p 140). The exhibition included, among many other artists, a selection of watercolours by Josabeth Sjöberg, a Swedish artist who lived in Stockholm in the 19th century. This artist was described by Lind as living in an area of Stockholm which, at the time, could be equated with modern Tensta (ibid., p 141). As such, Lind suggests that Sjöberg “was a member of the precariate [sic] of the time,” and she painted many scenes of the insides of her temporary rental rooms (ibid., p 141). In this way, the exhibition offered local visitors the perspective of a creative living under somewhat similar circumstances to many people in Tensta. The exhibition also included artists exhibiting works

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“proposing future scenarios” (ibid, 142). When asked if art can “change social realities” Lind stated that this rarely takes place directly, but that “it can change our imagination and our perception [...] by offering parallel ways of grasping reality or trying to deal with reality” (ibid., p 142). This relates to the meaning making process where heritage is also an influence on individuals negotiation of values for the present, as discussed by Smith in the theoretical framework section. Lind also suggests that art exhibits such as Tensta Museum can affect how visitors imagine the future. Such a process hints at meaning making which influence visitors sense of cultural citizenship. As discussed in the theory section, cultural citizenship development in a museum space is based on the interaction of museum and visitor, where the visitor is able to develop their sense of self and community. An exhibition which encourages the visitors ability to imagine a different future could be understood as such a process of cultural citizenship.

5. Research Aim & Questions

Aim of the study is to find how museum visitors reflect upon and use museum exhibits as tools in relation to their cultural heritage and cultural citizenship. This focus will allow for reflection regarding the cultural importance of museum exhibitions for visitors. A second aim is to find how museum staff (such as director, communication manager and curators) view the importance of exhibits compared to visitors. Such a comparison will provide a foundation for reflection on the work that museums hope to achieve, and how their efforts are received by visitors. The research questions have therefore been formulated as follows;

How do museum visitors in New Zealand reflect on museum exhibits as tools and places for

development of their own sense of cultural citizenship? How do visitors and museum management's attitudes on the importance of museum exhibitions compare? Are museums arenas for justification?

6. Methodology

A hermeneutical research paradigm has guided this thesis, as cultural contexts are seen as essential to the interpretation of museum exhibitions and analysis of interview material relating to these

exhibitions. The thesis takes the ontological and epistemological perspective that museums exist as places where values and issues inherent in a given society are negotiated, and as such the exhibitions in museums as well as the intention behind these and their reception can be studied in order to better grasp the social function of museums.

Guided by the research aim and questions, a three-pronged approach was used in order to lay the foundation for a comprehensive analysis of the data gathered from visitors and museum staff. The methodology focused on both the museum staff and audience perspective on a few exhibitions and items exhibited at two museums in Lower Hutt, in the Wellington region of New Zealand, as well as

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the wall texts and descriptions that accompany these exhibits and items. This approach was implemented in order to consider different factors and perspectives which may influence museum exhibits and visitor’s experiences of exhibits.

The researcher took on an explicit role in the project, and obtained consent from the museums involved.. The researcher had the role of an outsider in the museums, in the sense that I do not work for the museums. I am, however, a local resident in the area. None of the interviewees were known to me before approaching them for an interview.

6.1 - Data Collection and Sample

6.1.1 - Selection of Museums and Exhibits

The Dowse Art Museum and Petone Settlers Museum were chosen for this study because they are operated alongside each other, by the same local council, but are focused on different themes. As such, they are both readily available to visit by the same community members. However, while they are located within a short distance of each other, their visitors may differ. The museums have provided some statistics of their visitor numbers for this study; in the year of 2018 the Dowse had 212,114 visitors, while Petone Settlers Museum had 13,517. These numbers reflect that the Dowse is much larger than the Petone Settlers Museum, but may also be impacted by the location, themes and marketing of each of the museums. The museums do not keep statistics regarding ethnicity, gender or age of their visitors. However, the final interview sample will be discussed in relation to museum statistics from the national survey by Museums Aotearoa, described in the Context section.

The two museums were also selected for this study because they mention values that relate to community building and social benefits of museums. The Dowse Art Museum website states that, “recognising that as a museum we contribute to society by helping create a sense of place, The Dowse will strengthen its relationship with its communities” and go on to say that “drawing on the wealth of cultural and social capital in our communities, The Dowse will bring innovative approaches to the delivery of social and educational benefits” (The Dowse Art Museum Website, 2019b). The Petone Settlers Museum website states that, through museums, the council provides “cultural facilities that enrich, inspire and offer a range of lifelong learning opportunities. The museums act as a focal point for the community, enhance cultural life and diversity, and promote civic pride and community values” (Petone Settlers Museum website, 2013). These statements suggest that the museums in question endeavours to have strong relationships with their communities, and the emphasis on a museum’s role in developing a ‘sense of place’ or ‘focal point’ for the community indicates that they are suitable for researching cultural citizenship.

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The museum’s were contacted and communication with the Communications and Relationships Manager for both museums, Alexandra Grace, was initiated. After describing the theme and premise of the thesis project, it was left to the museums to suggest two or three exhibits or items from each museum that would serve as the focal points of the research. Three items/exhibits from each museum were suggested. However, only five exhibits were studied. This was due to the scheduling of

interviews. Since the final suggested exhibition, Maiangi Waitai’s Ātea-ā-rangi - Interstellar exhibit, did not open until later in the year when interviews had already been scheduled and completed, this exhibit was not studied. As such, five exhibits were included in the research for this thesis. These will be described in more detail in the Results section.

6.1.2 - Methods

The method of semi-structured interviews with both museum staff and visitors was selected as a technique that would enable reflection from interviewees and allow for follow up questions when needed, but also focus the interview on a few specific questions, allowing for comparison and closer analysis. As described by Hilary Collins, this format provides “scope for the respondent to express himself or herself at length”, which was essential for allowing the individuals to reflect deeply in relation to questions (2017, p 134) . The importance of the specific museum exhibits and items selected was chosen as the focus of these interviews, as it would allow interviewees to reflect on both the national, communal and personal importance of museum exhibits. As such, themes relating to cultural citizenship and cultural identity may emerge. Museum staff were not asked to reflect on the personal importance of exhibits, but instead on the general importance of the specific exhibitions. Additionally, they were asked to describe the creation of exhibits and to describe the choices they had made in the focus of exhibits. For a list of primary interview questions, see appendix.

Interviews with museum staff were scheduled, and the museum put forward staff members that were relevant to each of the items/exhibits selected for the study. Museum staff interviewed in relation to the selected exhibitions and items included:

- Karl Chitham - Hutt City Council Museum Director, responsible for both museums as well as their overall approach.

- Melanie Oliver - Senior Curator for Hutt City Council Museums, leads the curation across both museums.

- Sian van Dyk - Curator at The Dowse Art Museums. Curated Maiangi Waitai’s exhibition. - Alexandra Grace - Communications and Relationships Manager across both museums.

All four staff members were interviewed, but as the Maiangi Waitai exhibition was not included for visitor interviews, the data from the interview with Sian van Dyk has not been used in this study. All interviews were audio recorded and were between 14 and 26 minutes long.

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Interviews with museum visitors took place at the Dowse Art Museum and the Petone Settlers Museum respectively. Visitors were approached in the entrance hall/ museum shop area of both museums, and asked to participate in the study. Interviewees were provided a short description of the study and then asked to sign a consent form. Interviewees were also asked to answer five background questions; age, gender, ethnicity, visitor or local resident and, if visiting, from where. Some interviews took place in pairs, if visitors were visiting together. At the Petone Settlers Museum, interviews took place in an area of the open entrance/ museum shop, while at the Dowse Art Museum, a separate and private room was provided for interviews. All interviews were audio recorded. See appendix for a list of primary interview questions. Follow up questions were asked in order to urge interviewees to clarify, expand or develop their answers. In some instances, where individuals were interviewed in pairs, interviewees spontaneously asked each other questions.

The criteria for participating in interviews were as follows; the individual had visited the museum, was at least 18 years of age and willing to sign a consent form. Based on these criteria, 21 individuals were approached and 6 declined to participate. As such, 15 individuals were interviewed; 8 from The Dowse and 7 from the Petone Settlers Museum. These interviews were also semi-structured and were between 5 and 20 minutes long. A full list describing the sample will be provided in section 8.3.

The final element of data gathering and selection consists of the texts and images included in the selected exhibitions. The exhibits as well as accompanying wall texts were photographed by the

researcher, in order to provide context and reference when describing the exhibits. The Museums have given their permission for these images to be used as part of this thesis.

6.2 - Data Analysis

Interviews with museum staff and visitors were analysed with the aid of thematic analysis. All

interviews were transcribed. During this process, several themes were identified. Some of these themes are related to the theory section of this thesis, but other themes were also identified and noted. The transcriptions were then analysed to discover more themes and trends in visitor responses. Finally, themes were reviewed and defined.

Responses to the question ‘What does being here at the museum mean to you?’ looked at whether visitors visited for recreation/learning, or if they had some specific personal or cultural reason for visiting.

Analysis of the responses to the interview questions looked at how visitors reflected on the importance of exhibits, and categorised their responses in order to capture all variations. Categories of ‘Historic importance’, ‘Maori-European Relationship’, ‘Learning’, ‘Reminding’, and ‘Other’ where used. The

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themes were also related and compared to the statements and themes brought up in the interviews with museum staff. These were compared and contrasted.

6.3 - Limitations

Categories were used in the analysis in order to establish trustworthiness of the qualitative research. While the research questions guided the analysis, the analysis was also open to other phenomena or themes, in order to establish rigour of the project. As described by Collins, “Prefiguring the field runs the risk of the researcher only finding out what they want to find by exclusively looking for a specific phenomena, or by being blind to other issues that arise” (Collins, 2017, p 169). Therefore the analysis also looked for other issues or themes not necessarily related to the concept of cultural citizenship.

However, as only one researcher has been part of this project, the analysis has not been confirmed by a second or further researchers analysing the same interview transcripts. Nor has the data been verified through triangulation using other methods. This is a limitation of the analysis.

A further limitation is the relatively low number of interview subjects. As the results are only based upon interviews with 15 individual visitors and 3 members of museum staff, the findings are not generalisable. Instead, the results can only hope to point towards certain phenomena and encourage further research in the area.

Finally, none of the museum visitors interviewed for this study identified as Maori, Pacific Islander, or other ethnic minority. This is a serious limitation in the data. As a result, there is a lack of perspectives from Maori, Pacific Islander, or other ethnic minorities in the analysis. As the research question relates to cultural citizenship, and has been conducted in a country where Maori and Pacific Islanders are central to the culture, this limitation must be emphasised.

7. Research Ethics

This chapter will focus on the ethics involved in the research project. Several aspects of the research project will be clarified and critiqued.

Since this thesis deals with interviews and analysis of interview material, issues relating to privacy and autonomy must be considered. As stated by Collins, “Respect for autonomy relates to issues of voluntariness, informed consent, confidentiality and anonymity” (2017, p 83). The research for this thesis was designed with these issues in mind.

All participation was voluntary, and the purpose of the research was explained to all participants. Additionally, the research was approved by the museum staff. On the days where interviews were

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conducted, the museum had been informed in advance and staff present in the reception area where visitors were approached were introduced to the researcher and informed that interviews would be taking place. In addition, all visitors that were approached were informed and asked to take part in a research project for a masters degree thesis. The consent form stated that audio recordings and transcripts of interviews would be retained by the researcher, but that in any report of the results of this thesis museum visitor interviewee’s identity would remain anonymous. The consent forms stated that extracts from interviews may be quoted in the final thesis. Consent was also verbally established before beginning each audio recording.

Museum staff interviewees, on the other hand, were not anonymous in this thesis. This is because the research is also focused on the staff perspective on exhibitions, and the production of a few select exhibits. Therefore it is relevant to know which staff members that were involved in which exhibits, and how they reflect as spokespeople for the museums. All participants were provided with a copy of the consent form signed by the researcher, including contact details in case they should wish to

withdraw their consent to participate in the research. As such, the research was not ‘covert’ in any way.

8. Results

8.1 - Introduction to the Museum exhibits

Two exhibitions from the Dowse Art Museum were studied. These will now be described in more detail:

8.1.1 - Nuku Tewhatewha

Nuku Tewhatewha is a symbolically significant Māori storehouse built in 1865, which was carved as a symbol of support for the Kingitanga, The Māori King movement. This movement was formed in resistance to the pressures from European settlers (The Dowse Art Museum Website, 2019d). The Nuku Tewhatewha is on permanent display at the Dowse.

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Image 5. Nuku Tewhatewha exhibit, The Dowse Art Museum. Photograph by Maria Algers. Included with the consent of the museum.

The display includes a wall text describing the origins of the Kingitanga movement, where a number of Māori tribal chiefs unified under a King, hoping that by having a monarch, “Māori would be able to negotiate with the English on an equal footing. To the contrary the British Crown saw it as a threat and in the 1860s the government attempted to destroy the movement” (Nuku Tewhatewha exhibition wall text, The Dowse Museum, June 2019). The movement remains active today.

The Nuku Tewhatewha display also includes a timeline, explain some of the context of the movement and the life and restoration of the storehouse itself. The exhibit is located in a room which is accessed through another exhibition, and visitors pass through the The Nuku Tewhatewha exhibition in order to reach the remaining exhibits on the gallery ground floor.

8.1.2 - Māori Moving Image: An Open Archive

This exhibition “explores the history of Māori artists who have used animation, film and video as a medium from the 1970s to today” (The Dowse Art Museum Website, 2019c). The exhibit includes several rooms and a number of different artists. Video art make up the majority of the works, but the exhibition also includes installations, such as in the image below.

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Image 6. One section of the Māori Moving Image: An Open Archive exhibition, The Dowse Art

Museum. Photograph by Maria Algers. Included with the consent of the museum.

Some works change at different times during the exhibition, and are replaced by other artworks. This process is described as an acknowledgement that the exhibition is “a living archive” (Māori Moving Image wall text, The Dowse Museum, June 2019). As a part of the exhibition, several talks and workshops were hosted, and museum visitors were invited to join and enter into discussion.

Three exhibitions from the Petone Settlers Museum were studied. These will now be described in more detail:

8.1.3 - Listening Post

This exhibit consists of a bench in the entrance hall to the Petone Settlers Museum, with two

telephone handsets and wires as well as multiple ports for plugging in the telephone which enables the visitor to listen to stories about Petone told by locals. The bench format of the exhibit makes the item easy to miss, in particular as it is located just outside the main doors to the museum. The exhibit was produced in 2015, when locals were asked to “share their thoughts on ‘living in Petone’” (Listening post wall texts, Petone Settlers Museum, May 2019).

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Image 7 & 8. The Listening Post exhibit, Petone Settlers Museum. Photographs by Maria Algers.

Included with the consent of the museum.

8.1.4 - Meeting of Te Atiawa and British migrants

This exhibition, at the Petone Settlers Museums, consists of multiple wall texts and items which describe how the Bittish immigrants and local Māori iwi first met on the site where the museum is built.

Image 9 & 10. Details of the Meeting of Te Atiawa and British Migrants exhibition, Petone Settlers

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The images above describe how local Māori were settled in the area when European settlers arrived, and how that gives them “the rights and duties of mana whenua - guardians of the harbour and surrounding land” (Meeting of Te Atiawa and British Migrants exhibition wall text, Petone Settlers Museum, May 2019). However, a sale of land agreement between local Māori and the New Zealand Company followed, and the exhibit describes how this deed of purchase was looked upon differently by the British and the Māori as they had differing understandings of land ownership. The

disagreements that followed have been culturally significant, and the loss of land across New Zealand have repercussions to this day.

8.1.5 - Whakatū Wāhine: Women Here and Now

This exhibition at the Petone Settlers Museums commemorates the 125th anniversary of women’s suffrage in New Zealand, and giving women the right to vote. The exhibition is focused on

contemporary female leadership in the Lower Hutt area (Petone settlers Museum Website, 2013b). The exhibit occupies a corner of one of the two larger rooms in the museum, and includes statements and descriptions of the five women that were selected from a larger group of nominees from the community. The display also includes a screen where visitors can “listen to the stories of leadership from the women themselves” (Whakatū Wāhine exhibition wall text, Petone Settlers Museum, May 2019). As such, the community was involved in the creation of this exhibit, as individuals were nominated and also able to speak for themselves in the included videos. However, a selection panel chose the five women that are included, and curators designed the format and theme of the exhibit.

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Image 11 & 12. Whakatū Wāhine - Women Here and Now exhibit, Petone Settlers Museum.

Museums as tools for Cultural Citizenship: Two case studies in New Zealand