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Recycling Identity and Culture - Identity (Re)construction and Belonging in the Iraqi Community in the South of Sweden

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Recycling Identity and Culture

Identity (Re)construction and Belonging in the Iraqi Community in the South of

Sweden

Ameer Al-Bdairi

Faculty of Culture and Society

Department of Global Political Studies IMER, Two Year Master Thesis 30 credits, Spring, 2019

Supervisor: Margareta Popoola Examiner: Anne Sofie Roald

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Abstract

The concept of identity has become a vital part of the lives of immigrants. The aim of this thesis is to gain in-depth knowledge of how individuals of the Iraqi community construct their identity and sense of belonging in Sweden and how they relate to their ‘culture’ of origin. Twelve people with Iraqi background were interviewed; six first-generation and six of people who were born in Sweden, but whose parents were born in Iraq living in the south of Sweden. The concepts of identity; cultural and ethnic identity, integration and sense of belonging, alongside the theory of identity strategies, have been interwoven into the results of this thesis. The findings show that the first-generation of Iraqis have a solid sense of belonging to Iraq. Descendants, in turn, tended to identify themselves as both Iraqi and Swedish with a shared sense of belonging to both countries. Moreover, family, language, religion, social relationships, stage of childhood, and interactions with society are important factors in influencing identity reconstruction and one's sense of belonging.

Keywords: Identity, descendants, first-generation immigrants, ‘culture’, ethnicity, Sweden,

belonging.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to express my appreciations and my thanks to my supervisor, Professor Margareta Popoola, for her valued supervision, advice and guidance throughout the writing period. I express gratitude for Professor Anne Sofie Roald, for valuable comments and recommendations. I also thank my family for all the support and motivation I have received from them in moments when I have lost the ability to continue. I thank my friends for their backing and assistance, especially Esther Deeks. Without all of you, this thesis would not have been possible.

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Table of Contents

1. Introduction……….. 5

1.1 Clarification of Terms ………...6

1.2 Aim and Research Questions ………...7

1.3 Delimitations ………7

2. Contextual Background ………9

2.1 An Overview of Iraq ………..9

2.1.1 Iraqi Immigration to Sweden ………..9

2.2 Citizenship………11 3. Previous Research ……….12 4. Theoretical Frameworks ………..16 4.1 Identity ………..16 4.2 Ethnic Identity ………...18 4.3 Cultural Identity ………20 4.4 Sense of Belonging………21 4.5 Integration………..22

4.6 Identity Strategies Theory ……….22

5. Methodology ……….….25

5.1 The Philosophical Standpoint ………...25

5.2 Research Design ……….…...26

5.3 Interviews ……….….26

5.3.1 Sample Selection ………...27

5.3.2 Access to the interviewees ………....27

5.3.3 The Interview Settings ……….…….29

5.4 The Role of the Researcher ………...29

5.5 Validity, Reliability, and Generalisation ………...31

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5.7 Data Analyses ………....34

5.7.1 The Profile of the Interviewees ………...………….…..34

6. Analysis ………..….…..36

6.1 Self-Identification ………...36

6.2 Building and Maintaining an Ethnic Identity ……….…...40

6.2.1 The Role of Language in Identity Construction ………. ..40

6.2.2 Family Values ………....43

6.2.3 Networks ……….…...44

6.3 Citizenship and Identity ……….47

6.4 The Role of Religion in the Construction of the Identity ………...50

6.5 The Role of Integration in the Construction of Identity ………...56

6.6 Iraqi and Swedish Cultural Differences ………....59

7. Conclusion ……….……..64

7.1 Suggestions for Further Research ………..66

8. References ………...67

9. Appendix ………...72

9.1 Appendix 1………...………..…….72

9.2 Appendix 2………...………..…….72

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1. Introduction

Individuals ‘identity’ and sense of belonging is increasingly affected by the rapid changes in the contemporary world. Various aspects of political, ‘cultural’, economic and social life, alongside factors such as globalisation and migration are having an increasing impact on individual’s ‘identity’. Alongside these changes significant developments in transportation have increased the mobility of many individuals worldwide, in turn increasing migration and border crossings between nation states. As a result of increased access to transport, more individuals than ever before are migrating and settling in other countries. Along with the proliferation of migration, the boundaries between ethnic groups have become more fragile than ever before, increasingly overlapping and entwined (Bauman, 2001: 14-17). A sense of belonging to a group is necessary for every one of us, without it, people feel insecure (ibid). This insecurity leads to the emergence of increased concerns about identity and belonging due to the factors aforementioned. This in turn raises confusion about where we belong. What culture should be followed? Where is home? (Akman, 2014: 16).

Identity has recently become a subject for debate by a multitude of different researchers from various disciplines. According to Bauman, the issue of identity has become a subject for debate and academic work among social scientists to unprecedented levels. He argues that ‘only a few decades ago ‘identity’ was nowhere near the centre of our thoughts […] Today, though, ‘identity’ is ‘the loudest talk in town’ (2004: 16-17).

This thesis focuses on an immigrant-receiving country, Sweden, and the Iraqi community in Sweden. Iraqis began to immigrate to Sweden in early 1968 due to wars and the Baathist regime. The Iraqi community in Sweden today has peaked at 184,753 (SCB, 2018). The aim of the research is to gain more in-depth knowledge of how individuals of the Iraqi community in Sweden construct their identity.

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To achieve the aim of this study, I will use a qualitative approach to data collection, carrying out semi-structured interviews. Moreover, the concepts of ethnic and cultural identities will be adopted in this thesis. Integration and sense of belonging, alongside identity strategies theory, will be also employed in this study. This study has been motivated by the fact that Iraqi community constitute one of the largest immigrant groups in Sweden (SCB, 2018). However, there is a shortage of studies concerning the identity and belonging in the Iraqi community in Sweden. Therefore, this study pursuits to contribute to the study of identity by providing in-depth knowledge about identity construction and belonging in the Iraqi community in Sweden.

1.1 Clarification of Terms

Labelling migrants and their children as first and second-generation immigrants has been subject to debate. Individuals who move from their homeland to another country during adulthood are often referred to as first-generation immigrants (Brettell and Nibbs, 2016: 2). While, children of these first-generation immigrants born in the host country, are often controversially known as second-generation immigrants. Others refer to these individuals as Swedes with a foreign background. However why would we label these individuals as immigrants when they have never migrated? Tommassen (2010) argues that individuals with foreign parents born in a host country should not be referred to as immigrants. He continues by explaining that they are fluent in the host country language, often to a native extent, they abide by and are aware of rules and norms, are educated in host country schools and grow up the same way as the native children in that country do. Consequently, it makes little sense to label such people as immigrants (Thomassen, 2010: 28-29). Some even argue that labeling this category of individuals as second-generation immigrants is a form of discrimination (ibid).

As such, in this thesis, I refer to the Iraqi adults who immigrated from Iraq to Sweden and still live in Sweden as first-generation Iraqi immigrants. On the other hand, "children" might be referred to those under 18 years old. Thus, since this research examines sons and daughters of Iraqi immigrants aged 20 years or older, therefore, I avoid using the word ‘children’ in this study. Moreover, as individuals who are born in Sweden to Iraqi parents have not immigrated to Sweden, within this research paper I will not use the term second-generation immigrants, instead, I will refer to these individuals as ‘descendants’ of first-generation Iraqi immigrants.

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1.2 Aim and Research Questions

The aim of this thesis is to gain in-depth knowledge of how individuals of the Iraqi community construct their identity and sense of belonging in Sweden and what possible cultural differences between Iraq and Sweden. To reach the aim of this study, I have established the subsequent research questions:

• How do the first-generation, Iraqi immigrants and the descendants construct their identity in Sweden, and how do they maintain it?

• What is the sense of belonging among individuals of the Iraqi community in Sweden? • What are their perceptions about ‘cultural’ differences between Iraq and Sweden, and how

do they cope with these potential differences?

1.3 Delimitations

This essay focuses on individuals of the Iraqi community and includes some delimitations and limitations. Through drawing these limitations for this study and narrowing down the breadth of its scope, I can ensure this research is feasible and focused. The first-generation of Iraqi immigrants who were born in Iraq and moved to Sweden within this study is limited to those aged 15 or older when they came to Sweden. As it is clear that the period of childhood has an effect on identity construction and belonging (Erikson, 1993: 277). Whilst the descendants are individuals who were born and grew up in Sweden and at least one of their parents have migrated from Iraq. The first- generation of Iraqi immigrants and descendants within this study should be aged 20 years or older. I have limited to over 20 in order to ensure informants have passed through their more identity fluid phase of adolescence and thus recognise their identities more clearly in the post-adolescence age. Moreover, the interviewees should have been staying in Sweden for minimum 8 years, so that they have had the time to be acquainted with the country and had a chance to be in contact with Swedish society.

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Furthermore, this research focuses on a broad group of individuals from or with genetic ties to Iraqis. Male and female informants will be in this study. The thesis includes individuals of Iraqi community from diverse ethnic groups such as Kurds, Arabs and Turkmen. Interviewees with different religious backgrounds will be in this study, such as Muslims, Christians, and Mandaeans, in order to explore as many different perspectives as possible. However, regarding my primary territorial delimitation, the focus of this thesis is the Iraqi community in the South of Sweden.

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2. Contextual Background

Since this study deals with Iraqi community in the south of Sweden, I will start by providing a brief background and history of Iraq and the Iraqi people. Furthering this I will also describe the history of Iraqi immigration to Sweden and the reasons for Iraqi immigration to Sweden. Depicting an image of Iraq and its history enables the research to have a true setting in which events can be linked directly to some of my findings. I will conclude by highlighting the concept of citizenship.

2.1 An Overview of Iraq

Iraq is an Arab state and a federal parliamentary republic according to the Constitution of Iraq (2005). It consists of eighteen provinces, of which Baghdad is the capital. Iraq is located in western Asia overlooking the Persian Gulf. It borders Kuwait and Saudi Arabia to the south, Turkey to the north, Syria and Jordan to the west and Iran to the east (CIA, 2019). According to the latest UN estimates, Iraq currently has a population of 40,119,650, (Worldometers, 2019). The population of Iraq is a mixture of different ethnicities and religions. The most prominent ethnic groups in Iraq are Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen, Kakai, Bedouins, Romans, Assyrians, Circassians, and Farsi (CIA, 2019). Arabs constitute the majority with about 75% -80% of the population identifying as Arab (Holden, 2012: 3). The majority religious group in Iraq is Muslims, further religious groups include Christians, Jews, Yazidis, Sabaean-Mandaean and Shabaks (CIA, 2019). Muslims in Iraq are often divided into Shi’is and Sunnis (Holden, 2012: 3).

2.1.1 Iraqi Immigration to Sweden

In recent decades Iraq has witnessed many wars and internal revolutions as well as dictatorships that have suppressed many segments of Iraqi society. Those factors have led to an increase in the number of Iraqis who have fled and sought refuge in other countries. As reported by IOM (2019) the number of Iraqi expatriates spread across the globe today is approximately four million. The

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countries with the most significant number of Iraqi immigrants are the United States, Britain and Sweden (ibid).

Iraqi immigration to Sweden can be seen in five waves. The first wave of migration began in 1968 and lasted until 1978, with 8,000 Iraqi immigrants primarily from three groups; Kurds, Assyrians and Iraqi communists (Ismael, 2008). The reason for their migration was to escape the persecution of the Baathist regime (Chatty, 2010: 102). The second wave occurred between 1980 and 1988, which included about 10,000 Kurds and Arabs. This wave was due to the Anfal Campaign against Kurdish people in the north of Iraq as well as forcing Arabs to join the Iraq-Iran War (ibid). Following this, the first Gulf War in 1990 and the campaign against Shi’is in southern Iraq led to the third wave of Iraqi immigration to Sweden between 1991 to 1999. Most of the Iraqi immigrants in this wave were Kurds and Shi’is, which amounted to approximately 15,000 Iraqi immigrants who arrived in Sweden at this time (Sánchez, 2010).

The American occupation of Iraq from 2003 led to a high number of Iraqis migrating to a multitude of countries all over the world. In Sweden, 30,000 Iraqis sought asylum between 2003 and 2010; the majority of them were Christians and Arab Sunni (Katsiaficas, 2016). Due to these preceding waves by 2006, Sweden had received more Iraqi asylum seekers than the total number of all Iraqis received by all other European countries (Sperl, 2007). More recently, the terrorist attack of the so-called Islamic State in 2015 forcefully displaced thousands of Iraqis and further thousands to seek asylum in Sweden. According to Statistics Sweden (2016), the figures of Iraqi asylum seekers in Sweden in 2015 reached 20,000.

The waves of migration mentioned above show that Iraqi migration to Sweden has been strongly correlated with the persecutions of dictatorships and wars. As such, most Iraqis arrived in Sweden as refugees, followed by their families and eventually became one of the largest immigrant

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communities in Sweden. Iraqis prefer seeking asylum in Sweden over all other European countries because Sweden's policy towards asylum seekers is more flexible than other European countries (David, 2006). Iraqis are largely concentrated in Sweden in larger cities such as Stockholm, Södertälje, and Malmö (Sperl, 2007).

2.2 Citizenship

This research will shed light on the role of citizenship in shaping identity and belonging among informants.

Citizenship as defined by Vink et al. (2013, 2) ‘‘a relationship between an individual and a state that entails specific legal rights and duties”. Eliassi (2013: 54) considers that citizenship is a political means by which the state grants rights and obligations to citizens, which is used to control the relationship between the state and its people. Citizenship refers to the official papers that grant a person the right to citizenship and give him\her all political and legal rights, equal to that of natives (ibid). In this sense, citizenship represents this legal bond, which creates a sense of membership to society and a sense of equality among all individuals (Brochmann and Seland, 2010).

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3. Previous Research

The importance of identity and issues of belonging, particularly in contemporary times, have prompted many social scientists from various fields to study the concepts, theories and subjects surrounding identity in order to understand its complexity. However, despite all the current studies on identity, it is still obscure in terms of its construction and reconstruction (Lawler, 2014: 2). As such the subject needs further research and investigation to draw light on and distinguish the processes involved in identity formation.

Furthermore, there is a paucity of research that targets immigrants’ thoughts and experiences relating to identity formation and belonging. Most research in this field is quantitative and based on statistics and surveys. Additionally, despite the fact that the Iraqi community constitute one of the largest immigrant communities in Sweden, according to my knowledge, no qualitative research has been conducted on the experiences and conceptions in the Iraqi community in terms of identity and belonging. Therefore, this research pursuits to contribute to the study of identity through providing in-depth knowledge about identity construction and belonging of individuals of the Iraqi community in Sweden, through exploring their experiences, opinions and feelings. I will supplement my research by now touching on some previous research and literature focused on the formation of identity and belonging among immigrants.

Rumbaut’s research focuses on the formation of ethnic self-identity among adolescents in Miami and San Diego in the US (1994). It was a quantitative study has been conducted using a survey of 5,000 descendants of migrants from Asian, Caribbean and Latin American origin. The findings of the study show that there are significant differences among adolescents in terms of ethnic self-identification. Some of the descendants identified themselves with their parents' national identity, while other children identified themselves, as Americans. The remaining respondents identified with a hybrid identity, both their parent’s national origin and with America, their place of residence. Rumbaut concluded that there are several factors behind the disparity between

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immigrant children regarding identity formation. These factors include; economic conditions, the role of the parents, the social environment where the child lives, and the social networks, whether with natives or with their co-ethnic groups. As noted by Rumbaut, these factors play a vital role in shaping identity through influencing the psychological and social adaption of the descendants of immigrants in host societies (Rumbaut, 1994: 748-790).

Another study is a qualitative study has been carried out by Aneer Sulyman (2014). She examined the views and experiences of four interviewees of first-generation Kurdish immigrants in Sweden through semi-structured interviews. Each of the informants arrived in Sweden at a different age, one was under the age of one when they arrived in Sweden, whilst another interviewee arrived in their twenties. In this study, Sulyman aims to explore how the formation of identity can be affected by living in two different ‘cultures’, that is, between Iraqi Kurdistan and Sweden. Sulyman concluded that arriving in Sweden during childhood does not necessarily strengthening Swedish belonging (ibid). On one hand, some interviewees arrived in Sweden at an early age, but their connection to Kurdish ‘culture’ was much stronger than that of their connection to Swedish ‘culture’. On the other hand, some informants arrived in Sweden in their twenties but their attachment to Swedish ‘culture’ was stronger than that of their connection to Kurdish ‘culture’. As such, it is clear that the age of migration to Sweden was not a strong factor involved in these individuals’ sense of belonging, whether to Sweden or to Kurdistan. Furthermore, all informants agreed that they were not considered as exclusively Swedish by others, because their appearance gave the impression that they were from another land. All the interviewees reported practicing two ‘cultures’, to varying degrees. The interviewees aimed to preserve their Kurdish roots, including their customs and values, as well as adapt to the ‘culture’ of Swedish society (ibid).

Another researcher within this field, Eugenia Katartzi, investigated the connection between migration, identity and belonging through concentrating on immigrant adolescents aged 16-19

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years old in Greece (2018: 35). There were 103 informants from Palestine, Albania, Georgia, and Armenia; 54 male and 49 females. In Katartzi’s research, ‘'Young migrants’ narratives of

collective identifications and belonging’ aimed to explore the immigrant adolescents' identity and

to which ethnic and national identity they feel they belong. To attain the objective, Katartzi used the qualitative method, in the form of in-depth interviews (ibid). Katartzi’s research indicates that interviewees are closely attached to their homeland. The interviewees emphasized that the homeland is where we belong, as it is the place of our birth, childhood, kinship and memories. Moreover, the interviewees attempt to maintain and boost their ethnic identity and loyalty to their country of origin by strengthening ties with the co-ethnics’ groups in Greece. Regarding belonging to the Greek society, the stories of informants show that living within Greek society, over time would strengthen the belonging to Greek society. However, some factors such as discrimination and racism towards immigrants and their children may be an obstacle of the sense of belonging to Greek society. The young immigrants claim that it is difficult to feel that we belong to a society, while we are discriminated against (Katartzi, 2018: 34-46).

Lastly, Sala, Dandy and Rapley (2009) examine in ‘Real Italians and Wogs’ the construction of ethnic identity among Italian immigrants in Australia, specifically in the Western territories. The two groups of interviewees in this research were Italians who emigrated to Australia as adults and Italians who emigrated to Australia as children. They used a qualitative method with semi-structured interviews to explore Italian immigrants’ perceptions of their identity. The first group was composed by five informants who arrived in Australia between the ages of 20 and 27 and the second group was four persons who arrived in Australia under the age of 10. Although the findings of the study show differences between the first and second group of informants regarding identity construction, all informants stressed that language, Italian food and place of birth had the most profound impact on the construction of ethnic identity and the continued maintenance of it (ibid: 114). In addition, the first group of informants tended to view themselves as Italian immigrants,

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while the second group consider themselves a mix between an Australian and an Italian. The informants, who arrived as children into Australia, refer that labelling them as 'Wogs' by Australian society has had a large role in strengthening their ethnic identity and weaken their Australian identity (ibid: 121).

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4. Theoretical Frameworks

Within this study the concepts of cultural and ethnic identity will be used. Also, integration and sense of belonging, alongside identity strategies theory. Both these concepts and theory provide explanations and interpretation strategies for what this research aims to explore. The concepts will help explain how interviewees identify themselves and construct their identities. Whilst, the theory of identity strategies is a powerful tool for understanding and analysing the issues surrounding identity.

4.1 Identity

The concept of identity is a complex and problematic one with many meanings and interpretations. According to Lawler (2014: 7), it is difficult to define identity with one comprehensive definition because the definition of identity varies according to the angle in which identity is seen. In this sense, the concept of identity will be addressed from several respects in order to obtain a high degree of understanding of identity.

According to Erik Erikson (1993: 277), socialisation goes hand in hand with identity construction. Erikson emphasises the importance of childhood and gives great prominence to childhood in shaping identity compared to other stages of life (ibid). According to Erikson, adolescence is a privatal stage of identity development, which in essence determines one's identity throughout adulthood. During this stage, failure to form an identity and an understanding of who you are as an individual lead to a deficient connect to shared identity and relationships with others. A strong connection to your individual identity is fundamental to the further stages of identity development during adulthood, if it is not formed during this adolescence it can lead to instability in many aspects of adulthood. As such, the identity formation stage of adolescence, within Erikson’s theory, is crucial to psychosocial development (1993: 235-246). On the contrary, Erving Goffman (1990)

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considers that one continues constructing identity through-out one’s whole life. Regarding the role of the unconscious in shaping identity, Erikson argues that as a result of the conditions and environment of our childhood, feelings are born in our unconscious mind which in turn influenced the formation of our identity (1993: 281). Goffman (1990: 24), in turn, does not deny the unconscious, but equally, he doesn’t emphasise it either.

Moreover, Carmen Camilleri (1998: 85-105), considers that identity has three different dimensions. In one dimension, Camilleri concurs with Erikson: that part of the identity is generated through childhood and that each adult has a part of their identity that is shaped by values and beliefs inherited from their parents. In the second dimension, Camilleri pays high consideration to the interactions with people; from this perspective, Goffman and Camerili are united in opinion. They view identity as being shaped through the interactions of an individual with the environment in which one lives. As such, interaction is an essential element of the construction and reconstruction of identity. In this sense, the image of the self-emitted by others to an individual has a significant role in shaping his/her personality. This self-image can be called 'socially imposed identity' because society imposes it on an individual (ibid).

Furthermore, Goffman (1978: 56), argues that individuals have many self-representations. People change their self-representation to fit the person they are interacting with. For instance, our interaction with friends is different from our interactions with parents, which is different again when with co-workers, and so on. One changes their self-representation with each person in order to gain acceptance from the opposing party. Likewise, Camilleri (1998: 85-110) adds that the pragmatic aspect of identity plays the role of integrative function. Meaning, people are consciously able to change and modify their behaviour to fit their reality. In other words, when an environment where an individual lives, is full of contradictions, diversity, incompatibility, identity then, seeks to integrate and adapt individuals with their surroundings continuously (ibid).

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In conclusion, Erikson's views identity as a static entity that is shaped during childhood. Whilst it is clear that childhood influences identity formation, the stability of identity is not compatible with the contemporary world in which several factors such as migration, globalisation and intermarriage make identity more changeable. Gofman and Camilleri concur that identity is always changing and reconstructing due to interactions of an individual with his/ her surrounding, in which people perceptions influence how one perceives himself/ herself. In this sense, identity is always subject to change and development: it is developed throughout one's life from childhood until death. However, Camilleri considers that identity is flexible, which one can reshape identity so adapt to a new environment. Meaning, one's identity is not only subject to social perceptions, but the individual also has a role in reconstructing his/her identity on his own. As such, Erikson, Goffman and Camilleri perspectives complement each other, which can be fruitful for analysing identity construction among Iraqi immigrants in Sweden.

4.2 Ethnic Identity

The term ‘ethnic’ derives from the Greek word ‘ethnos’, meaning people or nation. As such, ethnicity refers to a symbol, to the identity of an individual. Ethnicity is a cultural heritage inherited by an individual from the ethnic group to which one comes from. As such, belonging or origin is a primary factor in all definitions of 'ethnic' within the social sciences. In other words, it is one's origin that distinguishes one person from another, i.e. between them and us (Spencer, 2006: 32). However, in our contemporary world, there is no ethnic group with a single or pure origin, due to migrations, movements across different geographical boundaries and intermarriage, there is an increasing overlapping and mixing of ethnicities. Nevertheless, people's sense and feeling remain that their ethnic group has one origin. All members of an ethnic group may share the same characteristics, or some of the features, such as religion or language. However, the debate among researchers in all approaches to identity and ethnicity is mainly about how to identify one's ethnic

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identity. Does one’s birthplace, or one’s parent’s birthplace play a role in the self-identification? Within this section, different perspectives from various approaches and scholars will be addressed (Kershen, 2018).

Ethnicity from the primordialist perspective is a collective identity rooted in primitive relationships inherited from ancestors. Form a primordialist view individuals are born within a particular ethnic group, individuals share the same identity with their ethnic group because they are heirs to the same biological and ethnic characteristics of their ancestors. On the contrary, Spenser (2006: 76) argues that focusing on the biological aspects of a person's cultural group and their sense of identity alimalises human interaction and complexity. Similarly, Jenkins (2008b) gives importance to ‘culture’ and social interactions in shaping ethnic identity, largely disregarding the idea genetic and biological determinism. Regarding boundaries between ethnic groups, the primordialists view ethnic identity as originating at birth, inherited from ancestors, moving from generation to generation. As such, primordialists argue that fixed and natural boundaries exist between ethnic groups.

Unlike primordialist, the instrumentalists argue that boundaries between ethnic groups are flexible and malleable. From this perspective, based on a rational decision, one can invoke their agency and leave the boundaries of a group and enter the boundaries of another, to obtain benefits or to avoid a threat (Spencer, 2006: 77-78). Likewise, Spencer notes that factors such as migration, and intermarriage affected the stability of identity to an extent that social identity has become subject to constant rebuilding (ibid).

Furthermore, Jenkins (2008b: 14) refers in his ‘basic social anthropological model of ethnicity’ that ethnicity lies in cultural differences between groups, meaning that group identification depends on similarities and differences with other groups in regard to ‘culture’. As

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aforementioned, Jenkins considers ethnicity as shared ‘culture’, where it is created and re-created through social interaction. Within this perspective, ethnic identity is variable, as it is a process influenced by the situations and conditions of everyday life. He adds that the identification with ethnicity is collective in terms of social interaction and the way we categorise others, but it is also personal in terms of self-definition (ibid). Ethnicity according to Jenkins's is a process and socially produced, within this thesis on ethnicity analysis I will adopt the stance of the ‘basic social anthropological model of ethnicity’.

4.3 Cultural Identity

The definition of ‘culture’ is varied from researcher to researcher. ‘Culture’ is a composite of knowledge, beliefs, arts, ethics, law, literature, customs and traditions. These facets of one's life influence the construction of an individual and his/ her life from birth to death (Hall, 2011: 4). No identity can be devoid of ‘culture’, it is fundamental to identity and a critical element in identity construction (Phinney and Baldelomar, 2011). The cultural context in which individuals live, alongside their interactions with society, have a significant role in drawing one's identity with all its content, values, norms. It also differentiates the individual and the group from others. In other words, one receives norms and values that construct their cultural identity throughout life, through the environment where one lives (ibid). In this perspective, cultural identity is flexible, changing and transformable. Hall (2011), argues also that ‘culture’ is inherited from ancestors, transmitted from generation to generation within a group who share the same history and ancestry. From this point of view, ‘culture’ constitutes a fundamental cornerstone of identity formation and transformation (ibid).

Furthermore, according to Kershen (2011: 15), an individual often receives one ‘culture’ from the group in which he/she lives, but it is different when one moves to live in a new society, for instance in the case of immigrants. Homi Bhabha (2004: 5-20) refers to the term 'hybridity' in her book 'The

location of ‘culture’', which highlights the situation of the immigrant in a host society. Since

‘culture’ is geographically mobile, migrants carry the ‘culture’ of their native country to the host country. However, simultaneous to this, their ‘culture’ is influenced by social interactions in the

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host country and is subject to change and alteration. Immigrants who live within a new ‘culture’ over time incorporate aspects of that ‘culture’ into their own cultural identity, which eventually leads to a state of hybrid ‘culture’ for many immigrants (ibid). This thesis will adhere to the perspective that cultural identity is constructed through context and social interactions.

Moreover, there is no doubt that religion is an essential part of identity and cannot be neglected. It is not easy to distinguish between religion and culture; since they are intertwined, and each one influences the other. Most ‘cultures’ and traditions adopted by contemporary societies are often inherited or influenced by religions (McGuire, 2002: 31). However, it is different in societies where mainstream religion differs from the religion of immigrants. Then it can be seen that religion may clash with culture (Østberg, 2003). The practice of daily religious rites in a non-religious country is not as easy as it is in a religious one. Metcalf (1996: 8) also points out that adherence to a religion in a non-religious society is challenging.

4.4 Sense of Belonging

As defined by Probyn (1996:5), belonging is “the ways in which individuals and groups are caught within wanting to belong, wanting to become”. A sense of belonging to a group is essential for individuals. It gives a sense of security, trust, confidence, acceptance, and that what people need and looking for; without it, people feel insecure (Bauman, 2008: 14-16). Individuals create a sense of belonging to a particular group when they and that group share the same ethnicity, religion, language or culture (ibid). Language is one of the most important pillars of any culture and society. It a factor that plays a strong role in promoting belonging to any group and distinguishing it from any other group (ibid).

Moreover, belonging in a broader sense is a legal bond between individuals and society. One way to establish membership among members of a group is citizenship, a legal right that delineates boundaries between those within and those outside a group (Eliassi, 2013: 100). Rights granted by the mainstream society to individuals and responsibilities imposed upon them make individuals feel secure, recognised, and competent to participate in society (Anant, 1966). In this sense, citizenship represents this legal bond, which creates a sense of membership to society and a sense of equality among all individuals (Brochmann and Seland, 2010). However, this does not

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necessarily mean that citizenship creates a sense of belonging or promotes belonging. In many cases, individuals have more than one citizenship and have no affiliation with any of them (Vera-Larrucea, 2012). Citizenship has importance on the level of rights and legal belonging of the country, but more than that it is a political issue and has little impact on the way in which individuals identify ethnically (Elassi, 2013: 45). Citizenship does not automatically mean that an individual feel affiliated with the country they hold citizenship for (ibid).

4.5 Integration

Integration takes several forms that may be economic, political, social. In this research, social integration will be addressed. Social integration means involvement and interaction with the host society, learning its language and adapting to its culture. Forming a network of natives, which helps to recognise their traditions, 'culture' and lifestyle is also seen as fundamental to integration (Rubin et al., 2011). Diaz (1993: 123) considers that social integration depends not only on social communication but on the quality and level of communication, which also plays a role in social integration.

Integration differs from assimilation: integration means that migrants adopt host society' ‘culture’. Meanwhile, they retain their country's original ‘culture’. Assimilation, in turns, means abandoning the ‘culture’ of the motherland in exchange for the full adoption of the ‘culture’ of the host country (Rubin et al., 2011). Moreover, the greater the extent of social integration, the smaller the cultural gap between immigrants and natives. Thus, immigrants are likely more accommodating to the ‘culture’ and values of the host society (ibid).

4.6 Identity Strategies Theory

In this research, identity strategies theory will be used to explore the pathway the informants follow in regard to the dynamic between the ‘culture’ of their homeland and the host society.

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Identity strategies to avoid cultural conflict

For Camilleri, immigrants live within a kind of conflict between the ‘cultural’ values and norms of their homeland and those of the host societies ‘culture’. This struggle of potentially opposing aspects of identity leads to psychological pressure. Thus, to avoid these pressures, they resort either subconsciously or consciously to multiple strategies. This decision depends on the priority they attach to the ontological function or the pragmatic function, and the degree of harmony between them; simple, composite or diluted (Camilleri, 1996: 32).

A. By rejecting the ‘culture’ of the host country:

In this case, immigrants’ resort to abandoning one aspect of their identity. Meaning that immigrants will adhere to the ‘culture’ of their homeland and will live according to the criteria and values of this ‘culture’ just as if they did not emigrate. Thus, they will not integrate into the host society or may integrate partially (Camilleri, 1996). An example of this is the case of conservative immigrants who refuse to mix with the host society (ibid). However, one cannot altogether reject the ‘culture’ of the society where he/ she lives, no matter how much one tries. Immigrants have to deal with the host community one way or another and as such cannot wholly deny their presents (ibid).

B. By rejecting the ‘culture’ of the homeland:

On the contrary, some immigrants abandon the ‘culture’ of their country of origin and adopt a behaviour that is entirely in line with the values and norms of the ‘culture’ in the host society. This is the case for immigrants who are shedding their cultural origins. However, no matter how much immigrants try to abandon their homeland's ‘culture’ completely, they cannot (Camilleri, 1996: 34). Indeed, immigrants often maintain a small part of their native ‘culture’. Some immigrants deal with their native ‘culture’ and the ‘culture’ of the host society alternately (ibid). For instance, while working with friends, they will adopt the ‘culture’ of the host society and act according to the criteria of this society. Whilst, at home and with family, parents or children, emphasis will be placed on the ‘culture’ of origin and its criteria.

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C. By reinterpreting values of both host country and homeland:

Some immigrants cling to their original ‘culture’, but at the same time attempt to integrate into the host society and also adopt its ‘culture’. On the one hand, harmony, in this case, is achieved either by ‘affective logic’ so that immigrants reinterpret and round up the norms and values of the homeland's ‘culture’ and norms of the host society. These interpretations and approximations are done subjectively, depends on an individual's whims, wishes and interests (Camilleri, 1998: 101-103).

On the other hand, immigrants may prioritise ‘rational logic’; the reinterpretation of values and standards. This is a complex cognitive process, which focuses on purpose rather than following all the nuances of both cultures, as such, it can lead to completely abandoning some values. Immigrants justify abandoning some values, due to their incompatibility with modernity and the host society. However, this strategy, based on the rational logic of immigrants, requires intellectual maturity and an open-minded approach. Through this process immigrants are able to overcome the dilemma of the rupture and contradiction associated with alienation. This form of identity transition also overcomes monolithic identity, achieving a synthesis that transcends the ‘culture’ of the original country and the ‘culture’ of the host society (Camilleri, 1998: 107-108).

D. By alleviating cultural conflict:

Due to circumstance, some immigrants fail to follow any of the previous strategies to avoid cultural conflict. Thus, immigrants often resort to alleviating this conflict through alternative methods. Immigrants develop a differential mechanism which focuses on similarity and avoids difference. Giving greater importance to their origin's values that are compatible with the host society and less significance to the elements that are incompatible with their new environment (Camilleri, 1996: 34). In other words, immigrants mitigate the values and norms of the host country, which are contrary to their 'culture' of origin. The difference between this type of identity strategy and the other strategies lies in the fact that the identity conflict remains and never disappears, individuals try to alleviate the extent to which it affects their lives as much as possible and adapt to it (ibid: 35).

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5. Methodology

This chapter shows how this research has been conducted by presenting and explaining the methods and methodological procedures utilized when conducting this study.

5.1 The Philosophical Standpoint:

Taking a position on philosophical issues surrounding this subject guides my way to answer the relevant questions. To be able to analyse what kind of questions are answerable and evaluate which method is best employed to answer them. Thus, my philosophical position enables me to know the limits of the knowledge I produce and what form this knowledge fulfills. Researchers within social sciences create work that fits a specific philosophical basis, whether purposely or not (Perri 6 and Bellamy, 2012: 49-50). Therefore, the philosophical foundation of this study deserves consideration, as it will define my epistemological and ontological views, as well as the avenues to and results of this thesis.

Therefore, I place myself in this research as a social constructionist. Meaning that reality is socially created, including our explanation of the world in which we live. Moreover, theories influence and constitute the definition of reality and our world. In other words, our understanding of the world, life, and all that surrounds us are affected by our experiences, history and ‘culture’ (Perri 6 and Bellamy 2012: 57-58; Meriam 2014: 9). As such, a single reality does not exist in this world. As a researcher, I cannot isolate the things that influence of how I understand things from the conclusions I reach. I will gather information, interview informants, and analyse and interpret their answers, as such, I am who produces the knowledge and outcomes of this thesis. The findings and conclusions I will come to are based on my understanding of people’s viewpoints, data, and theories. I am fully aware that my previous experiences will alter the way I perceive certain situations and reality. However, have minimised the extent that my perspective will create a bias within this study by attempting to remove myself from the research and limit my assumptions

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effect on the study. I have taken into account any bias that I may possess and have been as objective as I can to conduct valuable research.

5.2 Research Design

Research methods are a fundamental pillar of social sciences. The methods play a significant role in social sciences syllabus and supply the means to reach results and answers (May, 1997: 6). This research has generally followed a qualitative method, in particular semi-structured interviews. The qualitative approach has helped in collecting data and finding answers to the research questions. Alongside this, the method has had a significant role in providing me with a broader understanding of the data that has been collected and therefore to my results and findings. The qualitative approach is the most applicable method to this study, as the qualitative approach helps to cover various perspectives for interviewees (Bryman and Bell, 2015). Also, according to Amir Marvasti ‘‘qualitative research provides detailed description and analysis of the quality, or the substance, of the human experience’’ (2014: 7). Thus, since this thesis attempts to explore individuals' perceptions and experiences, the qualitative method is most suitable for this study.

Therefore, this study adopts an ‘inductive approach’. The research has not tested or applied hypotheses nor were the results known prior to the construction of the research questions. In other words, the study does not aim to develop theories, but rather to highlight the interviewees' experiences and opinions regarding their identity and belonging. Moreover, the thesis is based on data collection through interviews and interpretations of theories to ultimately reach findings, i.e. from reality to theory. Therefore, this research does not begin with a previous idea but has been entirely open to the results that came from the process.

5.3 Interviews

This research utilizes interviews as the means of collecting data to explore individuals' perceptions and experiences. Since the aim of this study is to attain a depth of knowledge of informants' opinions and experiences regarding identity and their sense of belonging in Sweden, by comparison to other methods such as questionnaires, the method best-suited to this study is semi-structured interviews. According to Halperin and Heath “individual face-to-face interviewing is the best data collection'' for getting obtaining data concerning people's opinions and experiences.

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(2012: 254). Face to face interviews enables me as an interviewer to be close to the interviewed person and build a rapport with each individual. This allows me to notice their body language and their reactions while they reply, which is a vast advantage when analysing and seeking to understand their answers. Shagrir (2017) emphasises that when it comes to someone's experiences and perspectives, this technique is best. Shagrir adds that ''the way in which interviewees choose to present their words enables one to understand their identity'' (ibid: 22).

Moreover, the semi-structured interview method is best suited to this study, when compared with other interview methods. Whilst the limited numbers of interviewees in this study could narrow the breadth of information gathered and views received from the sample, semi-structured interviews facilitate a more in-depth account of individuals opinions and experiences. This allows the interviewer to further more questions through the interviewees previous responses, it is particularly more adept at attaining opinions and views through open questions (Barriball and While, 1994: 329). Additionally, semi-structured interviews give a possibility to ask for clarification in case the answer was not clear enough (May, 2011: 132-134). As such, the semi-structured interview method is clearly the most suitable method when applied to the aim and subject of this thesis.

5.3.1 Sample Selection

The interviewees were sampled in this study based on certain characteristics considered appropriate to the objectives and subject of the research. Firstly, the interviewees had to be of the Iraqi community; for both the first-generation and the descendants. Secondly, the interviewees had to be 20 years old or older, to ensure they have developed through the identity phrase coined by Erikson as the ‘identity crisis’ (1968b: 235). The ‘identity crisis’ occurs in adolescence, after which people become clearer about their identities (ibid). Thirdly, a sample of Swedish citizenship holders was included to see if the acquisition of Swedish citizenship had an influence on the formation of identity and belonging. Finally, the first-generation informants must have spent at least eight years in Sweden so that they had an opportunity to be in contact with Swedish society and acquire Swedish citizenship.

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Furthermore, the majority of Iraqis are Arab Muslims, I ensured that these were not the characteristics of all of the sample used. I intended to hear voices from different backgrounds and various groups of people to explore as many different perspectives as possible. As such, the sample of interviewees were from a diverse range of religion, gender, ethnicity, age and educational and professional level. However, the final sample of interviewees within this study was three women and nine men. The attainment of gender balance within the sample was prevented by my social networks, which are predominantly men. However, I tried to include as many women from the Iraqi community as possible and reached the three women in this study using the snowball method.

5.3.2 Access to the interviewees

There are many ways to reach interviewees in research (Tylor, 2016: 108). In this study, two techniques were used to access interviewees. First, I utilized my social network with the Iraqi community in Sweden, which I attained through work and study. Four interviews were conducted with these individuals, two first-generation of Iraqi immigrants and two with descendants. Conducting the interviews with informants attained through my social networks helped me to reduce the time and cost of accessing my sample. However, I did not intend to conduct all the interviews through my social network because informants may be inclined not to give a true and honest answers to people, they know (Silverman 2011:168).

Therefore, another approach was used to reach the rest of the informants. Through social media, I had found some Iraqi national organizations in Sweden and then visited them. I asked individuals of the Iraqi community who were in the organization whether they were willing to participate in my research. I explained to them, the research topic and its objectives, as well as the characteristics of the sample I was looking for. Fortunately, eight individuals participated. The members of the Iraqi national organization also had great diversity in terms of age, religion and academic level, which gave me the flexibility to include individuals from diverse backgrounds in my research. As such, in total, I interviewed twelve people; six first-generation and six descendants living in the south of Sweden. All in all, this method has helped me not to include individuals from the same theoretical cycle, but instead to obtain a sample with ideological and demographic diversity.

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5.3.3 The Interview Settings

The interviews had a range of durations, varying from person to person, but generally from 40 to 70 minutes. I have conducted individual and face to face interviews, not via email or phone, which allowed me to notice their body language and their reactions while they reply, which was a vast advantage when analysing and seeking to understand their answers. I allowed the interviewees to choose their preferred venue for the interview so they can feel more comfortable and relaxed. Thus, seven interviews were conducted at public places. Also, three other meetings were performed in the informants' homes. I met a further two interviewees in the Iraqi national organisation in Sweden.

I made the conversation during the meetings as smooth and informal as possible and made it a friendly conversation. I asked for more clarification in cases were the responses were not clear enough or would benefit from further explanation. In addition, I asked permission from the informants to record the interview, this enabled me to ensure that no word or answer was missed. Moreover, I used the fact that I share the same native language as the interviewees and utilized this to carry out the interviews in Arabic. This enabled the interviewees to express their views easily and give clearer answers, without the limitations of second language fluency. However, since the research is presented in English, some limitations come to light, because of the translation from Arabic to English, some words or meanings may be lost. However, I believe that the loss of some words through translation does not affect the validity and reliability of this study. The interviewees were very frank and open in their answers and views, thus enhancing the validity and reliability of this thesis, which is an essential element of this research.

5.4 The Role of the Researcher

Through paying attention to both the interviewees' position and my perspective as the researcher, I can meet the consideration needed for the reader to connect to and understand the depth of this study. Since the researcher is the one who creates questions, gathers information, interviews people, and analyses the data, the researcher can affect the knowledge and findings of the research (Kvale, 1996: 117). Thus, in this part, I will introduce some reasons for choosing this topic; also, I will briefly present myself and explain how my background may affect the objectivity of this thesis.

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I was born In Iraq and moved to Sweden almost five years ago. I grew up in Iraq and was raised by parents from two different backgrounds. My father is of Iraqi origin, and my mother has Iranian origin, which made me aware of the cultural differences between my parents and between my relatives from both sides from a young age. This awareness was again furthered when I migrated to Sweden. My residence in Sweden and experience of coexisting and integrating within a new culture drew my attention again to my identity and how much it has been affected by moving to Sweden. All in all, this has planted the desire to explore the experiences and views of individuals of the Iraqi community in Sweden concerning their identity and belonging.

My Iraqi background could be an advantage because it can serve me tremendously to perceive the interviewees' positions and stances. It can also be a further asset as individuals of Iraqi community, and I speak the same language, enabling me to conduct interviews in Arabic and allow interviewees to express their views easily and give more precise answers. My residence in Sweden and experience of coexisting and integrating within a new culture provided me with knowledge and experience firsthand of both belonging and identity. Therefore, I can understand the informants' views better, which I believe is another advantage.

One may argue that my Iraqi background could be a disadvantage leading to bias whilst conducting this research and rendering me unable to maintain objectivity due to my proximity with those I am studying. However, I am fully aware that my ethnic background, personal experiences and my opinions, and how they may affect the findings of this thesis. Due to this awareness, I have attempted to remove myself emotionally from the research and question and limit my assumptions effect on the study. I have instead encouraged interviewees to openly answer questions, share their experiences, and give their viewpoints, without any influence from me. I have taken ''account of any tendencies of bias" that I may possess and have been as objective as I can in order to a conduct valuable research (Perri 6 and Bellamy, 2012: 261). Silverman argues that being conscious of your subjectivity allows you to observe yourself rather than disregard the facts and findings of the research, ironically, awareness of being subjective can help maintain a level of objectivity whilst conducting research (2011: 141).

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5.5 Validity, Reliability, and Generalisation

In this section, validity, reliability and generalisation will be addressed. The three concepts play an essential role in the efficiency value and quality of research. Thus, in order to achieve a high quality and value for this thesis, validity and reliability must be fostered (Tjora, 2012: 202). Validity is the extent to which the research has measured what it planned to measure, whether the research is credible and whether it has provided sufficient evidence to prove its arguments (O’Really, 2005: 226). In this thesis, a high degree of validity has been verified by the fact that the information collected, and the explanations derived from it can answer the research questions. To ensure a high degree of validity in my research, I am keen to illustrate concepts and applying methods and theories in this thesis with utmost precision and clarity.

Additionally, information and findings derived from the interviewees must be connected to the theories referred to in this thesis. This ensures that the informants in the research, the questions posed to them, and answers received from them, will provide answers to the research questions. I tested the relevance of my questions through an alternative form of a pilot study. I asked some questions to one of the interviewees to see if the selected questions and their answers were practical and relevant to my research questions. Moreover, through this test, I examined the validity of this research by evaluating my ability to interpret informants' answers; in other words, making my interpretation of interviewees' answers identical to their viewpoints. To achieve this, “Member Check Strategy” has been followed (Cresswell, 2013: 202), which means that interviews interpretations and the final research findings have been shared with informants to ensure everything matches what they have said and intended to convey.

On the other hand, reliability refers to the replicability of the study, a researcher's certainty that if other researchers perform the same search, the same results will be achieved (O’Really, 2005: 226). In this sense, if another researcher conducted a study of identity construction in the Iraqi community in the south of Sweden, in the same way, posing same questions, research methods, and delimitations, they would reach the same or similar findings as I reached. Moreover, the importance of transparency and credibility has been taken into consideration in this thesis through the selection of reliable sources and materials. Likewise, data, information and answers of informants have been interpreted and analysed with transparency. An appendix containing the

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questions posed to the informants was attached at the end of the research. Also, findings and data analysis have been clearly presented. I have further endured that interviewees contribute to this thesis with objective and credible responses in order to achieve a high degree of reliability in this research (Perri 6 and Bellamy, 2012: 21). However, since my research is qualitative research based on semi-structured interviews, from a social constructivist perspective, it is difficult to have the same or similar findings when if this research is conducted by any other individual. Since the truth, knowledge, and method of obtaining them vary from person to person (Seidman, 2012: 23).

Moreover, by using the qualitative method, it is difficult to achieve high levels of reliability, for instance, this thesis examines the Iraqi community in the south of Sweden. As such, achieving the same results when researching Iraqi individuals in other regions or other countries will be challenging. Without question, covering the entirety of Sweden would achieve a broader range of opinions and perspectives and would be a more representative sample. Moreover, larger sample size and more interviews would increase the reliability of the results. Nonetheless, with the time and economic constraints of this thesis, this has not been possible. As such, this research should be considered as a pilot study, to contribute to future studies within this field.

Furthermore, this thesis has generally followed a qualitative method and semi-structured interviews in particular, by exploring the informants’ perceptions and experiences. Thus, given methodology, limitations and delimitations in this research, I do not intend to generalise or quantifying the findings. In turn, this research attempts to provide in-depth knowledge about the experiences and opinions of individuals from the Iraqi community in the south of Sweden concerning identity construction and belonging. However, information received from twelve informants in a particular region cannot be generalised to all the Iraqi community whether in other countries or in Sweden. Indeed, people vary regarding experiences from one place to another, from decade to decade and person to person. As such, qualitative research rarely tries to achieve generalisability from its findings and results (Halperin and Heath, 2012: 254).

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5.6 Ethical Considerations

Four basic ethical aspects must be followed during conducting research based on interviewing people: consent, withdrawal from participation in research, anonymity, and use data obtained from informants exclusively for research (Halperin and Heath, 2012). The four critical ethical pillars are to ensure the rights of the interviewees. First that of informed consent, I made sure that informants gave their full consent to engage in the research, as well as taking their consent for recording the interview that enabled me not to miss any detail of their answers. Secondly, informing interviewees that they have the full right to withdraw from research engagement at any time they wish, as well as the ability for interviewees to ignore and pass on any question they do not wish to answer (Somekh and Lewin, 2004: 56). They were fully informed about the topic, purpose of the research and information about me as the researcher. I introduced myself to the informants, stating that I am a student at Malmö University, and I am writing my Master thesis on Identity Formation and

Belonging in the Iraqi community in Sweden. Further stating that all information, answers and

results are used for academic use only.

Thirdly, confidentiality a further pillar of the ethical consideration that not only gives people who have been interviewed a sense of confidence in speaking but also that anything related to them would not be published if it would cause any harm (Somekh and Lewin, 2004: 57). I informed the interviewees that their privacy will be protected, as well as their identity, which will remain anonymous. Their personal information will not be shown, for instance, I used aliases instead of real names to ensure informants to maintain their anonymity (Silverman, 2011: 418). Moreover, after transcribing and interpreting the interviewees' responses, I have presented them to the informants before publication to ensure that my interpretation and transcription match what they intended to express. Upon completion of the dissertation, the entire research has been presented to the interviewees, allowing them to see how their answers were used throughout the research and “this demonstrates greater respect for potential difference of interpretation and the right to a fair voice” (Somekh and Lewin, 2004: 57). In conclusion, all the points mentioned above demonstrate how ethical considerations have been dealt with not only during the interviews but from the inception to completion of this research. The information obtained from the interviewees will be deleted after finishing the thesis such as their voice recordings to ensure anonymity.

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5.7 Data Analyses

I conducted eight of the interviewees in Arabic and three in Swedish and one of them in English. After completing the interviews, I immediately began translating the interviews into English. Every interview took between 40 to 70 minutes. While, translating and transcribing each interview took an average of 4 hours. As I have recorded the interviews, thus, I could listen to the records several times to make sure that everything has been transcribed correctly. Meanwhile, I transcribed each interviewees' answers, including their body language and all the details that occurred during the interview. Then, I reread all the details in the transcripts carefully to organise the material. I also groups together similar words, phrases and sentences in the answers of the interviewees in order to code them. Coding the data has allowed me to develop themes that are relevant and important to the subject of research, whilst also allowing me to exclude the codes that were irrelevant. In the results pane, most of the relevant materials were presented and analysed through a theoretical lens.

5.7.1 The Profile of the Interviewees

First-generation immigrants:

Rami: 52 years old, Muslim. He has lived in Sweden for ten years and lives in Malmö. Rami left

school at an early age. He lives with his wife and with their three children.

Saeed: 35 years old, Muslim. He has been living in Sweden for eight years. Saeed has a bachelor’s

degree from Iraq. He has been unemployed since he arrived in Sweden but recently started studying. He is single, and all his family still live in Iraq.

Yosef: 37 years old, Muslim. He has been living in Sweden for 11 years and lives in Halmstad.

Yosef has a bachelor’s degree from Iraq, and now he is a student. He is single, and his family and parents live in another city in Sweden.

Farid: 30 years old, atheist. He has been living in Sweden for nine years. Farid finished secondary

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Sami: 41 years old, Christian. He has been living in Sweden for 17 years. Sami studies his

bachelor’s degree and works part time. He has been working with different Swedish companies for ten years. He is single.

Rahaf: 36 years old, Muslim. She has been living in Sweden for 11 years. Rahaf lived in Iran for

5 years before her move to Sweden. She is married and has two children, and she is a student.

The descendants:

Khalid: 27 years old, Muslim. Both of his parents are first generation immigrants from Iraq.

Khalid left secondary school and started working. He is married and a father of one child.

Maha: 29 years old, Muslim. She studies a bachelor. She is a single, and a mother for two children.

Rose: 27 years old, Muslim. Both her parents are first generation immigrants from Iraq. She has a

diploma and works as a nurse. Rose is married and has two children.

Ali: 23 years old, Muslim. He studies a bachelor and works at the same time. Ali is single and lives

with his parents.

Hani: 25 years old, Mandai, both his parents are first-generation immigrants from Iraq. He left

school during secondary school and works part-time. Hani is single and lives alone.

Adam: 24 years old, Muslim. Both his parents are first-generation immigrants from Iraq. He lives

with his family and he works.

References

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