“We are saying no to homosexuality!”- A Critical Discourse Analysis of the Dialogue Between Zambia and the US Ambassador Regarding LGBT+ Rights Advocacy in a Postcolonial Context

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“We are saying no to homosexuality!”

A Critical Discourse Analysis of the Dialogue Between

Zambia and the US Ambassador Regarding LGBT+ Rights

Advocacy in a Postcolonial Context

Ida Karsten

Global Political Studies

International Migration and Ethnic Relations Bachelor Thesis: 15 Credits

Spring Semester 2020 Supervisor: Anders Hellström Word Count: 11,423

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Abstract

This thesis analyses a dialogue between the US ambassador to Zambia and two Zambian officials, regarding LGBT+ rights, following the sentencing of a same-sex couple by the Zambian high court. The theoretical framework utilizes postcolonial theory and a few of its concepts, namely cultural imperialism, and colonial discourses. To analyse the material, critical discourse analysis was conducted to examine if colonial discourse is present in the dialogue, and if so, how the discourses are used to reproduce or challenge the uneven power relationship between the West and Zambia. The thesis could conclude that discourses of cultural imperialism as well as colonial discourses were indeed

present in the dialogue. The US ambassador reproduced the uneven power structure and the Zambian officials both reproduced as well as challenged it. The findings aim to contribute to the field of global LGBT+ advocacy, especially when conducted in a postcolonial context.

Key Words: Postcolonialism. Global LGBT+ Advocacy. Cultural Imperialism. Colonial Discourse. Zambia.

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1. Introduction

1.1 Introduction to the topic

The idea of global Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender + (LGBT+) rights is

something that is disputed amongst scholars (Endong, 2016, p211). It is not that they are against LGBT+ rights, but more the way in which these are advocated for. It has been attested that LGBT+ rights advocacy does not always have the wanted effect in all countries and it can therefore end up hurting the very group of people it intended to protect (Kretz, 2013, p214). Many African leaders have publicly spoken out against homosexuality, claiming that it is a Western construct that has no place in Africa. The idea of homosexuality being ‘un-African’ has been disproven by many researchers, finding proof that it indeed existed in African communities before colonization (Endong, 2016, p211). However, since LGBT+ rights has become a symbol of Western powers’ foreign agenda, the notion of it being a Western construct is to some extent reinforced in the eyes of many African leaders. Furthermore, since the West has applied economic sanctions towards some of the countries who are not willing to except LGBT+ rights or who plan on enforcing tougher legislation, African leaders has argued that this is a form of neo-colonialism and cultural imperialism (Endong, 2016, p213).

1.2 Problem Area

In November 2019 two men were sentenced to 15 years in prison for ‘crimes against the order of nature by the Zambian high court. Following this, the U.S ambassador to

Zambia, Daniel Foote, spoke out publicly, criticizing the sentencing, posing the question if it is not time for Zambia to consider its outdated legislation (Rights Africa, 2019). Edgar Lungu, the Zambian President, defended the Zambian anti-homosexuality law and criticized the ambassador for interfering with Zambian judiciary affairs. This serves as the most recent example of a Western actor speaking out in favor of LGBT+ rights in Zambia, which is one of thirty-two African countries where it is illegal to be

homosexual. The Zambian anti-homosexuality law can be traced back to when it was implemented during the British colonial rule. While some African countries has recently overturned their anti-homosexuality legislation, Botswana being the latest example, others, like Zambia, remains resistant to the pressure from the West. It seems evident that, while LGBT+ rights advocacy is of vital importance, it does not, as of yet, have the wanted effect on countries like Zambia.

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1.3 Aim and Research Question

By analyzing both the language used in the US ambassador’s statement and the Zambian officials’ response to this criticism, this thesis aims to show the important role Zambia’s postcoloniality plays in their justification to reject homosexuality and how therefore, attempts at pressure from the West can be interpreted as cultural imperialism. The focus of this thesis is not, in any way, to justify Zambia’s actions and laws against

homosexuality, but to offer a perspective in the debate on how they themselves justify it. The thesis will, through the lens of postcolonialism highlight colonial discourses and cultural imperialism, using Critical Discourse Analysis. To specify the research problem, the following research questions will be posed:

- Can colonial discourse be found in the dialogue between the US ambassador and the Zambian officials, regarding the issue of LGBT+ rights?

- If so, is it used by Zambian officials as a way of justifying their rejection of LGBT+ rights?

2. Study Justification and contribution

International Migration and Ethnic Relations (IMER) addresses a large variety of issues in an increasingly globalized world. It is a multidisciplinary field of research, including concepts such as culture and ethnicity. This thesis touches on topics relating to the postcolonialism and the idea of global human rights. When conducting the literature review, a gap in the research was found. Although, several scholars have written about the topic of LGBT+ rights in Zambia, also relating it to resisting the West, the specific event used in this thesis has yet to be analyzed from a postcolonial perspective.

Conducting this type of research is important as it gives an idea of what works and what does not, when it comes to promoting LGBT+ rights in other countries. Since, evidently this type of promotion does not have the wanted effect in every country, it is vital to understand why. For the global LGBT+ rights movement to be more successful world-wide, the specific context of that country must be taken into consideration, especially for countries with a colonial history (Chang, 2014, p311-13).

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2.1 Contribution to the field

While trying to explain Zambia’s resistance to homosexuality, some researchers (van Klinken 2013, 2014, 2015 & 2017) have focused on the role of religion, namely Christianity, and others have focused on how homophobic discourse is used as a political tool to divert attention from other issues in the country (McKay & Angotti, 2014). Chang (2014), however, used postcolonialism to explain Singapore’s rejection of homosexuality. This thesis aims to discover whether the same can be concluded for Zambia. Also, material used in this thesis is relatively new, from November 2019, and has therefore, to the best of my knowledge, yet to be analyzed in this context.

2.2 Terminology

This thesis will use the acronym LGBT+ when referring to Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender people. The + at the end, represents the variety of other sexual identities that exists, to make it more inclusive. Although, at times in this thesis ‘homosexuality’ will also be used, as this is the term used by the Zambian officials.

3. Literature Review

3.1 Global LGBT+ Rights Advocacy in Africa

The gay liberation movement surfaced in Western countries in the 1960’s and 1970’s and has since then gradually come to define itself as global, aiming to spread

internationally. While from the start, the idea of liberation and equality was the goal, it has since then been framed as human rights. Through this, it has had success in terms of recognition from international organizations, such as the UN and the EU, and is

currently influencing political discourse in countries across the world (Kollman & Waites, 2009, p1-2). There are many examples of Western political leaders speaking up for LGBT+ rights in recent years. In 2011, the British Prime Minister David Cameron stated that he was willing to cut the aid to countries not respecting the rights of LGBT+ people. Only months later, Hillary Clinton, the US Secretary of State, that they would prioritize the rights of LGBT+ people in its foreign policy (Van Klinken, 2013, p 533).

Floribert Patrick Calvain Endong (2016, p211) states that there is an ongoing ideological battle between those countries that are pro-LGBT+ rights and those that are

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anti-LGBT+ rights. The African countries that oppose homosexuality typically

motivates this on moral, religious, and cultural grounds, arguing that it is ‘un-African’. Many scholars have continuously pursued to disprove this idea of homosexuality being ‘un-African’ and have provided various proof for homosexuality existing in African communities before colonization (Endong, 2016, p212-13).

Kretz (2013, pp213-14) discusses the LGBT+ rights advocacy across Africa with its’ main goal of encouraging African countries to rethink their current legislations and call for worldwide decriminalization of homosexuality. This was stated by the

Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon and was met with some success, as a few African countries reconsidered their current legislations. Although, others have been met with more resistance, both from political leaders and from religious leaders. On occasion, even LGBT+ activists have spoken out against foreign LGBT+ right advocacy. The fear is that if Western powers starts cutting aid to their country for not decriminalizing it will most likely create a backlash for the LGBT+ community.

According to Epprecht (Sexuality and Social Justice in Africa: Rethinking Homophobia and Forging Resistance, 2013) today’s debate on LGBT+ rights in African countries is more complex than the notion of the liberal west against the conservative Africa. For one, the West has only recently become liberal in this issue and secondly those most outspoken against homosexuality in African countries can be linked to Western Christian missionary activity.

3.2 LGBT+ Rights in Zambia

The legal status of homosexuality in Zambia is addressed in the Penal Code, Section 155 and reads as follows:

“Any person who has carnal knowledge against the order of nature; or […] permits a male person to have carnal knowledge of him or her against the order of nature commits a felony and liable, upon conviction, to imprisonment for a term not less than fifteen years and may be liable to imprisonment for life” (van Klinken, 2017, p14).

According to a survey by Afrobarometer in 2016, over 90% of respondents in Zambia would dislike living next to a homosexual, which underlines a low tolerance for homosexuality. This, in combination with religious and traditional leaders, which have

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great influence, publicly opposing homosexuality means that any attempt at publicly supporting LGBT+ rights would come with a great electoral cost. So far, no major political actor has publicly spoken in favour for LGBT+ rights. Instead it is used in a negative manor. Western actors have had a tradition of using silent diplomacy and supporting local NGO initiatives instead of speaking up publicly for the rights of LGBT+ people. When this line is overstepped there are diplomatic backlashes and Zambian officials has seen it as a disrespect (Wahman & Drury, 2018, pp2-5).

Van Klinken (2013, p 533) states that the many comments made by Western political leaders in favour of LGBT+ rights can be experienced as the West not allowing Zambia to govern its own state and thus, threatening the status of Zambia as an independent nation (Van Klinken, 2013, p 532). It is suggested that Zambia has a culture of

discretion, meaning that even though homosexuality is forbidden, it would be accepted by the community, as long as it was not out in the open. Thus, when Zambia is

compelled to publicly recognize homosexuality it is then forced to voice its opinion against this, in their eyes, immoral same-sex practice. Therefore, Van Klinken states (2013, p 534), the notion of pressuring Zambia can be seen as counterproductive. While Van Klinken (2017, p3-4) brings up the notion that an anti-homosexuality stance has become the focal point in African leaders’ way to show their discontent with Western reform pressure, as could also be said about Zambia, he focuses on the role of

Pentecostal Christianity. Van Klinken (2015) specifically focuses on the fact that Zambia is defined as a Christian nation, as enshrined in the Constitution in 1996 and how this has direct implications for the debate on homosexuality.

3.3 Postcolonialism and Western LGBT+ Rights Advocacy

Stewart Chang has in his article “The Postcolonial Problem for Gay Rights” (2014) focused on the postcolonial perspective of Singapore and the issue of neo-colonialism within the global LGBT+ rights movement. He challenges the idea of global LGBT+ rights advocacy when it is applied in a postcolonial context. It is argued that Singapore developed a distinguished form of cultural nationalism during decolonization that, to some extent, set it apart from the West. He goes on to argue that Singapore’s

postcolonial history played a crucial part in the upholding of the countries

anti-homosexuality laws by the Singaporean Parliament (Chang, 2014, p 309-10). He states, “The ultimate goal of this article is to prevent gay rights from becoming another neo-colonial enterprise that imposes yet another form of subordination on non-Western

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foreign governments and populations” (2014, p 310). LGBT+ rights have become thing of “modernity”. The countries who recognize gay rights will be considered as modern and civilized while those choosing not to will be perceived as backwards. The model of global gay rights, of course, have had success in some countries, however, this does not mean it can be applied everywhere. In order to be more effective in reaching the other countries, especially when it comes to those with a colonial past, it must be considered that there is a potential neo-colonial undertone in the global gay rights movement, as it is today (Chang, 2014, p311-13).

The LGBT+ rights movement has in recent years come to be looked upon as symbol for Western values and Western hegemony (Endong, 2016, p220). The African leaders advocating against homosexuality can therefore be interpreted to not be

advocating against homosexuality per say, but against the West and its perceived imperialistic measures (Endong, 2016, p213). Western powers have, as of lately, used economic sanctions, such as the withdrawal or threat to withdrawal of financial aid to countries who maintain anti-gay legislations. Also, the same goes for international bodies driven by Western ideals, such as the United Nations and the European Union. Wahman and Drury (2018) argues that an important variable in successful LGBT+ rights advocacy is if the country in question is dependent on foreign aid, as this gives the donor country a certain amount of leverage. Endong (2016, p217) argues that this

approach to LGBT+ rights advocacy suggests that Western powers wishes to take advantage of their economic power to enforce their specific framework of human rights. As many African countries are economically inferior to the West, they will struggle with upholding their stance. Therefore, he argues that the same civilization mission that occurred during colonization, still continuous in modern day Africa, though perhaps in a more subtle way (Endong, 2016, p218-19).

McKay and Angotti (Ready Rhetorics: Political Homophobia and Activist Discourses in Malawi, Nigeria, and Uganda, 2016) explain in their article how homophobia has become a tool for which politicians can promote social unity and national identity by posing homosexuality as a foreign threat to the nation and its people. Using an anti-homosexual rhetoric is also commonly put together with discourses of anti-colonialism and Christian nationalism. Anti-gay legislations are often met with critique from other actors, international or national, which can lead the country in question down two paths. They can either seek to join the line of ‘civilized’ and

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progressive countries or remain resistant and preserve a national identity that is separate from the West.

4. Theoretical Framework

It is of most importance for this thesis to look at Zambia’s postcoloniality as it relates to the anti-homosexuality laws in place at present and also offers an explanation to why Zambia today chooses to reject Western norms, namely LGBT+ rights. This thesis will deploy postcolonial theory to explain the political effects on Zambia, being a former British colony. In the following chapter I will present the main theoretical schools of postcolonialism and give an outline for important concepts that reinforces my thesis. Firstly, the difference between Colonialism, postcolonialism and postcoloniality will be discussed. Secondly, an introduction to postcolonial theory will be given. Thirdly, the concept of neo-colonialism is explained as it is relevant often used by African leaders to justify their stance on homosexuality. Then, Said’s Orientalism will introduce the topic of the Other. Following this culture imperialism will be explained as its discourses are used in the analysis. Finally, colonial discourses will be discussed as well as the theoretical categories used for the analysis.

4.1 Colonialism, Postcolonialism and Postcoloniality

Since Postcolonialism essentially means ‘after’ colonialism, it appears important to first understand the concept of colonialism. Colonialism is typically thought of as one nation controlling another politically, while exploiting it and occupying its territory (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffins, 2007, pp40-41). The European Colonial Project, starting during the 16th century and continued through to just after World War II ended, is the period most typically connected to the term colonialism (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffins, 2007, p223). There have been various debates regarding whether to use the term ‘post-colonialism’ or ‘postcolonialism’. This thesis has chosen to use the unbroken term of postcolonialism due to it being more sensitive to the lengthy history of colonial consequences. Further, the theory can be referred to as postcolonialism while the condition will be referred to as ‘postcoloniality’ (Gandhi, 2019, p3-4). The term postcolonialism was previously used to chronologically describe the period of time after independence. However, following the 1970’s, it has been deployed to explain the numerous cultural and political effects on

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former colonies, as a result of colonization, and aims at confronting Western dominance (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffins, 2007, p168).

4.2 Postcolonial Theory

Postcolonialism can be viewed as an umbrella term for theories concerning the harmful consequences of colonialism while also conceptualizes the cultural and economic reconstitution that follows. Postcolonial theorists typically focus on the way hierarchical identities are reproduced, internalized, and constructed through the means of action and language. It is these identities that can hinder the postcolonial countries from developing as they uphold political and/or economic structures (Wininger, 2011). Following

colonialism, as the country regains independence, there is a frequent will to forget and move on from the colonial past, which is termed postcolonial amnesia. It becomes important for the newly independent country to have a sort of self-invention where the old memories are erased (Gandhi, 2019, p4). The former colony would typically find it important to develop a postcolonial culture, in which ideologies from the colonial state would be rejected (Young, 2001, p57). However, history cannot simply be repressed but remains as an element in the present (Gandhi, 2019, p4). Postcolonialism is thought of as the resistance to this amnesia where it is valued not to forget but to remember and confront the colonial past (Gandhi, 2019, p4). Unlike terms such as ‘neocolonialism’ and ‘imperialism’, postcolonialism manages not only to critique the history of

colonialism and its circumstances, but to also describe how these are experienced by the former colonial subjects. It is argued that today, the postcolonial longing for

self-determination and autonomy is also partly controlled by the many international practices and globalized institutions. Critics of postcolonialism argues that, especially for many African countries, the period of which they were colonized was brief and should therefore not be used to, in any way, define their historical past. However, the ‘post’ in postcolonialism, is meant to give tribute to the achievement of resisting the colonial power (Young, 2001, p58-61).

While the term postcolonialism has been critiqued for being old-fashioned and limiting this thesis argues, in line with other researchers, that it is still useful for understanding how the contemporary world has been formatted by colonialism. In those terms, postcolonialism can be viewed as aiming to correct the imbalances that followed

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postcolonialism stands out as a useful theoretical framework as it is largely centered around language (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffins, 2007, p1).

4.2.1 Neo-Colonialism

In 1965, the first President of Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah, coined the term

‘neo-colonialism’ in his book Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism. Basically, the term means new colonialism. Nkrumah suggested by this that former colonial powers and new superpowers were still exercising indirect control of the cultures and economies of recently independent countries, like Ghana. He continued by arguing that

neo-colonialism was even more difficult to resist than neo-colonialism. Today the term is widely used to describe any type of control applied on former colonies (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin, 2007, p146). Neo-colonialism is not easily distinguished from colonialism and is typically thought of as a new wave of colonialism. Basically, the term neo-colonialism involves the economic and political control of a dependent territory (Ogar; Nwoye; Bassey, 2019, p91). In other words, it can be described as economically well-off countries in power positions getting involved with public interest matters in poorer countries holding less power. However, in academia there is no one consistent definition of the term (Amsalu; Zuping, 2018, p366-7). Langan uses the definition of

‘neo-colonialism’ as “a situation of infringed national sovereignty and intrusive influence by external elements”. However, today the term neo-colonialism is something that is considered by many scholars to be an outdated concept (Langan, 2018, p1). It is critiqued for reducing those subjugated to colonialism as mere victims and thus erases them as being capable of their own agency.

4.2.2 Said’s Orientalism

Orientalism can be thought of as postcolonialism’s first phase and is typically regarded as a reference point. Instead of focusing mainly on anti-colonial resistance, it looks at the textual and discursive making of colonial meanings. Edward Said’s Orientalism explores the continuously imbalanced relationship between the West, mainly focusing on British and French imperialism of the nineteenth century, and the ‘Orient’ or alternatively the ‘Other’ (Gandhi, 2019, p64-66). The ‘Orient’ is merely the West’s imitation or depiction of the Eastern world, constructed by stereotypes and assumptions. Orientalism would be used by the West to dominate and claim authority over the

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colonial other. One example would be to look at the Western representation and

discussion of Africa since the nineteenth century. By continuing this construction of the ‘Orient’, it is argued that the West can maintain a certain amount of political control (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin, 2007, p153-154).

4.3 Cultural Imperialism

Emerging in the 1960’s, the term ‘cultural imperialism’ does not have a long history but has since then become part of the general intellectual knowledge with in

postcolonialism. According to Tomlinson (1991, p2) the term ‘cultural imperialism’ is one that is hard to define, though many have made attempts. Tomlinson himself avoids any initial attempts at defining it since he argues that there is no single definition that could grasp the meaning of the term, stating “the concept of cultural imperialism is one which must be assembled out of its discourse” (Tomlinson, 1991, p3). In essence, the term could be thought of as the spreading of values, where economic power plays an immense role. Although, it is stated that in most literature there is a lot of focus on the economic aspect. Looking at the building stones of the term, ‘culture’ and ‘imperialism’, they are also notoriously hard to define. One popular definition of the term culture is that of E.B. Tylor: “Culture is…that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society” (Tomlinson, 1991, p4). Though, Raymond Williams has put it into three categories, where two of them are mostly used in the discourse of cultural imperialism, “(2) as indicative of a ‘particular way of life, whether of a people, a period, a group or humanity in general’ or (3) as a reference to ‘the works and practices of intellectual and especially artistic activity’” (Tomlinson, 1991, p5). One important development of the term was the pluralisation of the term to ‘cultures’, which implies that there is not one correct culture, but many. This has developed into the idea that particular cultures have a sense of sovereignty and that only the ones in this culture have the right to judge it, not anyone else. This notion is incredibly important for the concept of cultural imperialism. Those opposing cultural imperialism have grounded their arguments in liberal values and the idea that there are many ways of life (Tomlinson, 1991, p5-6). The term ‘imperialism’ is most simply described as the formation of an empire, where one country extends its rule over another. Although, it might at first sound like colonialism there is a distinction between the two. A useful distinction of the terms imperialism and colonialism was offered by Edward Said who stated that, basically, colonialism is a

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consequence of imperialism. Where Imperialism is the ideological force and colonialism is what it becomes in practice (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin, 2007, p111). The start of what is thought of as ‘classical imperialism’ can be traced back to the ‘scramble for Africa’ in 1885, following the Berlin Congo Conference, where European leaders divided African territory between themselves. This was commonly motivated by a will to change the lives in these ‘barbaric’ nations for the better (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin, 2007, p112). Tomlinson (1991, p18-20) speaks about the importance of asking ‘who speaks?’ when dealing with discourses of cultural imperialism, as to avoid

misrepresentation. Even the research of cultural imperialism can end up being exclusive and even imperialistic since the majority of the research is not taking into consideration any other than the English language. To make it possible to address these discourses, he has proposed four different ways of talking about cultural imperialism; as ‘media imperialism’, as discourse of nationality, as a culture of capitalism and as the critique of modernity.

4.4 Colonial Discourse

For this thesis, two general colonial discourses, that outline the identities of the

colonizer and the colonized, are used, namely discourses of evolution and discourses of Otherness.

4.5 Discourses of Evolution

The discourses of evolution gained legitimacy mainly during the 19th_century

simultaneously with social Darwinism. The idea that drives the discourse is that societies should progress naturally, not unlike nature itself, from more primitive to modern societies. The colonizers thought of the colonized as uncivilized and backwords, which they perceived as them simply being behind Europe in its progress. In turn, this gave legitimacy to the idea of the West should be responsible for a mission to develop these backwards countries (Eriksson Baaz, 2002, p53).

4.6 Discourse of Otherness

One of the key ideas in postcolonial studies is the concept of the Other, which becomes a contrast to the Self. Otherness as a concept divides the world into two opposites. The

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(the colonized), is instead feminine, evil, irrational, and backwards. This concept can be understood through binary opposition which explains how these meanings are created in text. It highlights the contrast between terms which are mutually exclusive, such as between civilized and savage. This dichotomy has been especially visible in

colonization as it, in the eyes of the colonizer, legitimized them to civilize the primitive savages. For postcolonialism, the dichotomy of colonizer/colonized becomes important since it describes the tension between the two. The colonizing Self believes that the colonized Other must be owned and altered. The overall aim of colonizer is to impose their language and culture onto the Other (Al-Saidi, 2014, p95-97). Further, there are a variety of different discourses concerning constructions of identity of the Self and the

Other. Two of them will be used outlined below as they are valuable for the analysis.

The Self is represented by the US ambassador, Daniel Foote, and the Other will be represented by the two Zambian officials, President Edgar Lungu and Foreign Minister Joseph Malanji.

4.6.1 The progressive Self and the Stagnated Other

This discourse is connected to the evolution discourse, where the Self is constructed as more developed and therefore superior to the Other. The Western Self is more

developed on many levels, such as morally, economically as well as culturally, while the Other is thought of as almost childish. The Self takes on the role as an educator for the Other and introduces modernity. Another signifier for this type of discourse can be what is termed “Afropessimism”, where Africa is thought of as hopeless (Eriksson Baaz, 2002, p130-136).

4.6.2 The active Self and the passive Other

In this discourse the Other is constructed to be irresponsible, lazy and passive, while the Self shows responsibility and is active. This type of dichotomy is relatively influential when donor aid is involved. Previously, this helped to legitimize the colonizers as they, in their mind, would set out to teach the Other work ethics. Today, this translates to the Other being portraited as a lazy aid recipient. The Self is spoiling the Other with aid which leaves the Other unable or unwilling to take their own initiatives when it comes to development. Therefore, the Self is left being the only one working hard for the

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To summarize, the theoretical framework that has been presented, will allow this thesis to use a wide range of the theory which is focused on the aftermath of colonialism and how discourses can construct postcolonial identities. Since the analysis if focused on finding evidence of discourse that amplifies or challenges the current power structure, it will examine the occurrence of colonial discourses as well as discourses of cultural imperialism.

5. Methodology

5.1 Qualitative method

The main focus of qualitative research is to analyse small samples of text and, in case of conducting interviews, to use open-ended questions. This is in contrast with quantitative research that instead focuses on larger samples, typically using surveys with “fixed choice” questions (Silverman, 2001, p4-13). Since this thesis aims at gaining deeper knowledge of a social phenomenon, a qualitative research approach will be applied (Silverman, 2001, p31-34). A common critique of qualitative research is that it this approach allows the result to be influenced by the researchers own political values (Silverman, 2001, p25). Also, since the research has a tendency to be anecdotal in its approach, the validity and reliability is often questioned (Silverman, 2001, p33-34). However, for the type of research conducted in this thesis where different areas of social reality are to be measured, quantitative data, such as statistics, are not sufficient.

Qualitative research will, however, allow more flexibility which will in turn let the researcher be more innovative (Silverman, 2001, p 25-32). One way in which validity can be increased, is by utilizing triangulation. This implies the usage of multiple theories, methods, and empirical material in order to raise the validity of the research. For qualitative research the most common type is to use multiple methods (Silverman, 2014, p93). However, due to limited space in this thesis, triangulation will not be conducted.

5.2 Constructivist approach

The focal point for this thesis is the rights of LGBT+ people in a post-colonial setting. Laws concerning sexual minority rights are constructed by people, they do not occur

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naturally. Since laws reflect different social realities across the world they will also vary. With regards to this focus, the thesis will follow a constructivist view. According to constructivism, these social patterns are a product of our own making, they are not fixed by nature. The worldview that we have is shaped by the contextual and social impacts that surrounds us. Thus, looking at the same thing, people from different cultures or people of different ages or genders might view it differently. Some things that people have created do not exist in the physical world but are merely based on human

agreements. These are, for example, the idea of a country’s sovereignty and the use of money. These are referred to as social facts. Generally, when conducting constructivist research, the “truth” becomes of lesser importance and the focus will be more on the meaning of that action for the person acting it (Moses & Knutsen, 2007, p10-11). When looking at philosophy of science from a constructivist perspective it is argued that the patterns we seek to make sense of can all be traced back to the very person observing them. History, language and the society we live in can all influence the way in which we seek to understand a social phenomenon (Moses & Knutsen, 2007, p165-166). Our knowledge is not static but is constantly changing as history shows us (Moses & Knutsen, 2007, p176). The society one lives in has an important part in us gaining knowledge as it is gained by interaction with other people in that society that are also maintaining and producing this knowledge. From this perspective it is argued that good ideas eventually become perceived as facts (Moses & Knutsen, 2007, 176-182).

Language can be understood as a strategical tool by which politicians gain or hold power, creates oppositions and alliances, and call for national unity (Dunmire, 2012, pp732-33). Language plays an important role as facts are argued to be language

dependant. Since the world consists of facts this implies that our reality could not exist independently of language (Moses & Knutsen, 2007, 187). For constructivists it is important how we choose to approach to gain knowledge and to do so carefully. Since knowledge is generated by someone, it is vital to understand the purpose behind it and therefore to approach knowledge critically (Moses & Knutsen, 2007, p194-195). When analysing the texts used in this thesis it is therefore important to keep in mind that the two different authors come from two different perspectives and have different agendas with their statements. The contexts of the texts must be considered.

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5.2.1 The Researchers’ Role and Ethics

When discussing issues of LGBT+ rights in a non-Western former colony, such as in this thesis, it is important to unveil the researcher’s role and how this could possibly lead to researcher’s bias. As the researcher, I position myself within the constructivist

worldview, the same as in this thesis, which means that the social world is not objective and is constructed through language. By conducting this study, I will too reproduce a certain worldview and therefore be an active part in constructing the social world. There is a common critique of using Discourse Analysis, that the researcher is selecting and interpreting the material, which leaves room for there to be bias (Jørgensen & Philips, 2002, p20-23). While, trying to be objective throughout this study, it is important to mention that I am a white, cis-gendered woman, born and raised in the Western country of Sweden. I am for the promotion of LGBTQ+ rights and hope to one day see these rights being embraced worldwide. This has given me a certain world view that might influence this research.

5.3 Material and Data Selection

Zambia has been chosen as a case study as it is a former British colony that still has the anti-sodomy laws, implemented under British rule, in place. In addition to this, Zambia has, as mentioned, recently received criticism from international actors due to the sentencing of a same-sex couple. The Zambian President has only given a handful of interviews on the subject, which means that it is easier to select the samples. The

purpose of analysing these textual statements is to unveil the dominant discourses in the argumentation between the West and Zambia and to further see if there is discourses of cultural imperialism and neo-colonialism present in the debate. This thesis will use textual material for its analysis. When using CDA, naturally occurring data will be used, as opposed to research-provoked data, which entails the researcher conducting

interviews. The material is secondary and critically selected from different internet sources. For this thesis transcripts of talk in a political context will be used (Silverman, 2006, p227). To select the appropriate data for this thesis, Google was used to search for phrases such as “Daniel Foote gay rights in Zambia” and “President Edgar Lungu on homosexuality”. There are several newspapers quoting the two, describing the situation. According to MISA Zambia (2020) there has been several threats to the freedom of expression concerning the media in Zambia during the period of October to December 2019. Therefore, if possible, the speeches and statements to be analyzed, will be

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transcribed by me directly from the videotaped interviews, then quotes relevant to the thesis will be selected. The Newspapers and websites used where carefully selected and where not mentioned by MISA Zambia (2020) as being unreliable. To retrieve the speeches and statements in whole, YouTube was used. On YouTube, one could find both ambassador Daniel Foote’s and President Edgar Lungu’s complete interviews and speeches on the matter, conducted in English. According to Silverman (2006, p240) transcripts of recordings have the advantage of preserving the sequence of talk while also giving the researcher the opportunity to improve the transcripts. The initial statement of Daniel Foote, as well as the statement made by Foreign Minister Joseph Malanji could not be found in video format and is therefore quoted from newspaper articles, which were critically sourced.

5.3.1 Validity and Reliability of the Research

There is a common assumption that qualitative research is less valid than quantitative. However, there are ways to increase the validity and reliability without using official statistics and such. To improve the validity of this research, comprehensive data treatment has been used as a method to be able to make a credible generalization of the material by continuously inspecting and comparing the collected data (Silverman, 2014, p100-102).

5.4 Discourse Analysis

As the thesis is positioned within a constructivist worldview, the most suitable method to be utilized, considering its aim, is Discourse Analysis, which is one of the preferred methods in constructivist research (Moses & Knutsen, 2007, p195-196). This method involves the analysis of interviews and texts, separately or in combination with each other. The use of language and how it is used as a medium for interactions, serves as the focus of this method. Analyzing texts and their rhetorical and argumentative

organization that aims at undermining the alternatives, are especially highlighted

(Silverman, 2001, p177-178). Language is not seen as neutral when studying discourses. When writing or speaking, some details might be included or excluded, which will in turn lead to a specific version of the social world being produced. This thesis will use ‘naturally occurring data’, which means that the written texts analyzed, would exists independently of the researcher (Silverman, 2014, p316-318). One common criticism of

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Discourse Analysis is that this method has not always been receptive to all features of talk (Silverman, 2001, p188).

The term ‘discourse’ has become popular in various contexts where it is rarely defined, and this has caused the concept to become quite vague. Generally, the term discourse is aimed at capturing the patterns of language that is used in different spheres of social life. More specifically, it can be thought of as “a particular way of talking about and

understanding the world (or an aspect of the world)” (Jørgensen & Philips, 2002, p1). Discourse analysis simply means the analysis of these patterns. By using certain discourses, we have a role in changing and creating social relations and identity. Applying discourse analysis can be useful for a multitude of contexts with the aim of understanding how language is used different developments across the world (Jørgensen & Philips, 2002, p1-2).

5.4.1 Critical Discourse Analysis

Since there is an interest in exploring the power dynamics between Zambia and the West, the thesis has chosen to deploy Critical Discourse Analysis as it is suitable to reveal inequality and injustice (Philips & Jørgensen, 2002, p77). According to Teun Van Dijk (2008, p352)

“Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is a type of discourse analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context”.

As a researcher conducting CDA, the ultimate goal is to expose and resist social inequality (Ibid.). As for this thesis, the main interest is to improve the rights for the Zambian LGBT+ community. For that to happen, the aim has been pointed towards the global LGBT+ rights movement and how they, from a western standpoint, can improve their interactions with countries, such as Zambia, with a colonial history. Van Dijk goes on to say that there are five requirements that needs to be fulfilled in order for CDA to be justifiably used. Firstly, in order to be accepted, research conducted as CDA needs to be better than other research. Secondly, the main focus of the research should be on political issues and social problems. Thirdly, if one is to make an acceptable analysis of social problems, it tends to be multidisciplinary. The fourth requirement states that the

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aim is not to describe discourse structures but to explain them, especially in terms of social structures. Lastly, CDA is focused on dominance and power in society and in which ways they are challenged, confirmed or reproduced.

There are many different aspects of language that can be valuable for CDA, however, these can be hard to pick up if the researcher is not an expert in linguistics (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002, 126).

5.5 Framework for Analysis

CDA typically utilizes existing texts in its entirety but paragraphs or sections of this text might also be selected. Once the material is selected the historical and social context in which the text was produced will be examined, including the producer of the text. By coding the text, the major themes will be identified. Following this, the external relations in the text will be analyzed. This entails examination from what ideological standpoint the author of the text has. The social relations that inflicts on the text, meaning how the arguments in the texts are formed by social structures and how the social practices are impacted by the text, will be analyzed. After, the internal relations in the text will be studied. Here it is important to look at specific patterns or words that represents the different social contexts, power relations or positions of the author. This can be examined by looking at use of quoted material or what the leading statements are. All these themes and external/internal relations will then be interpreted in the broader context already established (Mullet, 2018, p121-125). To analyse the speeches and statements this thesis will comb through the language used and highlight findings of discourses relating to postcolonialism described in the theory section. As stated in the requirements for using CDA, the focus will lie on examining the text for discourses and explaining them in their context. If there is postcolonial discourse in the text, this thesis will explore whether it is challenging, confirming, or reproducing the power relationship between the West and Zambia. The Self is represented by the US ambassador to

Zambia, Daniel Foote, and the Other is represented by Zambian Foreign Minister, Joseph Malanji, and President Edgar Lungu. The aim is to see whether colonial discourses as well as discourses of cultural imperialism can be found in their usage of language.

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6. Analysis

In the theory section, different frameworks where presented: Discourses of Cultural Imperialism, Discourses of Evolution and Discourses of Otherness with its two different identity formations. If these discourses are indeed present, postcolonial discourse could be suggested to exist in the dialogue. The four different speeches and statements will be analysed through a postcolonial lens using the mentioned theoretical concepts.

To help this process, several guiding questions has been created.

Cultural Imperialism: Does discourses of cultural imperialism occur in the material?

Could the way in which the US ambassador phrases his statement be interpreted as culturally imperialistic? Do the Zambian officials draw use of the concept of cultural imperialism in their response?

Discourses of Evolution: Are there discourses of evolution found in the material? How

does the US ambassador refer to Zambia’s development? Are there dichotomies, such as primitive/civilized present in the texts?

Discourses of Otherness: Are there discourses of Otherness present in the material?

How is the US’s Self versus the Zambian Other depicted in the texts? Does the US ambassador describe the US as developed, and Zambia as less developed? Is the US described as active and Zambia passive? Is this discourse challenged or reproduced by the Zambian officials? Do the Zambian officials relate their response to any colonial discourse?

The analysis will be divided into two sections, one analysing Daniel Foote’s statements and one analysing the Zambian responses, namely that of President Edgar Lungu and Foreign Minister Joseph Malanji. The statements will not be analysed in a chronological order. However, their context will be explained in the analysis. The analysis will first examine the occurrence of discourses of cultural imperialism, secondly of evolution and thirdly of otherness.

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6.1 Daniel Foote, The US Ambassador

Firstly, Daniel Foote’s statements will be put into context. He makes his first statement following the sentencing of the same-sex couple, stating that he is horrified. He goes on to accuse the Zambian government of corruption and stealing funds while wondering why this is not receiving more scrutiny from the government than the issue of

homosexuality (Rights Africa, 2019). The second statement analysed is made following the comments made by Foreign Minister Malanji, where he accused the ambassador of meddling in Zambian Judiciary Affairs (Diggers, 2019). His second statement is

considerably longer than his first, which is why the focus will mainly be on the second. Now, the two statements will be analysed with the guidance of the theoretical

framework and CDA.

6.1.1 Cultural Imperialism

Cultural imperialism, as presented in the theory section 4.3, implies the continuing of a Western hegemony after independence. To bring this into an African perspective, there are those who argue that there has been a considerate westernization of African culture. This, in regard to social life, sexuality and religion, amongst others. African culture and values are regarded as inferior to the Western (Rahaman, Yeazdani, Mahmud, 2017, p13). This suggestion can be found in some aspects of the US ambassador’s statements. In his second statement, he is quoted saying the following,

“In full transparency, my job as the United States ambassador is to promote the interest, ideals, and values of the United States of America.” (Daniel Foote in “US Ambassador to Zambia, Mr Daniel Foote Respond Back to Zambian Government”, 2019, 03:03-03:14).

It is of course relevant to mention that this is the role of an ambassador. However, it could narrowly be interpreted as cultural imperialism. Especially since there is typically economic power in play in cultural imperialism and the US is giving aid to Zambia. When asked if there could be a cut back in the US aid to Zambia due to the sentencing, the ambassador replied,

“However, over time, and it has been two years for me, if you see that someone is not cooperating, I think the natural inclination would be that assistance levels could

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24 change.” (Daniel Foote in “US Ambassador to Zambia, Mr Daniel Foote Respond Back to Zambian Government”, 2019, 19:13-19:30).

The ambassador also brings up the fact that Zambia is a US aid recipient several times throughout his statement. This can be interpreted as the US displaying their economic power over Zambia and in return expect Zambia to comply with their idea of values and culture. This can also be found in his later statement,

“The exceptional yearly assistance from American to Zambian citizens and the constitution of Zambia, should enable all of us to express our opinions without acrimonious accusations or actions.” (Daniel Foote in “US Ambassador to Zambia, Mr Daniel Foote Respond Back to Zambian Government”, 2019, 16:04-16:22).

The ambassador is acknowledging that since the US holds economic power over Zambia there is a fear from Zambian side that they are going to be ruled by the US, as in the following statement,

“And I fear that they worry that the United States are going to tell them what to do, we are not going to tell them what to do, but we are going to hold them accountable for real partnership and we are going to express our opinion when we see things that are inappropriate, either to their responsibilities under this partnership or to Zambia’s own constitution.” (Daniel Foote in “US Ambassador to Zambia, Mr Daniel Foote Respond Back to Zambian Government”, 2019, 25:19-25:48).

To summarize, by using this type of language, the ambassador is reproducing the discourses of cultural imperialism by, through economic power pushing for influence regarding Zambia’s values.

6.1.2 Discourse of Evolution

As described previously in the theory section, discourses of evolution entail the notion of a natural movement of all societies towards a higher level of development in terms of economy, morals, and knowledge. This results in the justification of the West ‘helping’, in their eyes, less developed countries to become more developed. In Daniel Foote’s first statement there was a comment that could be interpreted as a discourse of evolution, such as the following quote,

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25 “Perhaps, it’s time for Zambia to consider its outdated stance and obsolete

legislation on how to treat the LGBT+ community, and all others considered “different.” (Daniel Foote, Rights Africa, 2019).

Posing Zambia’s legislation as ‘outdated and obsolete’ is saying that it is outdated compared to the US’s idea of a modern legislation. By saying this, it can be implied that Zambia is considered to be backwards, which is an indicator for discourses of evolution. The US ambassador is, by posing the Zambian legislation as outdated, elevating the US’s as modern, implying that the US has developed faster. This type of language is also seen in the following quote from his second statement,

“The US government is far from perfect and we always welcome feedback, including from Zambia, through your Embassy in Washington D.C. If we did not, we might not have changed our own repugnant laws, allowing slavery and other human rights contraventions.” (Daniel Foote in “US Ambassador to Zambia, Mr Daniel Foote Respond Back to Zambian Government”, 2019, 03:45-04:07).

Here, Foote gives an evolutionary outlook on development, acknowledging that the US has not always been as developed as it is today, and that they have been guilty of equally ‘repugnant’ acts, but that they since then have developed. This implies that societies will gradually develop, as the US has done and that it is expected for Zambia to follow suit. To summarize, discourses of evolution is present in the ambassador’s statements, as he paints the picture of the US as being higher up than Zambia on the development scale.

6.1.3 Discourses of Otherness

In the theory section, the discourses of otherness are described. These discourses are powered by dichotomies where the Self is distinctly different from the Other, described as responsible while the Other is irresponsible, and so forth. Within this framework, there are discourses posing the Self as active and progressive and the Other as passive and stagnant. These discourses could be found within the US ambassador’s statements quite frequently. The ambassador brings up the fact that Zambia is a recipient to US aid on several occasions, as in the following quote,

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26 “Zambia is one of the largest, per capita, recipients of US assistance in the world, at 500 million dollars each year. In these countries, where we contribute resources, this includes partnering in areas of mutual interest and holding the recipient government accountable for its responsibilities under this partnership.” (Daniel Foote in “US Ambassador to Zambia, Mr Daniel Foote Respond Back to Zambian Government”, 2019, 03:16-03:43).

This statement poses the Self as the economically superior one that holds the power in the partnership. The US is ’holding the recipient government accountable’ which could imply that the US has a paternal role for the Zambian Other that needs to be kept in line. Daniel Foote goes on to say,

“I agree that we should be working to improve critical problems, like food insecurity and the electricity shortage, but Americans cannot do it alone, without cooperation from your government.” (Daniel Foote in “US Ambassador to Zambia, Mr Daniel Foote Respond Back to Zambian Government”, 2019, 07:29-07:43).

By stating that ‘Americans cannot do it alone’, it implies that the Self is doing all the work without the help from the Zambian Other, described as passive. As previously explained in section 4.6.2, today the discourse of the passive Other is thought of in the terms of the Other being dependent on Western aid and that they have thus become lazy with no agency of their own. This is partly manifested in the following quote,

“Since I have been here it has been a one-way street. Zambia…The government of Zambia is happy for us to come in and pay for the majority of the health sector in Zambia, to do our work on economic development and prosperity, conservation, support Zambia’s great work with refugees and peacekeeping etc.. Zambia’s government is happy to do that.” (Daniel Foote in “US Ambassador to Zambia, Mr Daniel Foote Respond Back to Zambian Government”, 2019, 24:07-24:36).

The ambassador is by stating this, implying his frustration with the passiveness of the Zambian government. The Self is also posed to be more developed morally. In the following quote, the Self is produced to being alone in the fight for morals and truth while the Zambian Other is yet again passive.

“…and so now it is time to advocate for truth, openness and freedom here in Zambia. If nobody else is going to do it, I am going to do it, and whatever the

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27 consequences might be.” (Daniel Foote in “US Ambassador to Zambia, Mr Daniel Foote Respond Back to Zambian Government”, 2019, 23:13-23:27).

The Zambian Other is implied to lack any agency in fighting for their own morals and values and it is instead up to the US ambassador. The Other is also painted out to be very unappreciative for the help from the Self in the following quote:

“The overall Zambian government approach to US assistance has been incredibly unappreciative and arrogant and that is not the way you treat your bilateral friends.” (Daniel Foote in “US Ambassador to Zambia, Mr Daniel Foote Respond Back to Zambian Government”, 2019, 24:56-25:13).

As well as being unappreciative there is also a depiction of the Other as greedy and childish, as it cannot take on critique,

“The current government of Zambia wants foreign diplomates to be compliant, with open pocketbooks and closed mouths.” (Daniel Foote in “US Ambassador to Zambia, Mr Daniel Foote Respond Back to Zambian Government”, 2019, 08:49-09:00).

To summarize, there is a discourse of Otherness present in the ambassador’s statements. Although he at times gives credit to the Zambian people, the overall picture he paints is that of a very active and responsible Self and a very ungrateful, passive and

irresponsible Other.

6.2 Zambian Officials, President Edgar Lungu and Minister Joseph

Malanji

The two different statements will firstly be given context. The statement made by Minister Joseph Mulanji is provoked by the first statement of the US ambassador where he is horrified by the sentencing. President Lungu’s statement follows the ambassador’s second statement, where he has commented on the risk of cutting aid to Zambia.

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6.2.1 Cultural Imperialism

As established previously in the literature review of this thesis, the Western agenda to push for LGBT+ rights in postcolonial countries can be interpreted as cultural

imperialism. For African leaders, one way of resisting the West can be to focus its resistance on LGBT +rights (see Wahman and Drury (2018), Van Klinken (2017)). From an African perspective, homosexuality is not uncommonly thought of as being something from the West and that it is being imposed on African countries (see Endong, 2016). The West has been known to use economic sanctions as leverage in order to push forward their agenda. The US ambassador was quoted saying that the aid given to Zambia by the US could be reconsidered if they did not cooperate. President Edgar Lungu responded the following regarding the possibility of aid cuts,

“But I do not know, to be honest with you, how far this matter will go. Because, already you are tying it to aid… if that is how you are going to bring your aid, then I am afraid the Western can leave us alone in our poverty, and we will continue scrounging and struggling and see how we can get going.” (Edgar Lungu in “Zambia’s President Says ’No to Homosexuality’”, 2019, 02:13-02:30).

The President is clearly committed to not budging on the issue of homosexuality, even if this means aid will be cut, which can be interpreted as a resistance to perceived cultural imperialism. This quote is interesting as it very much confirms the reality of the

economic power held by the US. President Lungu is confirming, that without the US aid, Zambia is financially struggling. Therefore, the US and Zambia can be described as an uneven partnership. In the following quote, the President is responding to the fact that the ambassador publicly spoke out criticizing Zambian affairs,

“Like insulting the collective…the wisdom of the Zambian people and the

sovereignty of this state, you do not do that.” (Edgar Lungu in “Zambia’s President Says ’No to Homosexuality’”, 2019, 02:57-03:06).

The President is here confronting the discourse that Western knowing and culture being viewed as superior. By questioning Zambian judiciary affairs, the ambassador is

understood as to state that Zambian values are inferior to his and that Zambian knowledge is not regarded as valid. President Lungu also interprets this as a direct interference to Zambia’s sovereignty.

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The Foreign Minister, Joseph Malanji, interprets the ambassador’s first statement as interfering with Zambian affairs, as he is seen lecturing the ambassador on Zambian sovereignty in the following quote,

“To question its decision by a representative of a foreign government is tantamount to questioning the Zambian constitution on which the Judiciary makes rulings. This is unacceptable, especially on matters of an internal nature like this. The decisions by the Judiciary are made on the basis of the laws of Zambia and not of another country. Consequently, it is the Zambian people who should decide appropriately and through the established practices and processes to change the laws.” (Funga, Diggers, 2019).

The Minister’s usage of language, as he repeatedly states that it is up to Zambia and not any other country to make decisions in their country, shows the frustration he holds towards the West, drawing on discourses of cultural imperialism. It is apparent that the Zambian officials sees any foreign western criticism as a measure for which to

reproduce discourses of cultural imperialism, in which Zambia is considered to have a less valued culture then that of the West.

The President also uses the word ‘forced’, in the context of them being forced to accept homosexuality, which relates to the idea of the US ambassador threatens to cut aid if Zambia does not cooperate. Lungu is therefore reproducing the power structure in place, where the US has economic power over Zambia.

6.2.2 Discourses of Evolution

Throughout the interview with President Edgar Lungu he is clearly defensive towards the critique pushed forward by the US ambassador. In the way he phrases his defence he is drawing upon the discourse that Zambia is viewed as backwards and primitive. He also states that if they would accept homosexuality they would be seen to be ‘advanced’ by the West. This acknowledges the idea of the West being more developed and that Zambia has to catch up to them by accepting the Western values.

The Minister highlights the importance of their cultural integrity in the following quote,

“Zambia has got cultures which must be followed by any person who is in Zambia whether citizen or through any other accreditation because next time, there will be a

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30 country which is going to establish sex with dogs as good and it must be brought to Zambia for Zambians to practice it?” (Funga, Diggers, 2019).

Here, Minister Malanji is showcasing the fact that these ‘Western’ ideas, like homosexuality in his eyes, will keep being pushed upon Zambia. If they would let homosexuality pass, then what is next. Almost depicting this as the beginning of a moral downfall of Zambia.

“They (homosexuals) require help, obviously. For me, I think they are sick, that is how I see it, but they need help. The fact that they went to jail probably is one thing, but help should be given to them. A pardon could be considered but not in the manor that the ambassador is coming out like… Like insulting the

collective…the wisdom of the Zambian people and the sovereignty of this state, you do not do that.” (Edgar Lungu in “Zambia’s President Says ’No to

Homosexuality’”, 2019, 02:39-03:06).

In this quote, Lungu highlights that the US ambassadors’ statement is insulting towards Zambia and its’ citizens. This could be interpreted through the colonial discourse that the West is seen as the one with the knowledge. Lungu is confronting the Western Self, here seen as being the knowing one who needs to educate its backward thinking

Zambian Other. By saying that a pardon for the same sex couple could be considered, although not in the manor of how the US ambassador acted, could be interpreted as him rejecting the idea of a pardon, solely due to the critique coming from a Western actor.

6.2.3 Discourse of Otherness

Discourses of otherness is largely built upon dichotomies. President Lungu challenges these discourses in the following quote,

“We are saying no to homosexuality. Why should you say we are going to be civilized if we only allow it? Are you saying we are very primitive now because we are frowning upon homosexuality? Even animals do not do it, why should we be forced to do it? Because we want to be seem to be smart, to be seem to be civilized and advanced and so on.” (Edgar Lungu in “Zambia’s President Says ’No to Homosexuality’, 2019, 00:30-00:47).

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Here is it clearly acknowledged that there is a hierarchy of values where Zambia’s is viewed as primitive. For them to ‘join’ the civilized world they have to abandon what they consider to be their values regarding homosexuality. President Lungu, as seen in the previous section of discourses of cultural imperialism, also said that they would not change their way of thinking, even if that meant the aid to Zambia being cut. This can be put in relation to the colonial discourse of the west seeing it as its’ mission to civilize Zambia, both by bringing aid, educating them and by trying to push for certain morals. By stating that Zambia will not let the US push their values onto Zambia through the threat of withdrawing aid, Lungu is in his eyes standing up for Zambia’s sovereignty and identity.

Throughout the dialogue, the Zambian Other has on several occasions been posed as less developed, passive and also been accused of corruption. The Foreign Minister responds to the critique of the US ambassador with the following quote,

“…Zambia has got an upright government. Our government is not composed of thieves. There are men and women with families and it is not in order for an ambassador of his level to insinuate that people in the government are stealing and being left scot free”. (Funga, Diggers, 2019).

The Minister defends his government, essentially claiming that they are in no need for a moral lesson conducted by the Self and that their government are not thieves.

6.3 Recent update

While writing this thesis, according to several news outlets, the same-sex couple was pardoned by President Lungu in the end of May 2020. However, it is not clear whether this was done as a result from the international critique Zambia received. The couple were released together with almost 3,000 other prisoners as, according to President Lungu, an attempt to mitigate the spread of Covid-19 (Adriaanse, 2020).

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7. Conclusion

In this conclusion the findings of the analysis will be provided. Further, the limitations of the research will be discussed, along with the possible contribution the findings will provide to the field. The thesis posed the following research questions: Can colonial

discourse be found in the dialogue between the US ambassador and the Zambian

officials, regarding the issue of LGBT+ rights? If so, is it used by Zambian officials as a way of justifying their rejection of LGBT+ rights?

By conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis of the material, guided by the theoretical framework of postcolonialism, this thesis could demonstrate that colonial discourses of cultural imperialism as well as discourses of evolution and Otherness, were present in the dialogue. Different quotes from the material were showcased to illustrate how the US ambassador reproduced discourses of cultural imperialism and colonial discourse of Evolution and Otherness by using language that posed Zambia to be backwards, passive, and less developed. Simultaneously, the ambassador highlighted himself and the US as modern, active, and developed. The ambassador could also be interpreted to be

culturally imperialistic when suggesting that the economically superior United States might cut aid to Zambia if they do not comply. Thus, the uneven power structure between the West and Zambia was confirmed and reproduced. Further, the analysis showed how the Zambian officials drew upon discourses of cultural imperialism as well as colonial discourse in their justification for continuing to reject homosexuality. Here, discourses of cultural imperialism were the most prominent, as for the other categories is was harder to establish. Quotes from the Zambian President and the Foreign Minister were showcased to demonstrate how they rejected the idea of being perceived as passive and primitive by an economically superior West. Their defensiveness clearly suggested that they perceived the ambassador’s comments as culturally imperialistic, threatening the sovereignty of Zambia. In accordance with the aim of this thesis, it can therefore be suggested that the language used by a Western actor, when advocating for LGBT+ rights in a postcolonial country, must be carefully selected. This since, if there are discourses of cultural imperialism and colonial discourses present, it can in turn be used to justify the continuation of the rejection of LGBT+ rights, in order for the Zambian officials to resist the West.

The usage of postcolonial theory together with the method of critical discourse analysis worked well throughout the thesis. Both are dedicated to unveiling societal inequalities and uneven power structures. The theoretical framework used resulted in interesting

“We are saying no to homosexuality!”- A Critical Discourse Analysis of the Dialogue Between Zambia and the US Ambassador Regarding LGBT+ Rights Advocacy in a Postcolonial Context