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National Seminar on Future Directions for the Peace Corps THE ROLE OF VOLUNTEER OUTSIDERS IN DEVELOPMENT:

INSIGHTS FROM THE EXPERIENCE OF THE AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE

A description of the appropriate role of volunteer outsiders in development is necessarily related to one's definition of development.

Therefore, this paper will offer a definition of development that the Ameri can Friends Service Committee (AFSC) has found helpful in its work and then

explore some of the implications of that definition for those attempting to encourage development in the Third World. The paper will go on to address the general issue of the role of outsiders, especially Western outsiders,

appropriate to this view of the development process in Third World

societies. A number of issues and questions will then be discussed related to the role of Peace Corps volunteers in particular as outsiders in development.

THE DEVELOPMENT PROCESS

Based on its experience and on its belief in the intrinsic value of all human beings, the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) vi ews development, wherever it takes place, as essentially a process of empowerment of people and

communities reducing their vulnerability to economic , social and political

I

forces and enabling them to realize their full potential . In this perspective, then, the people most in need of .. development are the more

vulnerable members of a society, those with little power to protect themselves from the natural and human forces which threaten or restrict them. The

process of development can take place on the level of the society as a whole as well as on the level of social units within the society , including local institutions, villages and other communities. In this paper the focus will be

.

•'

2

-on the local community, with the understanding that overall development of the society is intrinsically linked with the development of these local

communities.

A number of key principles flow from this perspective on development:

1. Development is achieved by people and communities themselves. Experience worldwide over the last generation or so clearly indicates that, even with the best of intentions, development cannot be given _E£. people, nor

can it be achieved for people. Development is not a passive activity. And, it is not enough to say that "people must participate in their own

development"--which can sound like a call for audience participation in a drama being performed in front of them. We are saying that development is an active, sustainable process carried forward by people with a high degree of self-reliance and control. The question for outsiders is how such a process can be stimulated or "triggered" and then effectively supported.

2. Development problems and needs, as well as goals and strategies, are those identified by the people themselves. This is not to say that objective problems and needs do not exist--such as resources, technology, education and social systems--but that these cannot be addressed through a development process until they are perceived as problems and needs by the people

themselves. Outsiders may assist a community in identifying and priortizing its needs and in selecting effective strategies for addressing them. Bu t, in

this process it is necessary to start where the people are, building on their own perceptions, aspirations and accomplishments.

3. Development necessarily requi res the emergence of viable organizations of the peopl e to assert and pro tee t their col lee tive

..

3

-the State will differ depending on -the circumstances, empowerment to reduce vulnerability is a collective process. Organization, therefore, is both a means and an end of development.

4. Learning economic, social and political skills and processes that can be used now and in the future is a critical aspect of deve lopmen t . A

particular development task or p_roject may be of immediate importance and benefit. Nevertheless, of equal or greater importance is the learning process which the people experience in planning and implementing the project. A given project may fail to achieve its immediate objective, but the people can apply

their new experience and skills to another task in the unending process of human development. The most critical learning probably takes place informally as people grapple with a problem and overcome obstacles to solving it.

Learning may also take place in more formal ways through, for example, training in new technical skills or awareness raising sessions.

5. Development i s a long-term process whi ch proceeds at the pace s e t, for the most part, by the people thems elves . Local development certainly depends on such factors as the economic, social and political context, and the help and stimulation that may come from outside. Nevertheless, there is an internal dynamic in the learning and empowering process that cannot be overridden. The process will proceed as people become more aware of their situation, gain the power to reduce their vulnerability, and acquire the necessary skills to make important changes in .their lives. A development "project" may be an effective vehicle for moving the process ahead. However, if it is to be effective, the project mus t neces saril y follow t he time ta ble of

the people rather than an externally determined cycl e. Development is neve r "completed." It continues beyond the life of a single proj ect o r the service

.. .

4

-6. Development requires addressing constraints beyond those in the immediate community or locale. The roots of vulnerability in most of the Third World reach into the society as a whole and beyond to the international economic and political order in which the United States plays such a dominant role. While the people in one community cannot effectively deal with these macro-level problems, that is no reason to ignore them. At a minimum it is necessary to recognize and accept that what can be accomplished by one

community in isolation will be clearly limited. At some point it must achieve some recognized status vis-a-vis the power structure of society. Development will often require action in solidarity with other communities in the same society and even with groups in other societies including the United States.

OUTSIDERS IN DEVELOPMENT

Strictly speaking, an outsider is anyone not a member of the particular developing group or community. Urban college graduates can be outsiders to

the rural communities of their own country. An expatriate development worker is clearly an outsider--to the society as a whole as well as to a particular community. In this paper we will focus on the expatriate outsider, though much of the discussion could apply equally well to the native outsider. While

recognizing that an expatriate could conceivably play roles at many levels and in many institutions of a society, we will focus our attention on the

appropriate role of the outsider in the development process at the local

community level. It should also be noted that an "outsider" may be one person or a succession of persons from the same outside source in an ongoing

relationship with the same community.

The development process outlined above describes an essentially

5

-can play at the local level. It also suggests a general attitude or

orientation which any outsider of good will must bring to the task. Based on fairly extensive experience in the Third World, AFSC feels that outsiders can make positive contributions to development as viewed in this perspective. We can share a number of general lessons that spring from our efforts to do so.

1. The outsider must be acutely sensitive to local history, culture, values and systems, and hence the appropriate initial role is that of a learner--learning from the people about the complexities of their lives. Learning from the people normally requires that the outsider live with the community for some length of time observing and studying in a non-judgemental way. It also requires knowledge of the larger society and its linkages

(political, economic and social) with the local community. The objective is to learn, to some extent at least, the internal logic of the community--why things are as they are; why things are done in certain ways and not in others; why some groups are more vulnerable than others.

2. The subsequent role of the outsider will depend on the critical decision as to which group or community is in greatest need or will be best served by his or her intervention. In an economically and socially stratified society a general intervent~on without focus on a particular group will

normally further strengthen the position of the better-off and more powerful groups which are in a position to tap new resources and garner the benefits. AFSC, based on its own value system, seeks to .work with the most vulnerable groups in a society. These may be landless laborers, subsistence farmers,

rural women, nomads, refugees, minority ethnic groups, or others.

3. The outsider's specific role in relation to this identified group should emerge from a convergence of the interests of the group and the skills , resources and values of the outsider. Ideally the people themselves should

6

-identify the the role they wish the outsider to play. Nevertheless, the outsider comes to the situation with his or her own values and should not blindly participate in a process that contradicts those values (by, for

example, supporting a project that degrades the status of women or oppresses a minority). The approach suggested is to seek, among those areas which the people have identified and are ready to act on, an area of activity which coincides with one's own principles and values, skills and resources. The outsider may well play a valuable role in helping the community members clarify for themselves their most pressing problems and how they might be addressed. Thus, the appropriate role of the outsider will emerge through an interactive process.

4. The role of the outsider in relation to the emergence and strengthening of genuine people's organizations (e.g., interest groups,

cooperatives, local associations) is often a difficult and sensitive one . In some countries organizing for independent collective action of almost any kind is viewed by the authorities as dangerous political activity, or a threat to traditional leaders or mores. The outsider should realize that the risks to the community are much greater than to the expatriate. The decision as to what risks to take must be left to the people themselves. Outsiders can

frequently support the development of activity-focused organizations such as women's associations, farmer cooperatives, and primary health groups. Such organizations can be vehicles of empowerment, .especially if a strong

educational component is included. With sensitivity to the group's capacities, the outsider can play an important role in linking the

organization with other similar groups and with outside sources of support. This networking process may actually provide a measure of protection to the

7

-5. From AFSC's experience, one of the most valuable roles an outsider can play is that of a linker or "broker ," helping the local community to

interact more effectively with the larger society • The outsider can bring new economic, political or technical information into the community. He or she can also bring the community's needs to the attention of those outside agencies (government or non-government, local, national or international) which may be able and willing to respond. The outsider is of ten more

effective in this role as he or she can move up and down the social and power scale in the host society, and can attract more attention than local community members are able ~o. Of course, this role must be played with a great deal of sensitivity to the mores of the society and the sensitivities of the

and

individuals/agencies involved.

6. The outsider must strive to make his or her role less and less necessary in order to increase the self-reliance of the group, and so will seek to be a supporter or catalyst rather than a leader in the endeavor . The role of the outsider should change over time. Early on he or she may be a facili tator--enabling a community to analyze its situation and its

opportunities and allowing it to identify its own goals and strategies . The outsider may play a key role in this process by affirming and legitimizing latent leaders in the community who may have useful ideas but who may be too low in status (e.g., women) or political clout (e.g., minorities) to be taken seriously. As the project develops the outsider can support the community by providing linkages and direct technical assistance if requested and

appropriate. New ideas and ways of doing things may be suggested by the outsider, but the people must be in control. And, the outsider should not normally take on any role that can be assumed by a local person. Throughout

8

-may be missing, including the outsider's skills in facilitating and

networking. Eventually total responsibilit~ for continuing the de velopment activities should be devolved to the local group as the outsider withdraws entirely from the community.

7. The outsider should not feel that his or her role is dependent on concrete, visible accomplishments during a short t e rm in the community. Results will depend to a large extent on the stage of development in the community when the outsider comes in and the role actually played by the outsider. If the community is fairly well organized and has sought technical assistance for an ongoing development process, material outputs may be

achieved in a relatively short time. If, on the other hand, the basic

mobilizing, organizing and action process involved in empowering the people is the focus, then observable material changes may be slow in coming.

Nevertheless, important non-material changes may be observed in the

solidarity, self-confidence and management skills of the group, and these are critical bases for further development. A development timeline determined from the outside may have little relevance to the actual stage and rate of development in the community. The role of the outsider must be played with a high level of flexibility both as to its specific activities and its t i ming.

8. The role development workers play when they return to their own country is probably of equal importance to the outsider role in the Third World. The returned development worker can operate as an insider to share a

more enlightened and complex_ understanding of the Third World with othe rs in his or her own society. The returned worker can advocate and support just and humane government and corporate policies that affect the Third World. In this way the development of both societies will be promoted.

9

-PEACE CORPS VOLUNTEERS IN DEVELOPMENT

Peace Corps volunteers are a particular breed of outsiders in the Third World. They are United States citizens supported by their government and operating within the general framework of U.S. forei gn policy. They are generally young and, though more and more have relevant technical training, most have no experience working in the Third World. The Peace Corps itself does not operate development programs; it places volunteers in ongoing

programs usually within agencies of the receiving country's government. The service period of the great majority of volunteers is two years.

What does this profile imply about the role that Peace Corps volunteers in particular can play in the development process in the Third World? A number of issues and questions will be raised drawing on the earlier discussion of outsiders in development. What are off ered are not prescriptions, but rather questions for consideration and discussion.

1. The Peace Corps is an instrument of U.S. foreign policy and this fact certainly influences in what countries and on what scale it operates, and the

type of positions in which it places volunteers . Does this institutional connnection also frame the agency's perspective on Third World development and its view as to what are legitimate and important development activities and what are not? Does this government connection limit the role that volunteers can play, or is there sufficient flexibility and independence at the country level to expand the scope for volunteer involyement? To what ex tent is the link to the U.S. government a barrier to the volunteer's being accepted by the most vulnerable people and countries in the Third World and by l ocal

nationalist development groups and movements?

2. As a govenment-to-government program the Peace Corps necessarily works through local government structures and p rog r ams, and t he volunteers

,

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-most commonly interact with organization~ established or recognized by the government. To what extent is the Peace Corps volunteer in a position to support the empowerment of genuine people's organizations? In what

circumstances does working with government-linked organizations strengthen unjust structures and the position of already powerful and better-off

groups? Is it a realistic option for Peace Corps volunteers to work with non-government development organizations in the receiving countries?

3. The view of development outlined above stresses the critical

importance of a learning orientation on the part of the outsider, and also the role of the outsider as essentially facilitating and supporting a learning process on the part of the people he or she is working with. This implies that preparation to play such a role requires a thorough orientation to the overall development process and training in process facilitation skills as much as in technical skills. Does Peace Corps training sufficiently prepare volunteers to play such a role in development? Does the training enable volunteers to develop a sufficiently complex understanding of the development process and the volunteer's appropriate role in it? Does the field level system of volunteer placement encourage and give time for the volunteer, first of all, to learn from the people he will be working with before assuming other roles?

4. While the average age of Peace Corps volunteers has increased over the years, over half are still under the age of 26 (Peace Corps Annual Report, 1984), and it is probably safe to assume that few in any age group have had significant development work experience in the Third World. The enthusiasm and high expectations that are the mark of youthful and inexperienced

volunteers can certainly be a positive factor. Nevertheless, realism and humility are also needed if the volunteer is to play a useful role in a

"

11

-process where he or she is not the leader or the expert. Does Peace Corps training seek to match volunteer enthusiasm with a realistic presentation of the volunteer's limited role in the overall development process and with respect for the knowledge and skills which local people already possess? How does a young and inexperienced volunteer handle a situation where he or she is given status and responsibility beyond that accorded locals of comparable age? Does Peace Corps place young volunteers in postions appropriate to their age and experience and provide them with sufficient supervision and back up in

the field to enable them to be effective? Should young volunteers be placed in small groups where this support could be better provided, rather than

singly, or would this make it difficult for them to integrate effectively with the community?

5. Ideally the length of time an outside agency and a particular outside volunteer works with a community should be determined with a high degree of flexibility. The timing of withdrawal by the agency and devolvement to a local organization should be based on the readiness of the local group to

carry on the process. It is quite common for development agencies (including AFSC) to assign staff for limited service periods, just as the Peace Corps does. This approach does create problems, but continuity can be provided by

the agency through close monitoring of the program and by ensuring that there is sufficient overlap between assignments. Is the Peace Corps in a position

to provide this kind of monitoring to ensure that there is an ongoing,

coherent program of development into which a number of volunteers can fit in succession and can play a role appropriate to the changing situation? Who makes the decision that a community no longer requires outside assistance? 6. The contribution of the outsider to development can continue even after he or she returns home. Most non-government agencies working in

12

-development have realized the direct link between education and advocacy work in the United States and the development process overseas. As an agency of

the U.S. government the Peace Corps is obviously under constraints in this regard. Nevertheless, is it possible for the Peace Corps to place more emphasis on educating the U.S. public regarding the Third World? Beyond the role that former volunteers can play as individuals, could they become a resource for reaching an audience much wider than their own group? Is it possible for the Peace Corps to provide a unique people-oriented perspective in the public debate of foreign policy in the United States? Is it realistic for the Peace Corps to take on such a role while remaining a government

agency?

Presented by Edward P. Reed

American Friends Service Committee International Division

VOLUNTEER OUTSIDERS AND LOCAL EMPOWERMENT:

LESSONS FROM U.S. COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT EXPERIMENTS

by

Janet M. Kelly

Department of Sociology

University of North Dakota

Grand Forks, ND 58202

'

Paper presented at the

National Seminar on Future Directions for the Peace Corps

Ft. Collins, CO; July 8-12, 1986

INTRODUCTION

The experience of struggling wi th development issues in another culture is one which is indelibly branded on the consciousness of most Peace Corps Volunteers. More questions are raised than are answered , more frustrations generated than eased, and the passion with which one seeks "solutions" to those issues is considerably heightened. For some

volunteers, those problems are compartmentalized and associated with the foibles of an exotic culture, remote and removed from their own.

For others, most perhaps, the issues of development take on a deeper hue, when viewed from the temporal and geographic perspective they attain as a returned volunteer. Back in the United States, one realizes that there are as many analogies, similarities and commonalities facing both domestic and foreign development agents as there are differences.

My own personal search for answers and insights into the devlopment process, initiated in my Peace Corps service in Ethiopia in the 1960's, led me into research in rural development and ultimately to a graduate degree in Community and Regional Development. I chose the Development Sociology program at Cornell University to pursue my graduate work because they have a program which encompasses both domestic and international dev elopment. I was in great hopes of finding a theoretical orientation which synthesized the common issues of social change in advanced industrial society and in agricultural societies.

I was not disappointed. Although there was a clear distinction in the program between those studying domestic and foreign areas, both in methodology and to some extent, in theory as well, there was considerable overlap. The conceptualization of internal colonialism (see Walton, 1975) seemed particularly appropriate, as did the notion of geo-political units

-1-categorized as core, periphery and semi-periphery found in various strains of dependency and world-systems theory (see Wallerstein, 1984).

Subscription to the premise and underlying assumptions of such theoretical perspectives severly limits and restricts both the

formulation of policy and the application of development strategies. Nothing short of world revolution would seem effective to remedy the rampant ravages of global inequities. The overwhelming power of these theories is sadly matched by the overwhelming sense of the futility of individual action.

In light of this seemingly dismal assessment, the single alternative political strategy which could prove effective from the perspective of indigenous peoples is one which focuses on the creation and sustinance of empowerment of those people who are located in either geographic or

political peripheries. Such a strategy must be composed of components

'

which emphasize widespread and coordinated individual actions. They must also take into account the intricate interplay between political and economic spheres. Education of people for empowerment must include tactics which can effect the political nature of the economy and the economic base of the polity.

Much has been written on "empowerment" in the past few years. In some cases it has not been identified as such, but the conceptual

underpinnings are the same. (See, for example, Maccoby, 1981; Hagberg, 1984 and Bennis and Nanus, 1985.) James MacGregor Burns developed a firm foundation for the conceptualization with his work on "transformative

leadership" (Burns, 1978). The discussion of empowerment as such has received . some of its most articulate presentation in feminist literature. Regardless of the terminology, the underlying principles have been

-2-formulated and await the specification of mechanisms to test the validity and, more importantly, the utility of the conceptualization.

I plan to delineate three areas of applied political sociol ogy in the context of rural and community/regional development. I have concentrated my research efforts on experimental strategies which have empowerment potential in three areas: leadership and leadersh ip training, network building and citizen parti cipation. For each area a brief description of the research will be pres ented. Subsequent s uggesti ons will be made as to ways in which volunteer ou ts iders can make use of these principles or strategies in their efforts to enhance the development process.

Within the United States, each of these areas has some history of research and application. Leadership training has experienced something of a boom in communities across the country in the past five years

(Cunningham, 1985). It is a phenomena in which the greatest challenge is to generate a new repertiore of leadership skills for the empowerment of others. Network building has also received considerable attention in the past few years, although considerable emphasis has been placed on

individual networking as a method of personal advancement. The challenge here is to utilize network strategies for the promotion of development for the total community. Citizen participation is the topic which has been discussed, applied and researched for the longest period of time. The

ideology of the 1960's, transformed into social policy and programs in the 1970's, ultimately resulted in conclusions by researchers that the

widespread re.quirement for citizen participation in government sponsored programs was notably unsuccessful (Gitte l, et. al., 1980) . The challenge to those engaged in citizen participatio n is to disseminate a veh ic le whereby ordinary citizens can be equiped to deal with the complexity of

-3-technical and policy issues.

LEADERSHIP AND LEADERSHIP TRAINING

The empowerment theme is especially relevant for community leadership training. Community leaders in particular are in a position which is underscored by the trappings of democratic ideology and an image of service to the larger public. The essence of this position is expressed in the description of the leader-other relationship given by Maccoby (1981:21):

" ••• They are self-aware, conscious of their weaknesses as well as strengths, concerned with self-development for themselves as well as others."

Taken a step further, leadership may be viewed as a process in which the leader gains commitment, converts followers into leaders and enlists those newly created leaders as change agents (Burns, 1978).

During the fall of 1985, a Leadership Training Program was conducted in a regional center of the upper Midwest. Twenty-three local residents were enrolled in six sessions held on a bi-weekly basis. A community task force had been formed to design the program and they specified a dual function for the training process. The participants were to spend the mornings of each session learning about leadership and developing specific skills which would enhance their leadership ability. Each session was held at a different site, thus enabling the participants to work toward the second goal of the program which was to increase their knowledge of the community and its needs for leadership. Tours of these sites gave participants an appreciation of the variety of needs and services which were provided in the community and with an increased awarness of both the successes and problems which existed in each area. The afternoons were spent with a panel of community leaders representing the topic area under

-4-discussion for that day. The topics included business, industry and agriculture, education, health and human services, government, art, culture and recreation and future trends.

Participants were encouraged to give immediate feedback and the program was modified to include changes wherever possible. Consideration is being given to include increased feedback and coaching of the

participants regarding their skill development in the next program. This is because increases in the ability of trainees to achieve application or problem-solving levels have been registered by up to seventy-five percent of participants with the addition of feedback and coaching (Joyce, B. and Showers, B., 1980).

This training format had several distinct advantages. The first was that it was relatively cost-effective. The cost per participant was under $300 per person, and that included six lunches and a dinner, all printed materials, a magazine subscription and some transportation. The second advantage was that the participants took an active orientation toward the potential use of their newly devleoped skills in the community as they were exposed to the actual settings in which daily problem-so lving occured. · The third advantage, one implicit in the notion of leadership development itself, was that they were abvle to realize that many

leadership functions were in fact skills which could be learned, not only by themselves, but by others from a variety of walks of life.

Finally, a key ingredient in the format of the program was that several potential networks were developed. One was the lin kage of the participants themselves, as they saw the commonality of a group identified as consisting of people with l eadership potential. Another was with the participants and the sponsoring agency and its task force. The most

-5-important incipient linkages were those developed between existing community leaders and the group of newly designated future leaders.

The major disadvantage of the program was that conflicting and confusing images of leadership were presented to the group. In the

process of making sense out of the multiple inputs which came from actors in various segments of the community, the overview models were constructed by the program evaluator. They are presented in Figure 1.

As seen in the first portion of the figure, the traditional model of a few leaders arising out of the broad pyramidal base of the population has been ihverted. The image depicted here is one of leadershi p based on understanding of the interrelatedness of comunity needs and goals. In this model, the leader is one who seeks to assemble resources and

disseminate them to a wide constituency. The underlying philosophy is to better enable the greatest number of persons to maximize the potential of projects which have been entrusted or delegated to their care and

direction. This potential may be developed in both functional and

personal ways as the new leaders engage in the process of self-development and of community development.

The advantages of the empowerment model are obvious. The central leader consolidates resources which are made available to other people. Some degree of "nurturing" must be done by this central person who might be viewed as somewhat of a mentor by members of the larger group. The rewards of this style are more intrinsic than extrinsic, and it is to the credit of the leader to be surpassed in ability and performance or

recognition by those in the wider group. Ultimately a wide variety of individuals develop a sense of self-confidence and efficacy concerning their own ability to "lead."

-6-Figure 1

Leadership Training, Empowerment and Community Development

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0 empowerment of others securing resources financial, informational understanding community contexts

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skill development individual self-awareness

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leadership training program

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The implications for the community are depicted in the second part of the model. The combination of the inverted triangles provides a figure of a cohesive whole. It is conceivable that a relatively inexpensive

leadership training program could provide the impetus for cohesive and creative community developme nt.

The combination of these models leads to du al advantages for those who are interested in developement. First, and most importantly, it is a relatively simple way for any community to challenge itself. Secondly, a relatively small investment may result in wide dissemination of benefits to the broadest possible segments of the population . Yet problems remain.

The use of volunteer outsiders to serve as a catalyst in such a type of training program is fraught with difficulties. The ~ost serious

limitation facing the volunteer is lack of knowledge of the community and the principle actors. Yet this may be turned into a dis tinct advantage if the outsider can afford a year or so t o develop the kind of knowledge of

local needs which is necessary for the successful planning of a leadership program.

A second serious limi tation is likely to occur in those soc ieties where leadership is given a very different connotation. Ofte n where simple skill development cannot be substituted for the power attached to traditional authority sources, tribal hierarchies or other non-democratic bases of power. The astute outsider can be trained to assess local bases of power and to understand ways in which they can be leveraged to enhance rather than detract from a more equitable distribution of "leadership" resources.

A third limitation for the volunteer outsider is knowing which "skills" are most effective in attempting development in the l ocal

-7-community. This aspect of the notion of developing leaders must flow from the participants themsleves. The role of the outsider is to provide

locals with a format for open discu ssion of the issues.

The final limitation lies in the potential of such a program to create a new elite. This may limit resource distribution among a new few, or cause them to come into conflict with older, established elites.

Again, assessment of the power distribution within the community is an essential step to attempt to safeguard against such an eventuality.

Overall, such "leadership" development projects could be adapted and utilized in diverse settings and for multiple purposes. The key to

success is the role of the volunteer outsider. That person must gain a thorough understanding of the local power structu re and plan mobilization tactics which will work in the particular cultural setting. A significant component of those tactics may be informed by the work under discussion in the second research area described in this paper, that of network

building.

NETWORK BUILDING

A second major research area which I think has special relevance for outside development agents is one which has been elaborated under the theory of structural sociology. Strides have been made in the past decade to examine the patterns of social linkages in a wide variety of settings. Network analysis emerged during the 1970's with an intriguing set of methodological tools to describe both interpersonal and inter-unit ties.

(See Alba, 1982, for an overview.)

In the early 1980 's a large survey was conducted of community leaders throughout the northeastern United States , with the intent of identifying those behaviors and activities which contributed to the overall

-8-development of communities. While leadership initiatives were the focus of interest, the model which was developed in the course of this research

has utility to any individual, outside or inside the structure of a. particular community, who is working toward community development.

Through a combination of theories of network building (mentioned above) and Merton's ideas about locals and cosmopolitans, a typology of leader models was constructed (Eberts and Kelly, 1985) . Locals were typed as those whose most significant networks were build locally, while

cosmopolitans were described as those who spent more effort in the establishment of trans-local networks.

The rationale for establishing trans-local networks related directly to the conceptualization of rural areas as existing on the periphery of modern mass society. The larger, more metropolitan society is perceived as the locus of a multitude of resources--information and ideas , jobs, educational opportunities, services, grants funding, etc.--which are unavailable in many local communities.

In the model depicted in Figure 2, four types of role sets are

identified. A "manager" type of leader/developer is seen as one who shows little interest in any type of network building. This person simply

occupies a formal or informal position and acts out a traditional role without increasing local or trans-local contacts to enhance the position of the community.

The "support-seeker" type evidences greater involvement in the local community. Such a person might reach out to a broad segment of residents in an attempt to motivate them to act on community issues and problems . But this support is sought primarily from local ranks.

The "innovator" is portrayed as a person who is most at home in the

-9-Figure 2

2a: Leadership Role Types (adapted from Eberts and Kelly, 1985)

Local Leaders low high Cosmopolitan Leaders low high MANAGER INNOVATOR SUPPORT-SEEKER EXECUTIVE

NETWORK BUILDING ACTIVITIES

2b: Relationship between Role Types and Community Development

T R A N S - L 0 C A L A_R EN A

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resource acquisition

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information services jobs investment resource allocation

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T 0 T A L L 0 C A L C 0 M M U N I T Y

larger society. Such persons are limited in their concern about local needs or inputs. They may have hi9h vi s ibility in the local community as

.

they act as a broker between outsiders and locals. However, the lasting developmental impact they generate is limited, as their linkages are conditional upon their own personal involvement.

The f i na 1 type, ref erred to here as the "executive," shows greater involvement in the establishment of both local and trans-local linkages. The attention they give to local networ ks is hypothesized to result in multiple channels of assistance and opportunity. They perform a central coordinative role which is essential for the initiation of the kind of community development which is broad-based, comprehensive and most importantly, durable.

Obviously, the volunteer outsider is a source of trans-local contacts Unfortunately, such a person is also often a very temporary source of outside contact/linkage. To be truly effective in long- term development, such outsiders must develop a mechanism whereby key locals could be

permanently linked into outside sources of su pport and resources.

The second limitation of the volunteer outsider as a change agent is that he/she is at a distinct disadvantage in the understanding and

construction of local networks. Again, the temporal constraints of

service prohibit the development of the kind of tenured experiences which generate deep trust or norms of reciprocal exchange. Overall, if one accepts the basic premise of the network building development model,

volunteer outsiders could play only a very limi ted role in any development process.

-10-CITIZENS PANELS

One of the greatest impediments to more participatory social action in the world stems from the complexity of modern political, social and economic issues. This complexity is often used as a justification for elite .control of the policy-making process. "Experts" make momentous decisions which affect the lives of countless millions with minimal

understanding or appreciation of the toll extracted from those who may bear the brunt of those decisions. "Scientists" make complex

technological "advances" with limited concern for the human impacts of their discoveries.

Some who observe this condition consider the adverse impacts to be intentional or at least promulgated to serve class-based interests.

Others hold a less jaundiced perspective, and consider the consequences of such decisions as purely latent or unintended. Whatever the motivation, the problem has been recognized, and efforts are underway to create a greater consciousness of the effects of the phenomenon. The "appropriate technology" movement is an example of one such effort.

Yet our "political technology" remains remarkedly unchanged and unequipped to deal equitably with complex public policy matters. I was fortunate to be involved in an experiment designed to overcome some of these shortcomings in the political process. The Center for New

Democratic Processes designed and administered a state-wide Citizens Panel in which randomly selected "average" citizens were asked to hear testimony and formulate policy recommendations on a complex and controversial

environmental social problem. Similar panels, referred to as "planning cells" have been conducted on a nation wide basis in Germany (Dienel, 1978). Collaboration is currently underway to compare these similar

-11-processes which were developed simultaneously and independently of each other.

The essential characteristics of Citizens Panels have been summarized by Crosby (1986) and are outlined in Figure 3. The basic model is

patterned after the institution of the jury, with twelve members on each panel. Participants are representative of the general public. Random selection of the panel members insures that the selection process is not open to manipulation. A unique stratified random sampling system has been devised to insure a balance of views by panel participants. Participants are expected to attend all hearings on the issue, in which expert

testimony is presented over a period of several days. They are paid for their attendance and can make up for absenteeism by listening to tape recordings of the session missed .

Careful attention is given to the agenda setting process, with rigid measures taken to minimize staff bias. A balanced steering committee, composed of representatives of various groups holding divergent views on the issue, is established to limit potential bias. Information is

presented by staff, witnesses, and advocates of diverse positions so that a spectrum of opinions are respected.

Finally, after receiving the information , questioning the witnesses and taking time to ponder the issue, the panel deliberates. Decisions are made by majority vote, b0t minority opinions are considered and can be reported. The deliberations result in a set of policy recommendations to be presented to the appropriate public bodies.

Four major uses of Citizens Panels have been advocated for implemen-tation in the United States to enhance public input into the decision-making process. They could be utilized by governement agencies, as part

-12-'• Figure 3 Citizens Panels 12 RANDOMLY-SELECTED CITIZENS

I

HEARING PROCESS

v

DELIBERATIONS

v

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

FORMULATION OF IN-DEPTH, KNOWLEDGEABLE POSITIONS BY A REPRESENTATIVE SEGMENT OF THE PUBLIC ...

(rather than broad opinion based on little · understanding or information on the issue)

l

of the legislative hearing process, to call attention to special substantative areas which need to be addressed, and, finally, in

conjunction with referendum. Certainly, other uses can be developed which would fit into the political framework and accepted cultural practices of many other societies.

For example, CNDP has suggested several modifications for the Panels. It may be wise to use a pilot project as a demonstration to sponsors; for pilot projects a larger panel (up to 24 members) may provide the potential sponsors with the broadest possible range of expressions they can expect. In a full project, multiple Panels may be employed to eliminate the

potential problem of group domination by a single vociferous member. This may also increase the legitimacy of the Panel views by allowing

representation from different geographical regions. A variant on this modification is the use of a two-tiered set of Panels. (Five initial panels were established throughout Minnesota to examine the impacts of agriculture on water quality; each Panel then selected three members to attend a final set of meetings which resulted in the final

recommendations.) Finally, regarding the extreme complexity of some issues, balanced panels of experts may be employed to render an opinion, thus saving the Panel time and enabling them to give greater attention to value questions.

The transfer potential of Citizens Panels is somewhat more limited than that of the two previously mentioned efforts of leadership training and network enhancement. However, the work of CNDP on Citizens Panels and the German work with similar "planning cells," doe s hold some unique

opportunities for utility by outside volunteers. Again, the empowerment theme provides the underlying rationale for attempts to adapt thi s

-13-:

mechanism to the needs of developing areas .

The role for the volunteer outsider must be in an intermediary position. The outsider, in close conjunction wi th a host-country national, could assist with the organization of information, the

solicitation of witnesses, and the mechanics of the deliberation process. The volunteer might also act to legiti mate the process as part of a global movement for greater informed participation by citizens in the face of rapid technological encroachment.

The most obvious limitation in using Citizens Panels in non-Western settings arises from the requirement of random selection of the panelists. Sampling frames may simply be unavailable to utilize in identifying a representative segment of the population. Yet, some ingenuity and

imagination on the part of advocates of the process may result in a unique method to attain the same desired selection ends.

The other major limitation is in the lack of value which may be given to popular citizen input in many settings. Yet if Citizens Panels became a recognized world-wide mechanism of obtaining informed citizen

involvement, the the success of such endeavors might dictate its

acceptance by reluctant elitist governments. Regarding the US experiment, CNDP concluded that "average citizens can do an effective job of decision making if the hear1ng format is properly structured for them" (Crosby, Kelly and Schaefer, 1986:172).

Overall, outside volunteers may have a tailor-made role in the mechanism of the Citizens Panel. Acting as a staff person for such an

innovation, the outsider would be constrained to local considerations by the very checks which are built into the Panel process. Yet the

empowerment potential is tremendous to enable and en hance popular input on

-14-local and even national issues.

In conclusion, I would like to highlight the conceptualization of the volunteer outsider as an agent of empowerment for local peoples. The outsider is, by definition, very limited in the roles which stem from such a perspective. However, there are several key areas where volunteers may act to provide the greatest leverage in conjunction with locals. Three of these-leadership development, network enhancement and the use of Citizens Panels for public policy formulation--have been discussed here. Each may be creatively adapted to local cultures and needs by imaginative volunteer outsiders.