Erika Girardi/Erika Jayne
Representation of Gender Roles, Femininity and Subject Positions in
The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills
Sofia Nilsson & Natalie Soyege
KK429A Final Exam Project 2021 Media- and Communication studies Examiner: Ulrika Sjöberg Supervisor: Tindra Thor School of Arts and Communication (K3) Malmö University
Table of content
1. Introduction………3
1.1 Disposition and Thesis Distribution……….4
1.2 Aim………..5
1.3 Question Statement………..5
2. Contextualization & Background 2.1 The Real Housewives………...6
2.2 The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills………..6
2.3 Erika Girardi vs Erika Jayne……….6
3. Previous Research 3.1 Research on Reality TV………8
3.2 Commercialization of Wifedom………9
3.3 Popular Culture & Post-Feminism………..10
3.4 Ordinary People on Television………...11
4. Theoretical Perspective 4.1 Constructing Gender………..12
4.2 Class, Respectability & Subject Positions ………13
5. Method & Material 5.1 Discourse Analysis………..16
5.2 Discourse and Power………..16
5.3 Subject Positions, Chain of Equivalence and Nodal Points………..17
5.4 The Material………...18
5.4.1 Season Six………....19
5.4.2 Season Ten………..20
5.5 Ethical Discussion………..21
5.6 Validity………...22
6. Analysis & Result 6.1 Subject Positions………..23 6.1.1 Housewife………...23 6.1.2 Showgirl………..24 6.1.3 Gold Digger………28 6.1.4 Southern Mother……….29 6.1.5 Bad Bitch………30 6.1.6 Daughter……….31 6.1.7 Empowered Woman………...32 6.1.8 Good Friend………...34
7. Conclusion & Final Discussion 7.1 Conclusion……….37
7.2 Discussion - Sofia Nilsson………..38
7.3 Discussion - Natalie Soyege………41
Abstract
This study is a discursive analysis of the representation of the person Erika Girardi within the Reality TV show The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills. With a theoretical perspective anchored within Judith Butler’s (1999) theory of performativity and Beverley Skeggs (2000) research of class within feminism. The aim is to find how Erika Girardi is discursively portrayed within the series as well as finding and analyzing the various subject positions found within the material. The results are presented as eight different subject positions; Housewife, Showgirl, Gold Digger, Southern Mother, Bad Bitch, Daughter,
Empowered Woman and Good Friend. These positions are then decoded into the various signs which
build these up as well as the nodal points which are further found within the discourse of the selected episodes.
Keywords: Gender Roles, Reality, Feminism, Femininity, Representation, Television
Representation of gender roles, femininity, and subject positions in The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills
Sofia Nilsson & Natalie Soyege Final Exam Project in Media and Communication Studies
School of Arts and Communication (K3) Faculty of Culture and Society Malmö University Supervisor: Tindra Thor Examiner: Ulrika Sjöberg
1. Introduction
The idea of what a woman is has been a subject of heated discussion throughout the ages. Entering the second decade of the 21st century, the buildup of expectation versus representation within the media has been of great focus. To look at representation of women first women are made a subject, as the qualifications for being a subject need to be met before representation can be extended (Butler, 1999).
Through the media, representation is both created and recreated as reality influences what is
represented through the media as well as reality being influenced by what is shown in the media. The concept of Reality TV is interesting as this form of television aims to show reality through its
platform. The Real Housewives (RHW) was inspired by scripted soap operas Desperate Housewives and
Peyton Place. It aimed to document the lives of upper-class women who lead glamorous lives in a
picturesque southern California gated community called Orange County. A location which had been made famous by the teen scripted series called The OC. The show had brought attention to the seemingly unattainable lifestyle of these protected upper-class communities of southern California (Reality World, 2006). After the series’ first version, The Real Housewives of Orange County, which premiered March 2006, more locations were added to the franchise which included The Real
Housewives of Beverly Hills (RHOBH), premiering in 2010 (Bravo, 2021).
After loyally watching the show since its inception it sparked an interest to take a closer look at the representation of femininity with the persona Erika Girardi/Erika Jayne as our research subject. Erika Girardi/Erika Jayne joined RHOBH for its sixth season which started airing in 2015. What sets this member of the cast apart from the rest is the fact that she comes with two very distinct characters in one, the housewife Erika Girardi, and the showgirl and performer Erika Jayne (Bravo, 2021). Further, she does not only portray these characters, but she challenges the original definitions of them. Through Judith Butler’s performative acts and gender constitution theory (1999) as well as Beverely Skeggs explanation of class, respectability and gender, this research will decode Reality TV’s portrayal of femininity and the building blocks used to create the subject of woman and her roles.
The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills was announced the most watched reality show in 2020. Its premiere episode was watched by 1.696 million viewers on the night of its release and the reach beyond Bravo’s first airing is hard to pinpoint (Reality Tea, 2020). However, with this level of reach it is apparent that it has a certain level of impact in how reality and housewives in the upper-class is portrayed. This portrayal through such an ingrained female gender role has legitimate reach to the public and thus is of interest for feminist studies. It has also created a space for women in gender roles traditionally seen as an extension of the man to be the main focus. Through the series the housewives become the main characters and the husbands the extension. This switch, and the portrayals within this shift in focus, is the basis of this study.
1.1 Disposition and Thesis Distribution
In this study some of the work has been completed by both researchers and some individually. Though the different elements of the study originally had a specific researcher focusing on that particular theme, both researchers have worked together throughout.
To clarify, the study is divided in six different parts:
The first part containing; abstract, introduction, aim and question statement was completed by both researchers as we collected and compiled the information.
The second part, contextualization and background, were mainly finalized by Natalie while Sofia focused on previous research.
The third part, theoretical perspective and method and material, Natalie focused on theory as Sofia focused on method and material.
The fourth part, validity and ethical decision, was completed together.
The fifth part, analysis and result, was completed together. Natalie and Sofia watched two seasons of RHOBH, picked out three episodes that were most relevant to the study and transcribed the different dialogs and voice overs from interviews in all of the chosen episodes. Natalie observed and documented season six while Sofia did the same for season ten. After individually collecting the material the analysis was completed together.
In the sixth part we worked together as we wrote the conclusion and final discussion prior to finalizing our individual discussions.
1.2 Aim
As a reality show claimed to have redefined the term housewife, the aim of this study is to analyze RHOBH’s discursive constructions of femininity and gender roles (Leonard, 2020).
Through the theoretic lens of Judith Butler’s (1999) performative acts and gender constitution the study critically analyzes these performative constructions of gender.
Anchored in feminist class perspective through Beverley Skeggs’ (2000) research, the study aims to bring clarity to how the dimension of class becomes intertwined with gender performance. Erika Girardi has inhabited various socio-economic classes throughout her life, all told within the show. Through this aspect of her as part of the cast there is a possibility to look further into the discourse within these class positions from the perspective of the upper-class inhabitancy now portrayed. The show has a focus on authenticity through its reality format, giving an opportunity to look at how the perception of reality is mirrored back to us through this series.
With these perspectives in mind the study aims to decode these gender roles through Erika Girardi’s participation within the show.
1.3 Research Questions
1. How is the subject Erika Girardi discursively constructed in The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills?
2. How is gender performed in the portrayal of Erika Girardi in The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills?
3. How can the subject positions and gender performances of Erika Girardi be understood through the dimension of class?
2. Contextualization & Background
2.1 The Real Housewives
The Real Housewives is a Reality TV show produced by Bravo which follows affluent housewives in various locations in the United States. The concept of Reality TV is essentially a non-scripted series documenting real people during a set period of time. The footage is then edited into episodes with storylines made apparent in post-production. It was inspired by the scripted series Desperate Housewives and Peyton Place. The main plot of the series was to document upper-class women’s lives of glamour in Orange County, southern California (Reality World, 2006). The show started airing in 2006 and the franchise is still ongoing with a total of ten different shows in different cities (Bravo, 2021). Beyond the glamorous facade the series exposed issues that the housewives were dealing with, including addiction issues, domestic violence, mental health and suicide (Leonard, 2020). These themes were not the original focus of the show but brought a depth to the series which a lot of viewers could relate to and thus created a huge draw.
2.2 The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills
The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills is the sixth installment of the RHW. They have aired ten seasons to date and are in the process of finalizing its eleventh season set to air 2021 (Bravo, 2021). In Beverly Hills, the focus is on the personal and professional lives of several women, usually with ties to show business as this is the location with ties to Hollywood. Filled with now grown-up child actors like Kyle and Kim Richards, long time soap opera stars Lisa Rinna and Eileen Davidson and former actress turned international restaurateur Lisa Vanderpump, among others. This installment of the show challenges the idea of housewife as they all have had or still have very successful careers on their own (Bravo, 2021).
2.3 Erika Girardi & Erika Jayne
Erika Girardi joined the series in the sixth season which started airing in late 2015 and is currently still a member of the main cast (Bravo, 2021). Girardi is a strong woman at the age of 49, she comes from Atlanta, Georgia in the United States. She has been a performer in different forms her entire life and through her move from Atlanta to New York at eighteen she started go-go dancing as a way to make ends meet. In New York she also married, had a son, and divorced her husband prior to relocating to Los Angeles. In Los Angeles she met Tom Girardi, a high-profile lawyer, famous for the Erin Brockovich case which was made into a major film starring Julia Roberts as the main character. Tom and Erika married in 1999 and stayed married until she filed for divorce in late 2020. There is a duality to Erika’s persona as a housewife as well as an alter ego in the form of a recording artist and showgirl, Erika Jayne. Erika started performing as Erika Jayne in 2007 when she released
her first single Rollercoaster which went viral. The artistry shown through Erika Jayne was made possible through Tom financing the project thus, Erika Jayne only exists as a biproduct of Erika Girardi, the housewife (Bravo, 2021). Girardi’s alter ego is posted and presented in numerous digital and social media, especially on Instagram, where she has a 2.2 million following.
3. Previous Research
3.1 Research on Reality TV
Through the rise in popularity of Reality TV shows, research and analysis were made to investigate how these types of shows were so appealing to the public. According to Steven Reiss’ research through the lens of his sensitivity theory, he suggests that the attraction is anchored in individual’s preference to watch shows which exhibit scenes portraying the joys most important to them. Especially those portraying groups, fun or friendship. Thus, linking the public to a longing for a resonance with these real situations which create resonance to their own lives (Reiss & Wiltz, 2009). The concept of real is problematic for most viewers watching the shows since it is just a fraction of filtered material that is being shown. Jonathan Ward’s research analyzes reality and the different forms of reality in the show RuPaul’s Drag Race (Ward, 2020). It focuses on the idea of being real within drag-culture as well as trans-culture and how the show has given a platform for queer visibility as it also perpetuates specific hierarchies of subjectivity which maintain hegemonic power (Ward, 2020).
To create viewers, production often looks towards what the public can recognize which is where stereotyping becomes a part of the problem. The show may create a draw because the public is intrigued by drag-culture as it has thus far existed in their realm, which a lot of the time is very limited. In a sense, the show may attract viewers with the stereotype to be able to create further depth once the viewer is watching. However, making sure to not step too far away from the stereotypical narrative that the viewer came for. The need for the stereotype as allure upholds the stereotypes. As the format of Reality TV tends to recreate the public’s belief regarding a certain part of reality, stereotypes are often upheld (Ward, 2020).
Further, the problematic recreation of stereotypes is the use of these to make a spectacle out of someone (Klos et al., 2015). On the show the Biggest Loser the stereotypes of obesity are played up in the introductory segments. Introducing the participants with the mindset of their heavy weight as an inherent failure. The show in itself aims to “fix” these people with extreme regimes to lose a lot of weight as quickly as possible and thus rectifying this assumed failure that is their current bodily state. The ones that lose the least are made vulnerable to being dismissed from the show. As the public is open to scrutinize the persons on the show as well as the regimes for weight loss deemed successful within the show, were not actually sustainable (Klos et al., 2015).
Yngvar Kjus has researched the relationship between idolizing and monetizing the public. How Reality TV produces both celebrities and thus fans, representatives, and citizens. The formerly passive audience is through this medium made into active participants. Kjus argues how production recruit’s audience members either according to a celebrity model or a citizen model of participation (Kjus, 2009: 277). Essentially creating reality from a preferred format actively seeking out people
that answer to format demands (Kjus, 2009: 285). Thus, through this agenda, reality is not merely documented but constructed to fit whatever production thinks will create public draw.
As a transmitter of a visual version of reality, tightly linked to westernized culture, political issues sometimes are narrated through the participants in these shows applying their values and norms as reality. Sarah Ortiz highlights the issues within this representation with Lisa Vanderpump’s political activism through her platform of the RHOBH (Ortiz, 2018: 31). Vanderpump is known for her animal rights activism and in particular her fight to stop the Yulin dog meat festival. A festival anchored in a five-hundred-year-old Chinese ritual of eating lychee berries and dog meat during the summer solstice. A large number of people have supported Vanderpump’s fight towards abolishing the festival, most of which have not done any individual research on the matter. Thus, accepting Vanderpump’s representation of it as barbaric and heartless. Though, of course, this viewpoint may be appropriate to some, the uninformed willingness to accept representation as truth is an example of cultural relativism (Ortiz, 2018: 31).
3.2 Commercialization of Wifedom
The original definition of a housewife has been a woman whose primary chore is to operate and take care of the household but since the release of The Real Housewives the word housewife has become redefined (Leonard, 2020).
Rather than keeping a household the handlings of these chores are outsourced. Maids, nannies, and assistants take care of the original housewife duties as the Housewives of the show go shopping, attend dinner parties, get beauty treatments as well as tending to their various professional projects. Thus, creating a new paradigm of housewife as also being professional and successful (Leonard, 2020: 278-279).
Leonard (2020) argues the Real Housewives commercializes wifedom as well as it being commodified by it. They work for a network that has invested its fortune in cultivating a rich
consumer base. Due to the popularity of the show, being a wealthy housewife rose in popularity as a byproduct. The attractive women in these series show the movement of money and what it looks like on an everyday basis (Leonard, 2020: 279). The movement of money as well as the profit made through the documentation of this wifedom naturally commercializes the concept of housewife. Bravo sets up a relationship of mutual benefit between the Housewives and Bravo in which both the celebrities and the show’s commodity value goes up through association (Kavka, 2012). Through them already leading a wealthy lifestyle and then allowing cameras to follow them as they dine out, shop and attend high end parties they earn both profit and exposure. The show makes it possible for the housewives to make a name for themselves which has helped launch entrepreneurial ventures for many of the women and thus professionalizing wifedom through the show (Leonard, 2020: 279).
3.3 Popular Culture & Post-Feminism
Popular culture within the televised sphere has been influenced by neoliberal- and post-feministic views throughout the 20th and 21st century. In the 20th century the TV-series Sex and the City (SATC) became highlighted as such a phenomenon. The series is about four distinct female characters in their thirties, set in New York City. The women are all single with successful careers and although men may play a big part in the storyline, they are not needed for the women’s survival. They are rather an addition to their lives than a necessity.
Meredith Nash and Ruby Grant (2015) researched the series comparing it to the 21st century HBO series Girls with the question of the two series paving the way for post-feminism. The fellow HBO series both have four main female characters, in SATC the women are in their thirties and in Girls the women are in their twenties. They are both set in New York, SATC in Manhattan and Girls in Brooklyn. Jane Arthurs (2003) writes that SATC provided a template for television audiences to imagine what life was like for contemporary (single) New York women. Women especially admired the glamorous lives of the characters and appreciated the frank, taboo-breaking discussions of sex and femininity (Nash & Grant, 2015: 977). As SATC focused on women already with money and in their respective careers it enabled a more glamorous existence than that of one of lesser income such as younger women in their twenties.
In the series Girls, Lena Dunham who writes, directs, and acts in the show confronted the issue of comparison by writing SATC into the pilot episode (Nash & Grant, 2015: 978-979). In the
conversation the characters use the SATC characters as archetypes of feminine identity. In contrast to the feminine archetypes shown in SATC, Lena Dunham’s characters are written to be identified with however not with the focus of aspiring to be (Nash & Grant, 2015: 979).
The fifteen years between the first season of the two shows was a period of important social changes. The women of SATC were shopping for expensive clothing and shoe labels as well as drinking cosmopolitans in the hottest New York City night spots. The young women on Girls are all trying to make it financially in post-recession New York. Where liberation was symbolized through economic and sexual independence in SATC (Arthurs, 2003) the women of Girls are similarly white and entitled however unambitious and financially unstable (Nash & Grant, 2015: 979).
Nash and Grant (2015) argue that though both SATC and Girls are post-feministic, Girls experience “liberation” and “empowerment” in “new,” more complex ways than their predecessor. Leading Nash and Grant to coin this new version of post-feminism, Post? Feminism (Nash & Grant, 2015: 988). Through Girls embodiment of distinctive post-feminist sensibility, they re-articulate and complicate existing notions and mobilizing femininities and anti-feminist/feminist attitudes in a nuanced way (Nash & Grant, 2015: 987).
3.4 Ordinary People on Television
Through Reality TV’s upswing in recent years the call for ordinary people being cast in televised shows have become heightened. Göran Eriksson, Leonor Camauër and Yuliya Lakew (2017) has researched this phenomenon anchoring it in the evolution of Swedish television from 1982 to 2011 focusing on a shift in popularity of ordinariness in television in the 1990’s (Eriksson, Camauër & Lakew, 2017)
Docu-soaps, makeovers, talent shows, and several game shows have become more and more popular. This means that ordinary people appearing on television have become increasingly interesting for viewers. During the 1950’s a drive was awakened among television producers to move “into the world, into people’s lives and into the places where they lived” (Eriksson, Camauër, & Lakew, 2017). To make this happen they tried to leave the simulated environment of scripted scenes behind. It has become more familiar to include the viewers to provide content that suits the viewers as well as looking to them for direction of what they would like to see (Eriksson, Camauër, & Lakew, 2017). Eriksson, Camauër and Lakew argue that rather than there just being a recent boom in ordinariness being popular in television it has been a phenomenon evolving over more than a century.
The oxymoron of looking for ordinariness and reality in television is the fact that producers actively cast ordinary people to fit a certain format (Kjus, 2009). The 1950’s vision to move beyond the set stages and scripts to find reality, morphed into actually setting a stage within the ordinary,
outsourcing the characters they wish to find there. Further, the happenings which occur within these decided spaces with the outsourced characters are of extraordinary circumstances. Participants get put under pressure and their reactions are documented (Bondjeberg, 2002). Thus, creating a space which may at times look like what one may assume as ordinary. However, creating situations filled with people in dynamics that may create a reaction worth capturing. Thus, building a storyline through these encounters. Even though the question whether anything in Reality TV is real or even remotely ordinary, the fact that it is continuing to rise in popularity is apparent (Eriksson, Camauër, & Lakew, 2017).
4. Theoretical Perspective
4.1 Constructing Gender
In Judith Butler’s Gender Trouble (1990) the Theory of Performativity is introduced and argued. Butler argues that not only is gender a social construct, internalized by the masses as norm tied to sex, but even sex itself is not of set, biologic binary (Butler, 1999: 10). Further, the norm within which the binary narrative of male-female, is anchored within a heterosexual discourse accepted as reality. The heterosexual discourse accepted as reality Butler names the Heterosexual Matrix. Butler goes on to describe it as an invisible norm that does not seem to be constructed however comes through as
natural. Meaning that everyone and everything is assumed heterosexual until proved differently. This
norm in turn creates unnaturalness, deviance as well as invisibility (Butler, 1999: 41).
Within feminist theory, it had been assumed that an identity “woman” not only initiates feminists’ interests and goals within discourse but also constitutes as the subject for whom political
representation is pursued (Butler, 1999: 3). It has seemed a necessity to circle feminist theory around a name which represents the part of population, either politically invisible, misrepresented or not represented at all, that feminism advocates for, thus “woman” became central to its discourse (Butler, 1999: 4).
Representation as the feminist subject; “woman”, is discursively created and constituted by the political system from which feminist theory is fighting for change and emancipation. The same political system which created the duality of “man and woman” and set both in a dynamic where the masculine subject is the focal point in political visibility and power. Butler argues that appealing to a system built upon “woman” as lesser is self-defeating. As the name in itself is part of the discourse that creates the lesser (Butler, 1999: 4-5).
Butler goes on to investigate whether gender is constructed through an expectation that ends up producing the phenomenon that it anticipated. This is done through the theory of performativity which seeks to show that gender is an internal essence manufactured through a sustained set of acts, posited through the gendered stylization of the body. In other words, this performativity which creates gender is a repetition of acts in a ritualistic manner which are seen and accepted as natural in the context of a body. As long as this body fits the norm of the gender performativity that is being carried out (Butler, 1999: 5).
The heterosexual assumption that gender is binary in the form of male and female and further that these binary genders are attracted to one another is an assumption that Butler argues feminism fails to question. Even in the case of feminist theory criticizing the ruling gender and sexuality structures
which demonstrates oppression of women and homophobia (Butler, 2007: 7). Moving into the discussion of sex beyond the heterosexualization of desire which requires the asymmetrical oppositions between “feminine” and “masculine”; the socially agreed upon expressions of “male” and “female” (Butler, 1999: 23). Butler investigates whether the binary sexes even exist outside of a heteronormative narrative. The subject of “woman” seems to only appear in dynamic with “man”. If then gender identity is an effect of discursive practices, is relationship among sex, gender, sexual practice only identified within compulsory sexuality (Butler, 1999:24)? Butler highlights that women can never just “be” as they rather become in a relation of difference - the other or the excluded from the norm from which everything else is defined - that of the masculine subject. Without the norm of the masculine subject there is no “other”, and therefore women on their own, outside of this
dynamic, do not exist (Butler, 1999: 25).
Butler argues that genders are neither true nor false as gender is discursively constructed and
inscribed on the surface of the body as the truth in response to a primary and stable identity (Butler, 1999: 174). Gender is instead, always performed and a performance.
To explain the precarious relationship between sex and gender, identity and performance, Butler uses the concept of drag. This idea is highlighted in relation to the practices of drag. The cultural practice of drag is dressing in the sexual stylized clothing of the opposite of ones assumed gender, or in short cross-dressing. As mentioned in Esther Newton's (1979) book Mother camp: female impersonators
in America where she talks of drag at its most complex as a double inversion. Explaining that appearance
is an illusion. In regards to drag Newton states that drag is saying “my outside appearance is feminine, but my essence inside the body is masculine.'' At the same time the opposite appears as “my
appearance outside; body, gender, is masculine but my essence inside myself is feminine” (Newton, 1979). Through this expression the notion of set primary gender identities are often parodied. This parody has often faced negative connotation within feminist theory as it has been perceived as degrading to women (Butler, 1999: 174).
Butler continues to move beyond the presumed reality of sex and gender through this notion as for something to be parodied, the reality must be set and as Gender Trouble argues, the sex as well as gender “woman” is not one stable truth. This creates further depth to drag in the sense that it constitutes a performance, imitating a gender, which in turn Butler argues, is a performance in itself (Butler, 1999: 175).
4.2 Class, Respectability & Subject Positions
Skeggs agrees with Judith Butler’s gender theory (1992) in her study Becoming Respectable. Butler announces that the term “women” must be redefined. In order to do that feminism must consider the history, economic structures, social positions, cultural positions, popular discourses and cultural investments. Gender is according to Butler a social construction that is produced and reproduced (Butler, 1999). Thus, for the redefinition of feminism to become possible. Skeggs agrees with Butler
and her view of redefining the term feminism, but she also adds forms of capital and knowledge to her own study for the term feminism to get its correct definition (Skeggs, 2000: 251-252).
According to Skeggs, respectability is the most distinctive feature that distinguishes different classes. Skeggs explains that class defines how respectable you will become for others in the society. The higher up in the ranking of class the more respectable you will get. The working-class constantly strives towards the middle and upper-class. There are many different factors that also affect respectability such as class, gender, ethnicity, and sexuality (Skeggs, 2000: 9-11). She found that the working-class women strived to be respected by society and to achieve this, they acted according to behavioral patterns deemed respectable by the norm, in other words, the upper-class. Due to the social and economic status of the upper-class, upper-class women seemed to automatically be given a level of respectability, which the women of the working-class had to actively earn through
behavior (Skeggs, 2000: 9). By using respectability as a tool for her analysis, Skeggs mean that the concept of class must be reintroduced within cultural theory and feminism and become part of the feministic perspective in order for feminist analysis to become functional (Skeggs, 2000). Skeggs highlights the fact that throughout history, the working-class have always been portrayed in a negative, bad or dangerous way. There has been a division between different class affiliations. This division and prejudice directed at the women of the working-class is what Skeggs study aimed to explore. According to Skeggs, the representation of a white working-class woman has been defined by people that are not included in this class (Skeggs, 2000: 253-266).
If we take a closer look there are also different rankings of respectability. Respectability is also determined by how organized a household is, childcare and how much control a woman has of their household and family members (Skeggs, 2000:12-13).
According to Skeggs, the question of respectability has been central for decades and women have followed rules to acquire respectability. Anyone operating outside of this framework which leads to respect, were deemed of lesser worth. An example that Skeggs brings up is prostitutes (Skeggs, 2000: 78-79). The women that were not following the central norms for being a woman, such as a person who sells and exposes their body in this way, has over time always been seen as a less worthy woman. In working-class households, the women took care of the children and the household whereas in the middle-class it was more common that the households had maids helping with the chores. Thus, creating a practical difference in economic classes which created a reality for the working-class to strive for (Skeggs, 2000: 78-79).
A subject’s different positions in relation to their context, have been constructed over time through class and gender (Skeggs, 2000). Skeggs means that when it comes to women, the subject positions are mostly centered around respect, family ideals, care and nursing. Through these subject position’s women tend to feel like they are doing well when invested in these restrictive categories and thus slightly superior to those who have not invested in these (Skeggs, 2000: 69).
A subject position is a set of characteristics which define the category. The signs that build the subject position creates the foundation for set subject position which can then be applied to a person. Due to descriptive characteristics, it is possible for the subject to become understood discursively. The subject position is not something you simply receive, you must earn it as it is through the building blocks which creates the subject position that this subject position becomes apparent and then applied (Skeggs, 2000: 98). Taking responsibility increases and strengthens the position you have within respectability. People have throughout time been placed in different subject positions. The definition of a woman has through time had the characteristics of being feminine, caring, responsible, respectable, and capable. There have been norms for women to follow (Skeggs, 2000: 101-102). Since the majority of women had a lower level of education and a dull vision for their future, most women felt anxious, guilty, and doubtful. The investment and dedication of always helping people and, specifically people in need, made the women feel some type of satisfaction (Skeggs, 2000: 116). By this Skeggs means that being a female has over time had set rules and behaviors to follow to become respected by others.
Skeggs research, brings up that during history, white working-class women have been positioned as pathological and civilized. By that Skeggs could chart where respectability positions have emerged from. In the 18th century shaming in front of the public was a type of punishment if rules were not followed. The public shaming started in France on public squares where you placed the person not following rules in the middle, for the people to have a laugh at. This was a type of punishment for people to feel guilt and to be seen as a failure (Tilt, 1852: 13, 261). Due to what happened in France the previous century, women are still trying to live up to the set norms of being and behaving a certain way to not be shamed and punished. The women that do not follow the norms or unwritten rules, specifically in the working-class, were to be seen as dangerous and failures. Butler argues that women are still constantly living their lives actively trying to live up to the norms given to them (Skeggs, 2000: 70-71). By this Skeggs means that how we live and how people see us live will define who you are, what class you belong to and how much respect you will receive and earn (Skeggs, 2000: 9-10).
5. Method & Material
5.1. Discourse Analysis
The selected analysis method for this research is Laclau and Mouffe’s (1985) discourse analysis theory. By merging and altering Marxistic view of the social with the theory of meaning from
structuralism they created a theory within which the whole social field is understood as a web of processes within which meaning is created (Jörgensen & Phillips, 2002: 28).
A discourse is understood as the fixation of meaning within a particular domain. All signs in a discourse are moments. They are the knots in the fishing-net, their meaning being fixed through their differences from one another (Jörgensen & Phillips, 2002: 28).
Our purpose is not to get behind the discourse to find out what people really mean when they say certain things or look for the reality behind the discourse. All analysis is made on a foundation that reality can never be reached outside of discourses and there for discourse itself is the object of analysis. The analysis focuses on what has actually been said or written and within this exploring pattern in and across the statements through which identifying different discursive representations of reality (Jorgensen & Phillips, 2002: 24).
As we are using the post-feministic theoretical view of Judith Butler it is fitting to use a method to look at the building blocks that create the sense of reality within which gender and roles within gender are constructed (Butler, 1999).
5.2 Discourse and Power
Discourse analysis encapsulates a view of language and use of language which implies that language is not perceived as a neutral instrument for communication. It suggests that language does not represent one set reality but focuses on the perspective with which language is used to form and communicate a reality (Bergström & Boreus, 2018: 255). Essentially, the perspective with which one looks at an object creates what that means. To see the language as constituent means that different interpretations of an object create the foundation for our knowledge and the question of power lies in making certain knowledge seen as the correct definition of that object. The social existence is not fixed but a constant process of construction (Bergström & Boreus, 2018: 255).
The perspective with which one looks at an object gains meaning from practices of articulation. To see the language as constituent means that different interpretations of an object create the
foundation for our knowledge and the question of power lies in making certain knowledge seen as the correct definition of that object. The social existence is not fixed but a constant process of construction (Bergström & Boreus, 2018: 255).
It is important to keep in mind the power structure within discourse analysis as only particular parts of society have been able to take part in the creation of the societal narrative. The availability of platforms is a power question in itself as parts of society are excluded from these thus creating power
in discourse (Fairclough 2015: 27).
Another way to look at questions of power is to focus on power behind discourses. In this view there is more a focus on macro discourses which radically reshapes the social reality, a form of hidden power (Bergström & Boreus, 2018: 255).
Discourse analysis also focuses on the creation and changes of social identities. These are viewed as changeable and unstable and thus it becomes interesting to study how social identities are formed within a specific discourse. The idea that identities are solely materially based is rejected (Bergström & Boreus, 2018: 256). This idea reminds us of Judith Butler’s rejection of the idea that sex and gender identity is physically set or natural. Thus, creating a similar theoretical and methodological ground for analysis.
5.3 Subject Positions, Chain of Equivalence and Nodal Points
Within discourse analysis there are a few tools which we will use to further analyze the material. These tools are in the form of three main terms from discourse theory: subject positions, chain of
equivalence and nodal points. Different identities found within discourse is looked upon as a position
within which a subject is placed. These subject positions are the result of signs which are associated with this position. Further these signs are part of the chain of equivalence meaning the connection of signs which within their particular discourse create meaning by revealing central themes of the discourse. These themes are called nodal points and are seen as the privileged signs around which a discourse is organized (Laclau & Mouffe, 1985).In our situation a nodal point can be seen around a privileged sign such as money or beauty. The other signs, such as shopping, treatments, clothing etc. acquire their meaning from their relationship to their nodal point, in this instant beauty (Jörgensen & Phillips, 2002: 28-29).
Each sign is fixed as a moment through relations to other signs and through this a discourse is established. All other possible meanings to the signs are excluded to be able to create the meaning of the building blocks that create the story. In this way a discourse is a reduction of other possibilities. Excluding these possible meanings creates what Laclau and Mouffe call the field of discursivity (1985: 111). In other words, this field holds all other possible meanings that these signs may have in other discourses. This creates a quite abstract space of what is not the assigned meaning to the signs of the spoken discourse, which has led to critique for a certain lack of clarity. As the association decides the meaning it can be viewed as fluid rather than set.
For example, a rock may not be a topic of conversation within the field of beauty however that does not stop the possibility of this rock coming up as a topic of conversation even if it is not a given
within the beauty discourse. Is this rock then part of the field of discursivity, the excluded field, or is it just things that to a certain extent inhabit the same space as beauty discourse like poor hygiene and such that constitute the field of discursivity for beauty discourse?
Signs with multiple potential meanings are called elements. Through putting these elements into specific moments, the potential meanings are reduced to one fixed meaning of the sign (Jörgensen & Phillips, 2002: 29). However, it is only a temporary stop to the fluctuation of meaning tied to the particular moment (Laclau & Mouffe, 1985: 110).
In our research we have two main ways to decode signs within the material; verbal communication and visual representation. Verbal communication meaning the monologs and dialogs appearing as part of scenes or commentary of scenes. These display signs in the chain of equivalence which are acted out through the subject positions. Visual representation is the other format within which we have decoded signs. This to study how these subject positions are performed and, in this way, tying into Judith Butler’s (1999) Theory of Performativity as well as the extension of class affiliation through Skeggs’ (2000) research.
To limit the visual decoding, we have focused on Erika’s behavior within the scenes. Everything in the scene is not decoded, as going into detail around every visual within the scene is not relevant in the process of answering the research questions. These details include background, scenery and other people’s behavior not directly tied to Erika, Not going into depth of everything within the scene does leave out details which would create a more rounded picture of the discourse. This as the themes within which these are carried out would create larger depths. However, to fulfill the aim of this research we believe this limitation is needed.
To decode the signs found within the material we have studied recurring themes. In the verbal communication, this shows up as the choices of words and themes within these. In the visual
representation the focus is on behavioral themes, at times these behaviors are connected to clothing, in these instances this connection is highlighted.
5.4 The material
This research finds its area within already published material; six episodes from two different seasons of the Real Housewives of Beverly Hills. The season’s selected being the first season Erika appears in; season six. The second season selected being the most recent one; season ten. This as we wanted to see how Erika is represented as time progresses, thus making it appropriate to choose the latest season as the reference point with the widest range. We wanted two separate seasons for us to be able to see and analyze in depth.
To accumulate the data needed, we investigated the seasons to figure out in which episodes Erika was the most active. After going through the plots of all the episodes in the two different seasons,
five different episodes per season were observed and transcribed. After going through the five different episodes per season the results were then condensed down to three different episodes per season. The three episodes were selected as these showed more apparent subject positions and nodal points than the rest of the material. After the selection, the material went through a second
inspection as we highlighted the different scenes which articulated signs in the chain of equivalence which created the various subject positions and nodal points found within the material. We called these scenes key parts and these functioned as stand out dialogs, visual storylines and further representation that best seemed to enable our analysis to answer our research questions. The selected episodes are as follows:
5.4.1 Season Six:
Episode Three - Horsing Around Release date: December 15th, 2015 Total time: 43 min
Plot: In this episode we get introduced to Erika Girardi, this is the first time she gets shown in Real Housewives of Beverly Hills. We get to see how she lives and who she is married to. Her alter ego Erika Jayne is also introduced in this episode.
This episode presents us with three different key parts. The first being focused on Erika’s joining her friend Yolanda at a health treatment. The Second being set around her house as she is interacting with her husband. The third, showing Erika’s first introducing her showgirl alter ego Erika Jayne.
Episode Seven - Pretty Mess Release date: January 12th, 2016 Total time: 43 min
Plot: In this episode the women continue their adventure in the Hamptons. Lisa Rinna gets prudish watching Erika Jayne's videos, and the women all get a taste of Erika's alter ego when Kyle's good friend Bethenny Frankel invites everyone to dinner there is an interesting conversation going on about Erika Girardi & Erika Jayne verses the other women.
This episode presents us with eleven different key parts. The first, showing the ladies at a wine tasting, the ladies watch Erika’s music video. The second, Erika is shown arriving at a girl’s trip. The third, a conversation is shown where the topic is Erika’s arrival in a private jet. The fourth, Kyle and Bethenny talk about Erika in her
absence. The fifth, Erika, Eileen and Lisa talk about hashtags on Erika’s Instagram account. The sixth, Erika arrives at Bethenny’s dinner party. The seventh, a
conversation sparks up between the other ladies as Erika leaves the dinner table to use the restroom. The eighth, a conversation regarding Erika’s past. The ninth,
painkiller music video is shown to the group for the first time in Erika’s presence.
The tenth, Lisa Vanderpump and Ken ask Erika about her husband. The eleventh, conversation between the ladies the day after the dinner party at Bethenny’s.
Episode Eleven - Please Welcome Erika Jayne! Release date: February 9th, 2016
Total time: 43 min
Plot: In this episode Erika performs in a gay club in San Diego with the other ladies invited. The other ladies get to see the alter ego Erika Jayne that they all have been talking about throughout the season.
This episode presents us with eleven different key parts. The first, conversation between stylist and Erika in her walk-in closet. The second, Lisa Rinna anticipating what may happen at Erika’s show. The third, Eileen and Katherine talking about their first impression of Erika. The fourth, Erika in her tour bus before her show in San Diego. The fifth, the women on their way to Erika’s show. The sixth, Erika in her changing room prior to the show. The seventh, Erika in hair and make-up calling a friend. The eighth, Erika with her glam squad, final check before the show. The ninth, the ladies arriving at the show. The tenth, the show. The eleventh, tour bus and after party.
5.4.2 Season ten:
Episode One - The Crown Isn’t So Heavy Release date: April 15th, 2020
Total time: 44 min
Plot: Kyle's new clothing line brings the women of Beverly Hills together for New York Fashion Week, where Dorit quickly realizes Kyle's lack of experience in the fashion world could turn into a runway disaster. As this enfolds in New York City, Erika takes the ladies on a daytrip to share her past with them.
This episode presents us with eight different key parts. The first, Erika with her glam squad prior to performance at a fashion show. The second, the ladies head to Jersey in a sprinter van. The third, the ladies arrive at the go-go bar “Shakers”. The fourth, Erika meets new cast member Garcelle for the first time. The fifth, lunch where
Erika calls Tom for legal advice. The sixth, Sutton is introduced to the show, commenting on Erika. The seventh, conversation about pregnancy at dinner. The eighth, Kyle’s fashion show.
Episode Three - First Impressions, True Confessions Release date: April 29th, 2020
Total time: 44 min
Plot: Kyle wraps shooting on her latest film and plans a Welcome Home party for all the ladies, including her newest friend Garcelle. Erika's singing lesson brings up a painful childhood memory.
This episode presents us with six different key parts. The first, Erika having voice lessons with her singing coach as well as talking about childhood. The second, Erika arrives at Kyle’s welcome home party. The third, the couture conversation. The fourth, the game first impressions at the dinner table. The fifth, conversation involving Aaron at the dinner table. The sixth, Erika meets Teddi for lunch the day after the welcome home party.
Episode Nine - Until We Leave Again Release date: July 8th, 2020
Total time: 44 min
Plot: Denise and Aaron’s hasty departure from Kyle's barbecue leaves the other ladies confused and unsettled. Kyle helps Kim through a delicate medical procedure, while Lisa and Erika have a distinctively Beverly Hills “procedure” of their own. This episode presents us with four different key parts. The first, Denise and Aaron leave Kyle’s barbecue. The second, Erika and Lisa Rinna head to a plastic surgeon's office for treatments. Conversation focused on Broadway. The third, Erika arrives at Sutton’s event. The fourth, Erika confronts Aaron resulting in a lengthy discussion with all the ladies involved.
5.5 Ethical Discussion
The ethical rules that must permeate and be maintained in our research is to be truthful, consciously review and report the starting points for the study, methods, and results Through our presentation of these parts within our study we mean to be transparent in the previous research and theories which have created the foundation for our study. As this is a study made as a part of our bachelors’ program, we have no commercial interest tied to the research. The results we find through our
research and analysis is our own and not sourced from outside of this study. Any research we have anchored our study in is of reference point which we have aimed and believe to have treated with utmost respect as it has helped in the formation of this study (Lindstedt, 2019: 50).
In our study we will only transcribe material from the relevant episodes that we need to complete analysis and draw possible conclusions. We will not add or remove information that is found within the show. During this part we will not take any stand from our own experiences, we will be open-minded and disregard our personal opinion during the gathering of data.
As all of the material we have sourced are from the actual Bravo show The Real Housewives of Beverly
Hills we are able to trust that this material is legitimate. Research ethics permeates our research,
especially to that extent as we intend to investigate the validity of the data we collect. All relevant previous research that forms the basis for our own study is reported in previous sections of our study. There is no research bias within our study and with the help of theory and our method choice, we keep an analytical distance to our subject and make research ethical interpretations of the material. This enables us to do a systematic job within our research. There is no commercial interest that we are tied to through this research. We will not make money from this particular study. As all the data we have collected already is published and public through the show via Bravo as well as various media platforms.
5.6 Validity
Validity and reliability are fundamentally important for all scientific processes no matter the chosen method. Throughout our study we have anchored our material in the research questions and the purpose of these to enable strong validity and reliability. The study set out to discursively analyze the Reality TV show The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills, focusing on Erika Girardi’s representation of gender roles and subject positions.
It is of high importance to be mindful and critical in the selection of the sources that we choose to collect data from to minimize the possibility of untrue information (Ekström & Johansson, 2019: 12-13) To do this we sourced out material from Bravo, observed and transcribed the episodes to create a written version of the episodes. This written material was then looked at with the theoretical perspective of Judtih Butler (1999) and Bevely Skeggs (2000) as well as analyzed through a discursive method.
The findings of this discursive analysis are then presented within the analytical element of this study. As this is what we aimed to do within our study through carrying out the discursive analysis with the theoretical perspective as planned, keeping validity high is made possible. However, within a
qualitative discursive analysis the logical quantitative aspects of other methods are not as concrete. Rather than numbers and mathematical equations we are looking at more subtle signs within discourse. Thus, making it important to make apparent these signs to enable a clear validity and reliability.
6. Analysis and Result
The analysis is structured with the focus on the subject positions as the main theme then deep diving into the chain of equivalence which makes up these positions. Further we will tie these to the five Nodal Points which we have identified within our material; The Body, Money, Housewife, Beauty and
The American Dream. 6.1 Subject Positions
6.1.1 Housewife
The subject position of Housewife is so central to the show and all of its main cast that it can both be seen as a subject position and a nodal point. What makes this particular subject position interesting for our research theoretically is the way in which it can be viewed with Judith Butler’s perspective of “woman” only being a concept as it is seen as “the other” of “man” (Butler, 1999: 24-25). Meaning, a housewife only exists as “the other” of a husband. In the following section the representation of this role as housewife is analyzed.
Erika’s participation in The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills came to be through her marriage to Tom Girardi. Her role as housewife is portrayed in the show as domesticated, caring, generous and supportive of her husband. In season six episode three the viewer is taken on a visual tour of their mansion as she is in the kitchen making a cup of coffee for Mr. Girardi. Erika brings the cup to him and fixes his napkin before she follows him out the door to wave him goodbye on his way to work. The interaction suggests that Erika is attentive and protective in her role as housewife and a general sense of familiarity can be found in the way she takes care of him. The subject position of housewife is synonymous with someone who takes care of her husband, family, and household. Further investigating this scene, it seems all an act of service towards her husband as the coffee is made for him, brought to him and the attention stays on him until he leaves the home. Indicating the gender roles as “woman” as the other and “man” as the main person (Butler, 1999: 24-25).
Throughout the two seasons and the episodes within these seasons that we have chosen to analyze, Erika is consistently talking of her husband in a very polite and caring manner. She uplifts her husband whenever she talks about him and tells everyone how much she loves him when asked about her relationship. The show seems to highlight interaction with her husband as she also pursues activities outside of the relationship allowing for housewife to show up as a nodal point even when the subject position may be of another nature within that scene. In season six episode eleven Erika is on her tour bus on her way to a
performance. On the road Erika calls her husband to check up on him, asks when his flight is going to leave for his trip to make sure that he does not miss his flight.
In season ten episode one the ladies meet for lunch in New York when the group hears about Denise Richards’ legal issues with her ex-husband Charlie Sheen. Erika, being the wife of a lawyer, steps into her role of a lawyer’s wife and advocates for her husband’s profession and the importance of taking legal issues seriously. When details of the case and the steps needed to be taken are unclear Erika calls her husband for counsel. Tom shows up for his wife as well as for Denise as he volunteers his help should she need it. Through this call it is being shown that she has a protector and provider and the women, in turn, responds with warmth. Having a protector and provider is part of the signs in the chain of equivalence that makes up the subject position of housewife as it is not possible to be kept unless someone is keeping you. This touches on the nodal point of money as this is essential to be able to provide. Erika’s trust in her husband is shown by her turning to him when she or her friend is in need of protection, in this case of the legal kind.
Season ten episode three displays another aspect of the wealthy housewife; the clothing that she wears. The clothing touches upon three nodal points, that of body as this is what is clothed, that of beauty, as the clothing represents the buildup of beauty as well as money as this is the nodal point that makes the purchasing of these articles of clothing possible. One of the most expensive formats of clothing is that of couture pieces. Which means a designer piece of clothing which is manufactured to a client’s specific requirements and measurements. In other words, designer one of a kind clothing made to fit the buyer. Couture pieces are a sign in the chain of equivalence that make up the subject position of housewife in the series. It is a mark of the upper-class which creates something for the working-class to aspire to (Skeggs, 2000: 78-79). The question of couture is highlighted in the episode through Sutton bringing up the fact that she is in fact not wearing couture to the dinner party which the ladies are attending. This sparks a conversation regarding couture versus ready-to-wear clothing where Erika defines both versions of clothing as well as disclosing that she owns a few couture pieces.
6.1.2 Showgirl
The subject position of Showgirl is presented in a few different ways due to the financial status of which Erika inhabited during a certain time in her showgirl career. A career which has been more or less ongoing throughout her life however with pauses in her performances due to being a housewife for Tom Girardi.
Erika’s showgirl persona in introduced in season six by herself through the following statement:
“By day I am Erika Girardi married to Tom Girardi, über famous lawyer but by night I am something else. I have an alter ego and her name is Erika Jayne. She is sassy, she is class and ass and heels and all woman all the time, curvy. She is over the top fabulous.” (Bravo, 2015)
Touching upon performance in the classical sense; performing on a stage, ties to Butler’s theory of performativity. As Butler argues that both sex and gender is an act of
performativity the concept of a “woman” acting out a hyperfeminine alter ego may be thought of as an act of drag (Butler, 1999: 175).
The very provocative showgirl persona of Erika Jayne is of topic during season six episode seven. Erika attends a dinner party with the ladies as well as a few other women whom she has never met before. Prior to the gathering a few of the women have googled Erika
Girardi’s alter ego Erika Jayne and watched her music video called Painkiller. In her absence, the ladies' reaction is very judgmental; they proceed to question why she would want to act out this alter ego life and have concerns about what it accomplishes. Touching upon the shaming which occurs when a woman steps outside of the gender-based behavior deemed respectable (Skeggs, 2000: 70-71).
The ladies watch the music video again during the dinner with Erika in attendance. During this viewing which for the cast member, Bethanny, is the first time. Bethanny proceeds to criticize the production value and talks negatively about what she sees. In a voice over, Erika gracefully explains that everyone is entitled to their own opinion, and that she still loves her own work. The interaction within this scene is the first in many where Erika stands firmly in her own interpretation of the subject position showgirl. She seems ready for the judgement and unsolicited opinions of people she does not know and does not allow it to alter her own narrative of what this performance looks like. Rather than allowing another narrative pushed upon her, she seems to reframe narratives she knows may be placed upon her.
In season six episode eleven Erika has a performance, she is in her closet with both her assistant and stylist talking about the upcoming show and what is on her schedule the next few days. Her stylist Mikey is in the process of selecting outfits for the show, afterparty and upcoming brunch the day after. The assistant helps them pack all of the luggage that they are bringing on the tour. When Erika and her team have arrived at the club where the
performance is to take place, her glam squad starts pampering her. Full body make-up is applied as well as her team creating an extravagant hairstyle. This beauty ritual requires her to remove her robe and she is exposed to the camera. However, there is a blurring added in after-production as there needs to be appropriate censoring for the shows target audience and rating. The beauty rituals that are part of the chain of equivalence that builds the subject position of showgirl seems a natural parallel to the performativity of gender as this ritual in a sense builds this hyperfeminine act (Butler, 1999:5). The scene suggests that the entire body is part of the performance that creates the showgirl, there is no part of her body that is not made ready for the show. Further it is not only the performance as Erika Jayne which we are observing in this scene but also the show, which is documenting the performance, creating a further dimension of performativity. There is both the act as Erika Jayne the showgirl and there is the act of Erika, performing as a “woman” on The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills (Butler, 1999: 5).
Further moving into Erika’s reframing of narratives we look into a scene filmed after her show. The ladies proceed backstage after the show to congratulate her and to get a tour of the area as well as her dressing room where Erika and her backstage dancers are found. They leave together and enter Erika’s tour bus, further allowing the ladies into her showgirl world. Within this space a conversation is sparked where the ladies communicate that they are positively surprised and in fact loved to finally see Erika act and perform through her alter ego. However, a jewelry-based detail finds its way into the conversation as Erika is wearing a necklace with the word cunty. The ladies are taken aback at her decision to place such a word on herself and in response she explains her definition of the word:
“This means sassy. It means sexy. It means fun. And you can’t get offended by it. ….Where did I just perform? In a gay club, with a bunch of gays losing their minds. And you know what C*nty is appropriate there. So, you know what? You’re in my world. Welcome to my world” (Bravo, 2016)
She essentially takes a very provocative word whose literal meaning is a name for female genitalia, usually used as a derogatory term, and gives it a new meaning. The out of the box vocabulary is a sign in the chain of equivalence, intelligently used as showgirl itself moves beyond regarded appropriate behavior for women. In a space where the performance is already aligned with provocation, she can get away with saying things which would not fit any other subject position we may find her in. Thus, creating a possibility for reframing narratives. Erika’s ownership of words, language, and narrative, especially of the charged kind functions as a neutralizer of words usually used against women in a space which have been deemed outside of the requirements of correct behavior (Skeggs, 2000: 70-71).
Rather than giving others a chance to shame her, Erika precedes the derogatory terms by her usage of provocative language to trigger reaction which opens up to conversation where she can redefine the definition of the word. Thus, taking away the power of verbal punishment. This is displayed numerous times during season six in both episode seven and eleven. Erika even points this out in episode eleven: “… It’s all in context and in place”. In her statement she herself puts the concept of this provocative word; cunty as a sign in the chain of
equivalence that makes up the subject of showgirl, especially in her version of the subject position, Erika Jayne.
As Skeggs highlights there are a lot of behavioral requirements that are asked of the working-class to be looked at as respectable (Skeggs, 2000: 70-71). These behavioral
requirements are highlighted in season ten episode one as Erika takes the ladies to the go-go bar where she danced as a teenager. As this go-go dancing moves against the behavioral patterning leading to respect as a woman of the working-class which she was a part of as a young woman, many questions within both Erika and the other ladies are raised.
Erika is hesitant in her choice to allow the ladies into this part of her world but has decided to trust them. Knowing that this part of her past is overcast with a level of shame that comes with moving outside of the behavioral patterns which are allowed for a respectable woman. This shame is part of the negative sides of the chain of equivalence that makes up the subject of showgirl. What is highlighted by Erika herself within the conversation regarding her past profession is the fact that she still does the same thing today, just in another, more respectable format. In other words, with higher production value and backed by the nodal point of
money. Thus, through this shift in access to money the other ladies deem her current showgirl
format in the form of Erika Jayne successful and empowering whereas in the worker class format it was shameful. Lisa Rinna comments on this with her daughter Amelia as a reference point:
“I can’t picture Amelia doing that. I Just can’t picture Erika doing it. Like this young 18-year-old. Same age as Amelia Gray. Uh-uh, nope.” (Bravo, 2020)
The episode highlights another nodal point in our material which is the concept of The
American Dream. One of the main reasons for the show in general as well as this episode is to
highlight the possibility of becoming anything you want in the United States. Thus, in this situation the subject position of showgirl is taken from rags, go-go dancer, to riches, Erika Jayne and further into Broadway. The episode in itself is set in New York during fashion week where Erika performs and also ties into the storyline of her getting a role as Roxie in the Broadway play Chicago. Erika’s dream was to end up on Broadway, the highest version of a respectable showgirl. Her journey from a go-go bar in Jersey to a leading role on Broadway encapsulates The American Dream through the subject position of showgirl.
Further, in season ten episode nine several signs in the chain of equivalence making up the subject position of the showgirl are highlighted. As Erika and Lisa Rinna head to a plastic surgeon’s office for beauty treatments. The pressure of looking a certain way and living up to beauty standards within the profession is a focal point. Thus, touching upon four nodal points. Firstly, the body, as the body has to look a certain way to be accepted. Secondly, beauty, as they are at the plastic surgeon’s office to uphold the beauty standards associated. Erika states:
“It’s certainly not a replacement for old-fashioned exercise, but it’s important to do sh*t like this because the business I’m in… There is a f*ing line out the door to judge you.” (Bravo, 2020)
Thirdly, The American Dream as she is getting the work done for her role as Roxie in the Broadway musical Chicago which has been her dream since she was a young girl. Fourthly, that of money as these treatments are only possible through money. Lisa Rinna who is
accompanying Erika to the treatment has previously played the same role and is also the one who has previously had the procedure which they are about to have done. Thus, reinforcing
