European Union Emergency Trust Fund; A Case Study of The Gambia

European Union Emergency Trust Fund A Case Study of The Gambia Kitabu Bangura International Migration & Ethnic Relations

Department of Global Political Studies Bachelors Programme – IMER 15 Credits

Spring 2019

Abstract

This thesis is a case study that examines the impacts of the European Union Emergency Fund (EUTF) in The Gambia. Using a combination of the Neoclassical theory, New Economics of Labor Migration theory and Migration Network theory this thesis investigates the impact the EUTF has had on irregular migration in The Gambia locally known as the “back way” to Europe. Furthermore, through the use of interviews, and secondary data from the International

Organization for Migration (IOM) and International Trade Centre (ITC), this paper also investigates the impact of the projects implemented under the EUTF has on the beneficiaries. The analysis shows that in terms of the economic and employment opportunity plan of the EUTF, it has had too little coverage to have any significant impacts in the Gambia, however, the awareness-raising component has made a considerable impact on the decision-making process of the backway migration. Finally, the analysis shows that the EUTF has had a positive impact on its beneficiaries thus far.

Keywords: EUTF, backway, remittances, development, aid

List of acronyms

AVRR Assistant Voluntary Return and Reintegration ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States

EU European Union

EUTF European Union Emergency Trust Fund GBoS Gambia Bureau of Statistic

GDP Gross Domestic Product

GID Gambia Immigration Department IMI International Migration Institute

IOM International Organization for Migration ITC International Trade Centre

MOI Ministry of Interior

MSME Micro Small & Medium Enterprise

RA Reintegration Assistance

Table of Contents

Chapter One: Introduction

1.0 Introduction

The past few years have seen an unprecedented influx of refugees and migrants to the European Union from the Global South. A great number of the migrants arriving at the shores of Europe through the Mediterranean hail from the Middle East and Africa. This huge unexpected mixed flows of migrants arriving in the EU in 2015 was described as the “refugee crisis” that tested the values of the European Union. Thus, the alarming flow of the mixed flow of migrants prompted the EU to take measures to mitigate or deter migrants from entering its frontiers (Carrera, et al., 2015).

One of the measures undertaken was the fortification of EU’s frontiers through the strengthening and increased capacity and budget of the EU border patrol body called Frontex. This body was allocated with additional funding from the EU for personnel and equipment. On 6th October 2016, the EU added an extra level of border security by launching the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, which adopted the role of Frontex but in a much larger capacity, with more responsibilities and “powers”. With up to 1500 personnel and massive equipment at its disposal, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency was mandated to patrol the external borders of the European borders to control external migration movements and security threats to the EU (European Council, 2016).

In March 2016, the leaders of the EU member states and the government of Turkey agreed on the deal known as the EU-Turkey statement. The deal was a further measure to control the irregular migration flow from Turkey to the EU. Turkey was tasked to combat people

smuggling and the irregular migration flow on their side of the border, while the EU would provide over 3 billion euros to support reception conditions in Turkey and facilitate safe, regular and orderly migration through relocation programs (European Commission, 2018). Moreover, in February 2017, the EU leadership met at an informal summit to adopt the “Malta Declaration” which primarily focuses on an agreement between the EU and Libya to control the flow of irregular migrants from the Central Mediterranean routes. Similar to the EU-Turkey deal, Libya was tasked with disrupting smuggling operations to reduce the flow of irregular migrants from

Libya to the EU. In return, the EU provides huge amounts of financial support, capacity building and technical support for Libyan officials (European Council, 2016).

In the same vein, the EU formulated the ‘Partnership Framework’ with third countries under the European Agenda on Migration known as the Compact on Migration. Included in the Compact on Migration is the European Union Emergency Trust Fund (henceforthreferred to as the EUTF) which provides a substantial amount of funding and support to migrant sending and transit countries with the aim of “addressing root causes irregular migration and displacements in Africa”. The EUTF which classified its targets into three main regions, namely: The Sahel and Lake Chad; the North of Africa; and The Horn of Africa, covers a wide range of countries in the continent. The Sahel and Lake Chad regions cover over twelve countries which implement about ninety-three projects ranging from “improvement of governance and conflict prevention;

improved migration management; strengthening resilience and; greater economics and

employment opportunities. The Horn Africa implements over sixty-nine cross border projects in over nine countries, with similar aims as the Sahel and Lake Chad region. Interestingly, the North African region implements over twenty-one projects in about five countries, with a singular aim of “improved migration management” (European Commission, 2019).

This thesis sets its focus primarily on the “Partnership Framework” with the EUTF projects implemented in The Gambia as a particular focus. The Gambia, located in the classified region of the Sahel and Lake Chad is one of the smallest countries in mainland Africa, with a population of about 2 million people. Notwithstanding its size, The Gambia constitutes one of the largest migrant-sending countries through the irregular Sahara/Mediterranean route, known in the Gambia as the "back way" to Europe (IOM, 2018). The number of Gambians making this dangerous “back way” journey has put the little nation in the spotlight of the Partnership

Framework, thus, the amount of 37 million euros will be disbursed to The Gambia over a period of four years under the EUTF. The aim of the funds is to work on tackling the root causes of irregular migration from The Gambia to the EU (European Commission, 2019).

Accordingly, the funding concentrates on two main areas which are: “Improved migration management” and “greater economic and employment opportunities”. The

aforementioned areas of concentration are implemented under three different projects namely: EU- IOM Joint Initiative for Migrant Protection and Reintegration which is implemented by the IOM; Youth Empowerment Project implemented by the ITC; and the Make it in The Gambia

project locally known as “Tekki fii” also implemented by the ITC. (European Commission, 2019). The IOM implemented project aims to strengthen migration governance and to support the sustainable reintegration of returnees into their communities and societies. Whereas, the Youth Empowerment Project aims to provide vocational training to young people as a means of creation of employment opportunities. (European Commission, 2019).

Using the Neoclassical migration theory, New Economics of Labor Migration and the Migration Network theories, this thesis seeks to investigate the impact of the EUTF in The Gambia. Taking into consideration that the EUTF is not exclusive to the Gambia, this thesis employs a case study method of research in order to do an in-depth focus on the impact of the EUTF in The Gambia in particular. Primary data was collected through Semi-structured

interviews with officials of the organizations tasked with implementing the projects such as the IOM, ITC, and government officials at the Ministry of Interior Gambia (henceforth referred to as MOI) and the Gambia Immigration Department (henceforth referred to as GID) the

implementing partners of these projects. Additionally, beneficiaries of the projects were also interviewed to cover their perspective on the impact of the projects. Finally, secondary data from the EU, ITC, and IOM will be analyzed to support the primary data.

1.1 Relevance of Research

The refugee crisis of 2015 became an unexpected and shocking reality for the EU, which prompted the Union to take action to curb the number of migrants reaching its frontiers. The urgency of the crisis resulted in politicians and policymakers rushing to put together measures and policies to curb the hi influx. Some of these measures and policies have turned out to have negative effects on migrants and migration routes and processes (Action Aid International, 2018). The EUTF is one such measure that was hastily put together to acquire the urgently desired result of deterring migrants from moving to the EU. In the case of The Gambia, there have been very few studies done on the impact of the EUTF on the beneficiaries, or its effects on reducing the flow of migrants through the irregular routes known in The Gambia as the back way to the EU. Thus, this paper deems it important to investigate the impact of the EUTF projects in The Gambia.

Likewise, there is this general assumption that the push factor for Gambian migrants is poverty, lack of employment opportunities and lack of political freedom due to the two-decade rule of the former president Jammeh. However, these assumptions continue to be challenged by new knowledge obtained from returnees and migrants on the move. Knowledge such as the amount of money migrants spend on the irregular routes through payments to human smugglers, human traffickers, corrupt government officials, and other facilitators during the course of their journeys. The huge sums of money spent on these journeys contradict the belief that the people undertaking this dangerous journey live in abject poverty. The recent change in government which ushered in democracy and political freedom in The Gambia does not seem to have any effect on the number of people taking the back way, which further challenges the aforementioned assumption. As a student of International Migration, there has not been a more interesting time to study migration management and policymaking.

With the heated scholarly debate on the relationship between migration and development, this paper deems it interesting to investigate how the use of development aid by the EU impacts The Gambia and EU’s goal of migration management. This research will test the theory that: development will keep people in their countries. In simple terms, the EU believes that if it supports developing countries with huge sums of money, fewer people will try to migrate from

their countries of origin. Even though the debate surrounding this issue is huge, this research seeks to increase the literature on development aid and migration in the context of The Gambia.

It is the goal of this thesis to contribute to the academic literature on migration in The Gambia. During my internship at the IOM, I came to the realization that The Gambia

government relied heavily on the EU and IOM for many things including data on migration and the progress of projects including the EUTF. There was no independent monitoring of projects by the government, which could raise questions about the credibility of the information as both the EU and IOM could produce bias data to promote their agenda. With that in consideration, this thesis deems it interesting to conduct interviews with beneficiaries of the projects, to get their experiences with the hopes of getting a more realistic view of the EUTF projects in The Gambia.

1.2 Research Question

As the debate continues about the EU’s strategy to tie development aid to mechanisms to curb migration, this paper seeks to investigate whether or not such actions have led to shift in paradigm in the migration flow. This investigation will be done from an in-depth view of The Gambia, which is one of the top five irregular migrant-sending countries to the EU.

Focusing on the EUTF and the projects being implemented in the Gambia, this paper seeks to answer two vital questions:

1) What are the factors influencing the decision making of the irregular migrants from the Gambia?

2) What impact has the European Union Emergency Fund had in The Gambia?

Given the circumstances of the emergence of the EUTF, the rationale behind it is clear, however the process of attaining the objectives of the funding raises obvious questions as to whether or not the EUTF lives up to its discourse of positively impacting the lives of the people, or only serves the EU agenda of deterring irregular migrants from venturing to Europe.

1.3 Thesis Structure

This thesis is presented in various different chapters. Chapter one presents the introduction of the thesis, which looks at the background of EU’s “refugee crisis” from a broad perspective,

shedding light on the measures and policies employed to mitigate the “crisis” including the Partnership Framework for third countries. Subsequently, this paper delves into the European Union Emergency Trust Fund, with a particular look at The Gambia and an overview of the “back way” phenomenon in the Gambia. Secondly, this chapter also looks at the purpose and relevance of the research being conducted and why this paper selected the specific topic to study. Finally, the chapter gives an insight into the research question and aim of the research conducted.

In chapter two, this paper presents previous literature on the “back way” migration situation in the Gambia. Additionally, the literature review will also present a discussion on the debate surrounding development aid and migration management. Chapter three discusses the theoretical framework of this research, with a presentation of the theories being employed, the rationale behind the choice of theories and critiques of the theories. Chapter four of this thesis will present the research design, methodology, choice of method, limitations, and challenges of the method of choice. The data collection processes will be explained in this chapter. In chapter five, the finding of the data will be thoroughly analyzed and discussed. Both of the research questions will be critically analyzed in relation to the finding and the use of the theory.

1.4 Migration Background of The Gambia

The Gambia is one of the smallest and poorest countries in mainland Africa with an area of 11,330 km2 _{and a population of about 2 million people. The small nation, also known as the} “Smiling Coast of Africa”, is located on the west coast of Africa and can be seen on the map almost entirely covered by Senegal with the exception of the opening into the Atlantic Ocean. Due to its location on the coast of the Atlantic Ocean, The Gambia became an unfortunate transit point for slaves during the Triangular Slave trade between the 15th to 20th centuries. Despite its horrors and forced migration, this is nonetheless considered by Gambians as a migration journey similar to the "back way" route as we will later comprehend from the interviews (Kebbeh, 2013).

The Gambia’s migration history continued after it gained independence from British rule in 1965. This new independence resulted in economic difficulties for the newly independent country especially in the agricultural sector, which was and still is the principal source of income. The government’s failure to address and rectify the economic situation in the country resulted in emigration across all sectors of the populace (Kebbeh, 2013). The dire economic environment of The Gambia continued for decades and has motivated thousands of young people who have little hope in traveling to Europe through legal channels, to risk their lives for a brighter future for themselves and their families (Zanker & Altrogge, 2017, p. 3).

The tail end of the 1960s saw the introduction of chartered tourism to the Gambia, which became a foreign exchange earner for the government attracting mainly Scandinavian tourists to the country. "Growing unemployment was one of the main reasons to set up a tourist industry, when the opportunity offered"(Wagner, 1982, p 24). In the same vein that chartered tourism brought in Scandinavian tourists, it also created an inflow of Gambians to Scandinavia

particularly to Sweden (Wagner and Yamba, 1986). As Wagner and Yamba state the number of Gambians in Sweden increased by five to six hundred compared to 1966/67 and out which two-thirds had acquired residence or work permits (Wagner and Yamba, 1986). In the years since then Gambians have started traveling to other destinations, within Europe, the US also became a popular destination country. The first group of Gambians traveled to Chicago "for higher

The July 22, 1994, military coup by former President Yahya Jammeh ushered in more economic problems, but also the lack of political freedom and brutality towards whoever dared to oppose the regime (Kebbeh, 2013). Consequently, intercontinental migration which was more of a privilege for Gambians, transformed into the most significant “success-promising” way to survive the Jammeh regime (Zanker & Altrogge, 2017, p. 3). Many Gambians began to migrate in search of refuge in Europe and the US. Gambians seeking asylum in Europe increased by 371% between 2012 and 2014. In 2015 the number of Gambians who applied for asylum reached a record high “with 12,205 asylum applications across the EU, with the Gambia ranking third in the list of nationalities claiming asylum in Italy at the end of 2015” (Embiricos,2016).

The now heavily focused on the Mediterranean route is not new to Gambian migrants, in fact, during the days of the late Libyan president Gaddafi the route was used to migrate to Libya as a destination country. Gambians went to Libya in search of employment taking into

consideration the income differentials between the two countries at the time. The need for agricultural workers and house helps pulled low skilled Gambians to that direction. However, the dissolution of the Gaddafi regime and the civil war in Libya changed the dynamics of the backway by transforming Libya from a destination country with economic benefits, to a gateway to the EU via the Mediterranean. The instability in Libya not only put an end to economic advantages for Gambian migrants in Libya but also set in motion the phenomenon of the back way to Europe (Camara & Lousie, 2018).

The Gambia continued to see a steady increase in migration over the years, but poor data collection mechanisms mean that there is no exact figure for the amount of Gambians residing outside their home country. A recent Migration Policy report on the Gambian estimates this figure to be approximately 35,000 in 2000 to approximately 65,000 in 2010. With approximately 90,000 Gambian living overseas, there is a high reliance on remittances in The Gambian. In fact, remittances make up a significant percentage of Gambia's GDP (IOM, 2018). The International Monetary Fund estimates remittances to The Gambia in 2010 at $90 million, which is equivalent to 10.1 percent of the national GDP, these figures, do not include amounts send it via personal contacts. Remittances in 2011 were twice the size of foreign direct investment to The Gambia (Kebbeh, 2013). According to IFAD, The Gambia is number two on the list of African countries

dependent on remittances. Between 2007 to 2016, remittances to the Gambia has experienced a growth rate of 225.3%, with a staggering amount of approximately 181 million US dollars sent in 2016 (Ponsot, et al., 2017).

Chapter Two, Literature Review

2.0 Introduction

This chapter discusses previous research, debates, and the different perspectives given by various scholars and organizations on migration and development. It is apparent that in order to

understand the impact of the EUTF in relation to curbing migration, this paper must place itself in the migration and development debate. Thus, this paper will look at two key perspectives of the debate: the migration and development angle and the relationship between development aid and migration angle. In this chapter, this paper presents the debate between Migration and Development versus the relationship between Development aid and migration. Even though the thesis holds the view that migration brings more development than development aid can ever do, presenting the scholarly debate serves to enlighten our views and assumptions.

2.1 Migration and Development or Development Aid?

IOM defines migration as the process of movement either across international borders, or

internally but a state of states away from the individual’s “habitual place of residence” regardless of the nature of the movement; be it voluntary or involuntary, the duration of the individuals stay, the reason for the movement or the legal status of the individual (IOM, 2019).

According to a recent study conducted by ActionAid international, until December 2016 migration of Gambians was mainly attributed to as "repressive policies and lack of political and civil rights. The article further explains, however, that despite the regime change which in effect brought about democracy to the small West African country, the backway migration was still showed no signs of slowing down. Thus, new assumptions were made that the migration flow less due to political factors and more as a result of economic factors such as lack of employment opportunities and low investment in Agriculture Moreover, this author also buttressed on the fact that migration itself provide a development angle for the Gambia, as 20% of its GDP is

generated from remittances sent back by migrants. Evidently, the author views migration and development as a complex issue and believes that the government has to improve economic and

employment opportunities especially for young people. However, the author believes that the choice for one to migrate to and from his or her country is a fundamental human right (Action Aid International, 2018; Action Aid International, 2018; Silverman, 2006).

Zanker and Altrogge, in their study of “The politics of migration governance in the Gambia”, emphasized that migration plays a very crucial role in the "new Gambia" both at societal and political levels. On a societal level, returns and emigration restrictions will result in significant losses for families’ dependent on remittances. However, on a political level, the pretense of better migration governance and accepting return migrants is crucial to receiving the much-needed development aid to help rebuild the country's weak economy. The authors point out that the assumption that more development will result in less outmigration is complex, however, in most cases emigration and remittances translate to more development. In the case in study, the authors lean more towards the latter, taking into consideration the important role of remittances (Zanker & Altrogge, 2017, pp. 6-8).

Sutherland (2013) in his analysis of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) points out that migration is a trillion-dollar industry that provides a more sustainable and positive development than any other means. He further argued that remittances sent to developing countries amount to 401 billion dollars, which is three times the combined amount of

development aid provided all over the world. According to the author, migration benefits a lot of people across the many sectors of both the countries of origin and destination countries. These benefits are reflected both in the formal and informal sectors, however, if properly managed by governments, the huge proposition which goes to smugglers, traffickers, and other criminals can be redirected to the migrants (Sutherland, 2013).

Meanwhile, the authors of “The Complex Effects of Development Aid on Migration” hold a doubled sided view on the relationship between development aid and migration. The authors point out that the EU has been increasingly focusing on long-term development aid with third countries as a tool for reducing migration. However, on one hand, they agree that if

development aid is directed towards improving the public sector services in impoverished countries, then it can, in fact, serve as a deterrent to migrating. On the other hand, the authors hold the view that if development aid focuses on income generation and job opportunities, it could have a backfire effect, as more income would put more people in the position to afford to

backfire effect would be to provide a tremendous amount of aid which would translate to an income sufficient enough to keep people from emigrating (Lanati & Thiele, 2018).

Another interesting perspective of the debate hails from three German researchers in an article posted on The Washington Post titled “When and how can foreign aid slow migration?”. The authors clearly point out how foreign aid has continuously been disbursed based on the willingness or success of benefitting third countries to prevent emigration and accept

readmission of its citizens (Martin-shields, et al., 2017). In short, countries that agree to help curb migration from their end get financial aid, and countries that cooperate less get their aid slashed off. The authors turn to statistical evidence that suggests that development aid can, in fact, reduce "mixed migration" as people moving for reasons of food security and housing might stop moving if development aid addresses their problems. Additional the authors are of the view that even though development aid might not necessarily stop migration, continuous development aid can transform the dimension from irregular to better managed regular migration (Martin-shields, et al., 2017).

According to De Haas (2006), it is very optimistic to think that development aid will deter emigration. He is also of the view that the politicians who are the main promoters of development aid as a means of reducing out-migration are yet to provide evidence which shows that development aid has in fact contributed to the reduction of emigration from beneficiary countries. He further argues that the other parties to debate who hold the opinion of development being an effective curb measure for migration have the assumption that development can be a substitute for migration and that there is a negative correlation between the two. In simple terms, the short-sighted assumption sees a lack of development as the root cause of migration. The author further solidifies his position by putting emphasis on how migration is selective and that development rather facilitates migration and migration processes (De Haas, 2006).

Also joining the debate from an economic perspective is an Economist at the Center for Global Development at IZA Institute for study and Labor, Michael Clemens. I chose to include his perspective in this debate because even though his position has already been presented in previous paragraphs, his input helps us see the discussion in terms of numbers. Similar to Haas, he is of the opinion that the politicians pushing for development aid to curb migration fail to present any evidence to support that claim. Clements claims that evidence shows that countries

with a much richer middle-income emigrate three times more than poor countries with low income. He sees migration as an investment, so in terms of numbers, it is more profitable for people in poorer countries to migrate than from middle-income countries. However, it is easier for middle-income countries to afford to emigrate which is reflected in their rate of emigration. He further argues that development aid increases the affordability of poor-income countries to emigrate and create better incentives for middle-income countries to emigrate. He further stressed that research suggests that for a turnover to ever occur, development aid beneficiaries have to earn between $7000 to $ 10,000 per capita which is the range of the upper-middle income (Clemens, 2016).

Chapter Three: Theoretical Framework

3.0 Introduction

During the process of conducting the interviews, I have come to realize that in order to

extensively explain the “back way” phenomenon and the use of development aid to tackle it, I deem it important use more than one theory to assist in the analysis of the findings. Importantly, this paper takes into consideration that migration is too "diverse and multifaceted" to clearly explained by any one theory (King, 2012).

First, this paper will take an in-depth look at the New Economics of Labor Migration theory, which is a meso-Level theory. This theory will help explain migration as a collective decision. Furthermore, this paper will also duel into the Neoclassical micro-level theory, to explain the back way migration from the perspective of trends (Hagen-Zanker, 2008). Finally, this paper will look at the Network theory that will be primarily viewed from the angle of the perpetuation of migration. As I seek answers on the impact the EUTF has had in The Gambia, these theories will give a good insight into our analysis.

The combination of all these theories might make this paper seem complicated and over-theorized, however, the need to contribute to the little existing literature on the back way migration and its relationship with development aid, compels this paper to leave no stone unturned in this research. Importantly, during the course of gathering data and conducting interviews, I came to realize that it will be shallow not to include all the theories previously mentioned as different stories require different theories to explain them.

3.1 Neoclassical microeconomic theory

Recent scholar discourse on migration has seen a proliferation of theories to study why people migrate. Different theories have been forward by scholars to explain the choice to migrate but the central theory in explaining causes of migration is the neoclassical theory with its main assumption that the decision to migration is motivated primarily by rational economic considerations of relative costs and benefits (Todaro & Smith, 2006, p. 342).

In the neoclassical theory of migration, migration is mainly understood to be driven by the differences in return to labor. Neoclassical theory is split into macro and micro levels of analysis, however, this paper focuses on the micro-level. At the nucleus of the theory is the issue of

wages. The neoclassical micro theory views migration as a rational choice made by individuals based on the calculation of “cost-benefit” with wherein the expectation of higher returns or income in the destination country drives the decision to migrate. In this theory, migrants are viewed as rational actors that migrate to destinations that ensure more productivity and better wages (Castles, et al., 2014, p. 29). Migration in this theory is viewed as a human capital investment, whereas migrants move to places where their skills will help them acquire more income in comparison to their countries of origin or other destinations. Bauer and Zimmermann (1999) have shown that the chances of a person migrating decreases as the individual ages and increases with the level of education that the person possesses (Baurer & Zimmermann, 1999). The investment goes further than just the cost of travel, but may extend to living expenditures before acquiring an income, integrating into the destination society through language and culture, etc. (Massey, et al., 1993, p. 434). This theory makes emphasis on the assumption that migrants might have an improvement in their occupation as a result of migration (Hagen-Zanker, 2008, p. 10).

According to Hagen-Zanker (2008), neoclassical economic theory is seen as the human capital approach which centers around labor markets but also provides explanations to the “selectivity of heterogeneous migrants”. This points out that aspiring migrants migrate to places that offer the greatest return within a certain period of time. However, before the decision to migrate is made, a careful calculation is made taking into account migration’s non-monetary and psychological costs (Hagen-Zanker, 2008, p. 10). Moreover, King (2012) claims that the “cost-benefit” calculation is made possible by the information available to the migrant. The migrants use the available information about travel cost, accommodation, job possibilities, and expected income after securing a job, and weighs it against the current income of the migrant in order to make a decision on the profitability of the decision to migrate (King, 2012, p. 14).

According to King (2012), the neoclassical theory fails to factor in family and other social-cultural factors as reasons for migrants to move, as part of the decision-making process of migrants. Neoclassical migration theory has been critiqued for not taking into consideration the

3.2 New Economics of Labor Migration Theory (NELM)

The new economics of labor migration theory came into existence as a "critical response" to the neoclassical economic theory which sees migration as an isolated decision. In developing countries, however, decision making is not so isolated nor simple (Castles, et al., 2014, p. 38). The New Economics of Labor Migration theory assumes that the decision to migrate is not individually taken by the migrant. Rather, NELM assumes that migration is a household decision taken by family members to send a selected member or members from their place of origin to a destination place for the best interest of the entire family (Hagen-Zanker, 2008, p. 6). In short, this is a calculated decision by family members to venture into other markets. NELM also assumes that the scale of decision making may go beyond the immediate family, as decision making can involve members of an extended family or some members of the community (King, 2012, p. 23).

The NELM views migration as a “risk sharing” behavior within family groups to ensure a source of income insurance for the entire family especially in developing countries that lack such insurance (Castles, et al., 2014, p. 38) Furthermore, the NELM assumes that the “rational choice” collective decision made for a member or members of a family to move to destination countries comes not only from the calculation of the possibility of higher wages and more income but as a measure of reducing risks and dependency on a single market. The sending of family members to a new destination encourages the diversification of markets and a sense of security against “market failure” in poor countries with little or no assurances, insurance or protection (King, 2012, p. 23). Importantly, the NELM assumes that even in there is no “wage differential” between the country of origin and destination country, migrants will still move as it still offers a different market (Castles, et al., 2014, p. 38).

Hagen-Zanker (2008) argues that NELM takes into consideration the possibilities of higher income in the destination countries and relatives income which is described as the "social status" of the family in their community (Hagen-Zanker, 2008, p. 13). Also, migration is seen as a temporal move to for a limited period of time to either send remittances to the family or create savings that would be eventually used by the family. In this view of migration, the more the migrants work abroad and earn money to meet their targeted amount, the earlier that migrant

would return home, as NELM views return as a sign of success of the migrants in the view of their family and community (Constant & Massey, 2002).

Remittances can also be used as forms of investment for the family back home to strengthen old businesses, or venture into new ones in the hopes of improving the economic capital and insurance of the family and also expand the family activities “ portfolio” (King, 2012, p. 23). Importantly, the NELM is described to be the only migration theory that clearly points out the links between remittances, migration decision and the impacts of migration (Hagen-Zanker, 2008, p. 13). According to Haas (2010), NELM sees remittances as one of the most important reasons for international migration decisions to be taken, as it provides a safety net for all other local “market constraints” (De Haas, 2010). Simply, people migrate to different markets to provide investment opportunities back home but also to prepare for eventualities of insecure markets.

However, Constant and Massey (2002) claim that the NELM perceives migration as a response to failed markets of the migrant’s country of origin instead of the regulation of imbalances in labor markets (Constant & Massey, 2002). In essence, the decision is made to have a presence in more secure markets as a solid backup plan for economical upset back home. Importantly, the NELM assumes that governments can influence the rate of people migrating through policies that provide market security, insurance, and easy access to investment capital (Massey, et al., 1993, p. 440). If such are provided by the government, then there will less of a need to migrate internationally to diversify, thus it could be done locally in different sectors of the market.

Admittedly, the NELM theory is criticized to be ambiguous in the decision-making process of where to send the migrants (Hagen-Zanker, 2008, p. 16). However, the use of the Migration Network theory of Migration works well in covering the gap, as it will provide explanations as to how migrants decide where to go based on the information they receive from their social networks as “pioneer migrant” influence the decision making of the destination of aspiring migrants (Castles, et al., 2014, p. 40)

3.3 Migration Network Theory

Migration network theory is another meso-level theory of migration which gives focus to a collective, but social networks to more precise. This theory was carefully included in this study to assist in the analysis process of the research data, as the theory explains the perpetuation of migration. Since one of the fundamental roles of the EUTF is to curb the flow of migration by providing incentives to keep potential migrants at home, it will be interesting to analyze how that works with the already established social networks in the EU. Thus Migration Network theory becomes an indispensable tool to not only fill in the gaps of the other theories but also explain the influence of social ties in migration and migration processes.

Migration network theory is described as the theory that explains how migrants living abroad form new social ties or maintain old social ties with people back home who could be potential migrants such as friends and family, thus, creating social networks in the process (Castles, et al., 2014, p. 39). According to Massey et al (1993), migrant networks are a

collection of “interpersonal ties” that link migrants and potential migrants both in their countries of origin and destination countries. At a meso-level, these ties go beyond immediate family, relatives, and friends, but can extend to communities, acquaintances, etc. (Massey, et al., 1993, p. 448). Whereas social capital is described as a sort of resource formulated through various types of relationships that can be useful in process of migration, such as a source of finance or cost-cutting mechanisms (Hagen-Zanker, 2008, pp. 16 -17).

Migration networks theory views migrant networks as “social structures” that influence the continuity of migration, as pioneer migrants can now affect the destination choices of potential migrants (Castles, et al., 2014, p. 40). As previously mentioned, most theories fail to explain how migrants make their choices of the destination countries, however, the Migration network theory views migrant networks as great influencers of the choices people make on their countries of destination. Hagen-Zanker (2008) explains that the role pioneer migrants play in making the journeys of potential migrants less expensive, and the increased likelihood of

facilitating employment for the potential migrants makes the choice of destination much easier to make for potential migrants (Hagen-Zanker, 2008, p. 17).

Castles et al. (2014), point out that social capital is considered to be the third most influential resource impacting people’s intentions and ability to move. The fact that social

networks play a pivotal role in “risk-reduction”, reduction on cost travel cost, facilitation of travel, settlement, employment, and housing, makes it important in the perpetuation of migration (Castles, et al., 2014, p. 40).

Chapter Four: Method and Research Design 4.0 Introduction

As previously mentioned, the EUTF is not a project that is exclusive to The Gambia. In fact, the EUTF is implemented in three different regions in Africa, and in over twelve countries. In consideration of that, this paper treads carefully on how to approach this research to avoid using limited resources and data to generalize the whole EUTF. Thus, this paper carefully selected a single case study method of research to concentrate solely but also do an in-depth investigation of the EUTF in the case of the Gambia.

4.1 Case Study

A case study is described as the research method that “involves real-life contemporary context or setting”, hence the use of a case study to study the impacts of the ongoing EUTF projects renders itself valuable (Creswel, 2013, p. 97). A case study is also described as " a qualitative approach which investigators explore a bounded system (case) or multiple bounded systems over time, through detailed, in-depth data collection involving multiple sources of information such as interviews, and reports description and case-based theme” (Creswel, 2007). In short, this method allows me to go deep into the situation of The Gambia in particular, through the process of collecting my primary data in the form of interviews, and secondary data through an analysis of EU; government; inter-government; articles.

Furthermore, the single case study method avails this paper the advantage of extensively focusing on The Gambia even with the limited resources at my disposal in terms of data on emigration due to reasons such as the porous borders of the Gambia and the ECOWAS free movement of goods and people policy (Moses W & Knutsen L, 2007, p. 140). Using a

qualitative approach to explore the bounded system of the EUTF in The Gambia over the period of two years between the years 2016 to 2018, with the source of data being the combination of interviews and case-based reports and data from the EU, IOM, ITC, government, and other case relevant sources, falls within the characteristics of a case study (Creswel, 2007).

irregular routes, the single case study method is a perfect fit for this, as it goes beyond providing simple answers, but rather, detailed explanations. With the discourse of the EUTF revolving around development aid; development; employment opportunities; sustainability and

empowerment, the use of the case study helps to focus on what the discourse means in the Gambia, whiles the use of interviews of beneficiaries and experts, informs us on whether or not the discourse bears the same meaning to all stakeholders (Silverman, 2006, p. 120).

Furthermore, case studies are recognized as effective in testing "theories of complex relationship". Another rationale for using a single case study is its ability to be used as a test of a significant theory. Such a method of research allows the researcher “to determine whether the propositions are correct or whether are correct or whether some alternative set of explanations might be more relevant” (Yin, 2014, p. 51). In the case of The Gambia, the theories to explain the irregular migration and the relationship between the EU and its emergency funding is

complex, to say the least. Seeking to understand this complexity will require focus, in-depth. and careful investigation, which are all characteristics of the single case study method. In fact, a single case study method has the tendency to provide us with new knowledge and perspectives that could introduce or develop new theories to the case of the Gambia (Moses W & Knutsen L, 2007, p. 139).

A criticism that has been levied to the idea of using a single case study as a method of research is that there can be a problem of generalizability due to the small number of cases under study (Halperin & Heath, 2012, p. 172). While there is no doubt that this can be an issue, it is the opinion of this thesis that thinks case studies can help us to analyze various cases through the varied perspectives used in analyzing a phenomenon. Flyvbjerg (2006) shares this view stating that case studies can act “the force of example” as they can provide detailed and extensive knowledge of the phenomenon being studied (Flyvbjerg, 2006, p. 230).

4. 2 Semi-Structured Interviews

The primary data for this thesis is based on a set of semi-structured interviews. According to Gillham (2000), if well conducted, the semi-structured interview is the most important type of interviewing, as open-ended questions can provide the "richest single source of data" (Gillham,

interviews which seeks to gain information based on facts and unstructured interviews which seeks to duel in-depth into the experiences of the interviewees (Halperin & Heath, 2012, p. 258). Lamont (2015) explains that semi-structured interviews are characterized by some level of structure that facilitates "cross-referencing" interviewees, but also flexible enough to dig deep into the interviewees' experiences in relation to the research question (Lamont, 2015, p. 84). All these similar views of the semi-structured interview guided my choice of data collection, as my research question seeks not only to find facts that are produced in structured interviews but also be flexible enough to understand the experiences of the different interviewees.

While conducting semi-structured interviews, it is usual to receive information that was not factored in or expected before the start of the interview. This new information can improve the literature available and possibly provide new explanations to the case in study (Lamont, 2015, p. 128). However, since the semi-structured interviews give more than simple yes or no answers like that of structured interviews, it usually proves difficult to compare the answers given by the interviewees (Halperin & Heath, 2012, p. 258). Consequently, the process of transcribing and analyzing prove to be tedious and time-consuming. According to Gillham (2000), one hour long recorded interviews may take up to ten hours to transcribe and numerous hours to analysis, hence he advises to keep open-ended interviews no longer than 30 minutes per interview (Gillham, 2000, p. 65).

4.3 Data Collection

During my elective semester from September 2018 to January 2019, I had the opportunity to intern at IOM The Gambia. Within that period, I was fortunate to interact with the stakeholders of the EUTF projects ranging from the Ministry of Interior, International Trade Center, Gambia Immigration Department, Ministry of Trade Industries and Employment, International

Organization for Migration and beneficiaries of the various different EUTF projects. This not only contributed to my interest in studying my research topic in order to give my contribution to the existing literature but also put me in a position of access to individuals interviewed in this

research. Using my already established networks, a small sample of relevant stakeholders were contacted through emails, Facebook and WhatsApp.

Between March to May 2019, data was collected through interviews of six experts from IOM; ITC; MOI and GID, and six beneficiaries of the EUTF projects implemented by the IOM and ITC. A total of 12 people were interviewed to obtain the primary data of the research. The selection process of the experts from IOM and ITC involved the consideration of the different levels of the projects, ranging from senior management, implementation and monitoring, and evaluation staff. This selection was carefully done to enhance the validity of the research by reaching stakeholders who have significant roles to play in the implementation of the EUTF in The Gambia. Furthermore, the six beneficiaries were drawn from the different EUTF projects being implemented in the Gambia namely: the Reintegration project of IOM, the Youth Empowerment Project and the "Tekki fii" project implemented by the ITC. It is important to point out that, during the course of my internship at IOM between September 2018 to January 2019, I had come into contact with over 200 beneficiaries.

Through my past interactions with the beneficiaries, I identified and became familiar with potential interviewees that could be comfortable to share their stories with me. In the field, I made a formal request for the list of beneficiaries through IOM and then selected 10

beneficiaries to contact via direct calls to interview.

The first individuals to be interviewed were five of the six experts. Two of the experts were interviewed at their offices, one was interviewed at a café and the other two at different

restaurants. The last of the six experts was unavailable for face-to-face interviews but made his email address available for me to send the questions I wanted answers, which I did and

consequently received answers.

Subsequently, I had the opportunity to interview four other interviewees on the ground. All four of the interviewees I invited to a nice but not so busy Café which was located very central to all ten beneficiaries. Prior to setting up the interviews, I placed calls to all the

beneficiaries to introduce or reintroduce myself, explained my research topic and requested for interviews. Furthermore, I explained that they would be kept anonymous and have their identities protected. All ten that I reached out to agreed to grant me the interview however, only four of the ten could honor the appointment. I contacted the remaining six beneficiaries but only two could

out to my interviews, I had created a set of questions that served as a guide for the discussions with the interviews and while we did not always strictly follow the set of questions, having an interview guide enabled me to refocus the interviews back to the aim question of this research. The interviews were conducted mostly in English and but we occasionally spoke in our local Gambian language, Wolof. This worked out well because two of the experts requested for the questions days prior to our interview. Importantly, semi-structured interviews give us access to the additional advantage of observing the "attitudes and values" of the interviewees. Open-ended questions have the tendency to produce the interviewee's interpretation of the events or case in study which might create a deeper understanding or generate other perspectives (Silverman, 2006, p. 120). The semi-structured questions gave us the opportunity to get beyond yes or no answers. In this case, experts were not only restricted to giving answers that would reflect on the viewpoints of their professional institutions but also provided their own personal opinions based on their work experiences.

The final parts of the interviews were done through WhatsApp video calls. Prior to the calls, we agreed on the date and time of the interview so as to be prepared the interviewees to find access to free and fast Wi-Fi connections, and myself to find a quiet place to avoid

interruptions. Thus, the remaining interviews were conducted that way. Importantly, before the beginning of all the interviews, the interviewees were guaranteed anonymity following ethical considerations.

4.4 Secondary Data:

An analysis will also be derived from the use of secondary data from the EU, IOM, ITC and other case-relevant data to get exact figures and reports and to collaborate some of the information from the experts that I interviewed. The collected data was obtained from the EU/Gambia website, the IOM/Gambia website and the ITC/YEP website. Additional data such as the YEP quarterly reports and IOM progress reports were obtained via email upon my request to ITC and IOM respectively.

4.5 Challenges

Time was one of the most challenging factors during this entire research process.

During the conducting of the interviews, issues with timing rose up especially in relation to the expert interviews. Conflicting schedules meant that I could not interview all the individuals that I had on my list. Also, the lack of trust in journalists in the Gambian compelled me to travel to the Gambia to successfully interview the government officials and some beneficiaries of the IOM RA. It was also challenging to get some of the beneficiaries to share their views on the

economic components of the projects. Unfortunately, this research lacks the opinions, views, and experiences of the forced returnees benefiting from the IOM reintegration assistance. Despite numerous attempts and requests for interviews, my requests were either turned down or ignored by the individuals I contacted.

.

Chapter Five: Empirical Analysis

5.0 Introduction

This chapter presents the findings of research conducted for this study. With the help of the previous literature, theories, this thesis will also analyze the finding. The data collection process provided a mass of data that may pose huge difficulties to present, therefore, the chapter will be divided into three different sections in which the most relevant findings will present and briefly analyzed. The first part of this chapter will present and analyze the backway migration of

Gambia. As previously stated, the paper is of the belief that in order to understand the impacts of the EUTF, the decision-making process of the backway migrant must be well comprehended. Secondly, this chapter will present the findings and analyses of the economic effect. Thus, the EUTF projects mainly support economic and job opportunities, these findings, and analysis of this angle are important. Finally, the EUTF's angle of curbing migration is also analyzed in this section.

5.1 Findings

I am the first born son in my family so it is my responsibility to go to Europe and hustle for my family (Interviewee 7)

According to the majority interviewees (both experts and beneficiaries), the motivation was more tied to the elevation of their families “from hand to mouth” or “survival mode” to living in dignity and respect in their communities. Experts see the decision to take the backway as a result of the social pressure young Gambian men and now women go through to economically support their families. For the beneficiaries, even the women, the sense of responsibility to support their families was deeply expressed in the interviews. However, one of the interviews expressed that his siblings were already in Europe, but he wanted his own money and did not want to depend on the siblings like the rest of the family. Importantly, what is common in here is the rational choice to migrate based on either the assumption or calculation that the income generation in the

I’ve had a job, I worked for years but the chicken change salary cannot do anything for my family (Interviewee 6)

All the expert interviewees uniformly expressed that the main factors for young people to migrate irregularly are the lack of employment and economic opportunities. One expert further explained that both high-skilled and low-skilled migrants travel the backway in the hopes of getting any form of employment in Europe. In this regard, however, two of the beneficiaries expressed that they were employed in the private sector, and one in the public sector, one had a small business and the remaining one was unemployed. Even though not all the beneficiaries attempted the back way, they all expressed similar views on how low income generated in the Gambia makes is. Interestingly, despite the high unemployment rate in The Gambia, young people with jobs were also driven to take the back way to support their families. With the average salary not able to keep up with the high cost of living, people who felt obligated to support their families ventured into the European markets with greater income differential.

I tried getting a visa, I even went to Dakar and Nigeria to apply but they only ate my money and rejected me (Interviewee 8)

Legal migration to Europe has become a sensitive topic in the migration discourse in the Gambia, especially for the experts that benefit from EU funding. My awareness of this guided my decision not to pose any question about legal migration to Europe to the expert interviewees. However, according to all the interviewed beneficiaries, they have at one point or another tried to apply for a visa through legal channels. The interviewee (6) expressed she got accepted in a University in the UK but got rejected when she applied for a visa. Interviewee (7) expressed that he has family members in Sweden who supported his application several times but rejected at all attempts. Even though it is cheaper to travel with a legitimate visa, the restrictive visa issuance of the EU countries has in its own way contributed to aspiring migrants to risking the back way as

My dad sold one of his lands so I can pay my way into Europe (Interviewee 12)

Three of the beneficiary interviewees expressed that they spent between 80,000 – 150,000 Gambian Dalasi (16,000 – 30,000 Swedish Krona) at various points during the course of their backway journey. According to interviewee (10), his siblings in Europe sent him the money. In the case of the two other beneficiary interviewees, their parents had to liquidate their properties to afford the journey. Interviewee (11) mentioned that his dad had to sell a piece of land "he was saving for a rainy day" whiles interviewee explained that his mum had to sell off a few of her Jewelry to secure the funds for travel. Even though the experts were not questioned in this regard, two of the six at some point mentioned that the cost of back way travels is around 100,000 Gambian Dalasi. Despite the huge amount involved, migrants and their families calculate that greater reward awaits them in Europe.

My friend who is now a big guy in Italy explained about the road and gave me some numbers to call (Interviewee 10)

Three of the beneficiary interviewees have expressed that they received information about the routes and expenditure of the back way before they confirmed their decision to migrate. One of the three interviewees expressed however expressed that his trip was delayed due to wrong information based on inflated prices. He expressed further expressed that his friends who made it to Italy asked to send him half a million dalasi to arrange the trip. Interviewee 9, on the other hand, was given a number by a friend who also made it to Italy, this contact provided

information from pre-departure to the point the interviewee set off on a boat on the coast of Libya. Here I observe the importance of pioneer migrants in terms of information sharing but I also noticed an elevated status when the interviewees mention their counterparts in Europe.

I am very thankful to IOM they gave me transportation and reintegration assistance to start my business (Interviewee 9)

According to both experts and beneficiaries, the funding is helping to improve the lives of young people. Interviewee (1) pointed out that the process of providing the funding is slow due to the underestimated number of beneficiaries, but the support does seem to make a difference when it is received. Interviewee (7) mentioned that he always wanted to start his own business but never had the capital to do so until he qualified for the YEP MSME support. According to interviewee (10), he is thankful to have received support on skills training and starting up a satellite business.

I did not receive cash but they bought all I need for my poultry farm

Both experts and beneficiaries agree on the fact the amount of money given to the beneficiaries varies based on the interests the beneficiaries wish to pursue. Interviewee (2), pointed out that to ensure that the support is utilized as intended, the support is given through implementing

partners instead of cash in hand. Interviewee (8) explained that all the financing for his poultry farm was done by IOM, however, he did not receive any cash in hand. Here I tried to find out how much the beneficiaries received but interestingly I found that the project beginning of the IOM and YEP projects cash amounts directly to the beneficiaries. However, the projects are contentiously working with local partners to ensure the beneficiaries receive help the help in kind to better ensure that the support is rightly implemented.

I cannot complain, business is not easy but at least I can make a little money to support my family (Interviewee 8 )

According to the expert interviewees (1&2), the projects are yet to be fully evaluated, but they have recorded many “success stories” through their monitoring of beneficiaries. However, interviewee (1) pointed out there have been a few “not so successful stories” which need evaluation. Interviewee (9) explained that when she began her business, she was running at a loss so she had to close it down and enroll for a business management training program at one of the EUTF funding partners. She continued to explain that she has reopened her business and it is going better than before. Interviewee, confessed that business was not as good as he expected he is thankful that he can provide the basic things for his family.

We use social, economic and psychosocial indicators to monitor impact (Interviewee 4)

According to interviewee (5), the government leaves the responsibility of monitoring to the implementing organizations, as there is no available budget for this. Interviewee (4) however claims his organization conducts program monitoring and satisfaction surveys, and also use indicators to measure the impacts on the beneficiaries. Interviewee (2) also pointed out that they use indicators to monitor the impact on the beneficiaries but claims that it is still in the

preliminary stages as the project is still new.

The number of Gambian migrants arriving in Europe has gone down because of many other factors but who is to say that we have no significant influence there? (Interviewee 3)

According to two of the expert interviewees, the number of Gambian migrants arriving in Niger, Libya, and Italy has gone done significantly. Interviewee (1) claims that even though the exact reason for this is yet to be determined, proxies can be used to show that the project being

implemented has influenced a downward movement of the backway. Interviewee (2) expressed that they have been at the forefront of providing solutions to the root cause of the back way, and even though there is no evidence to support to confirm it, but he claims that they have had some influence in the change in paradigm. According to interviewees (3), the money provided by the EUTF will help people start businesses and forget about the back way.

5.2 EU-IOM Joint Initiative for Migrant Protection and Reintegration

The stated aim of the joint initiative is to support the “strengthening of governance of migration and the sustainable reintegration of returning migrants in The Gambia. The main targets of this project are returning backway migrants from mostly Libya and Niger. Even though this research focuses on a two-year timeframe between 2017 and 2018, it is noteworthy that in late 2018 the

especially from Germany. Below is the list of objectives of the project culled from the IOM website (https://www.iom.int/countries/gambia, 2019)

• Building capacity of government and local stakeholders on migration governance, sustainable reintegration of returning migrants and ownership of reintegration activities at the national level

• Protecting vulnerable migrants

• Providing reintegration assistance to returning Gambians

• Conducting awareness raising and sensitization activities targeting the general public on the risks and the alternative to irregular migration.

• Collecting and analyzing data on migration

According to IOM, between 2017 and 31st December 2018 a total of 1762 were supported with reintegration assistance with 87.51% of the returnees opting to venture into Microbusinesses. This is a good number considering that the whole project was designed to support a total of 1500 returnees, however, this only covers returnees from the backway after 2016. There is no fixed amount to support the returnees with, as the amount depends on the type of economic activity the returnee wishes to engage it.

Type of Assistance Number of Returnees % of Returnees MicroBusiness 1542 87.51% Education 17 0.96% Housing 2 0.11% Medical Support 1 0.06% Vocational Training 119 6.75%

Housing & MicroBusiness 29 1.65%

Education & MicroBusiness 4 0.23%

Education & Housing 1 0.06%

Vocational Training & MicroBusiness 42 2.38%

Medical & MicroBusiness 4 0,23%

Referral to Private Sector 1 0.06%

Total 1762 100.00%

Source: IOM, The Gambia (Summary of RA 31 December 2018)

5.2.2 The Youth Empowerment Project

The Youth Empowerment Project (YEP) on the other hand uses a “market-led approach” to support vocational training and micro and small-sized businesses of young people including returnees. The project seeks to support young people with the skills needed to enter the job market and also support youth entrepreneurship. The project was launched in January 2017 with the funding amount of 11 Million Euros to be disbursed in four years. The key intervention areas for YEP are: providing vocational and skills training for young people, supporting MSME, partnering with local institutions to localize the support young people and raise awareness on the alternatives to irregular migration.

According to YEP, between January 2017 and December 2018, they have been able to support a total of 66,320 people. The majority of the people however which amount to 63,861 have been provided with information through various channels of interaction such as events,

vocational training. Finally, a total of 442 young people were supported with either capital to start MSMEs or expansion and management support.

Activity Number of people reached to

date

Numbers in Quarter 3 of 2018

Training 2017 486

MSMEs 442 102

Partnerships with local institutions

27 5

Training & Social media 63,861 6020

Source: ITC (Third quarterly report 2018)

During the course of the research, it has become evident how much pressure both ITC and IOM have to deal with being understaffed and underfunded in a country with 60% of its population under the age of 25 and vulnerable to irregular migration. In terms of economic and employment opportunities, the combined numbers of their supported beneficiaries make up only a tiny

fraction of the youthful Gambian population. The numbers are too low to make a real impact on the entire country as the masses are left without this opportunity.

Discussion

As the stated aims of the EUTF is to tackle the “root causes” of irregular migration, the understanding of the “root causes” but also the decision-making processes is important to any success the projects might have. This paper deemed it necessary to investigate and add to the existing literature on the root causes of Gambia irregular migrants in particular. To acquire the opinions and experiences of the stakeholders of the EUTF such as the experts and beneficiaries of the projects in the Gambia, this paper selected a case study method of research, with semi-structured interviews as the primary source of data. After transcribing the semi-semi-structured interview data, I selected three theories that are best suited to analyze the acquired data in the

case of the Gambia. The three theories cover the decision-making processes of the backway migrants, the initiation stages and the possible reasons for perpetuation.

The primary data has shown that in several cases, the financial cost attached to the backway journey takes the decision-making process to a meso-level as the decision to migrate is made either by the whole family, or in some cases a few members of the family decide to

liquidate their properties to finance the travel of selected members. In the Gambia, it is usual for families to send their firstborn sons to external markets that guarantee income security,

investment opportunities and a form of insurance as explained by the NELM theory. Even though the NELM see migration as more of a diversification mechanism rather wage

differentials, both experts and beneficiaries agree that the family decides to send a migrant to anywhere in Europe with the belief that there is a higher chance for the migrant to send more in remittances than the family can never make back home.

Furthermore, the acquired data also shows that young men but especially young women have made the "cost-benefit" calculation to take the isolated decision to travel via the back way to Europe. In most cases, this decision is influenced by family, peer and societal pressure, but the ultimate decision to move is made by the individual migrants themselves. In such cases,

individuals make the rational choice to travel to Europe to maximize their productivity as well as increase their income as explained by the Neoclassical micro theory.

Importantly, this paper has come to confirm that migrant networks also play a very important role in decision-making processes. The migrant network theory explains how migrants make their decisions on the destination countries based on the social ties in those countries. The interview data confirms that through their social ties be it weak or otherwise, the migrants receive pre-departure information on their possible destinations, routes, prices or cost of travel, checkpoint information, information on obstacles and smuggling networks. A number of migrants have also pointed out that some of their migrant networks do not stop at sharing relevant travel information, but also give financial assistance either as loans or as solidarity assistance to the traveling migrants.

“Semesters” are seen as the backbone of the economies of not only their families but that of the entire nation, thus, they hold high social statuses and command a lot of respect and

admiration in the Gambian society. As explained by the NELM theory, migration does not only provide remittances but also elevates the social statuses of migrants and their families.