“They don't come alone. They are afraid”: Immigrant Integration and Nature Use in Örebro City Gabriela Susana Armengol Rodríguez
Örebro University May 2019
Abstract
In a world with increasing cultural diversity, it is necessary to understand the different environmental mindsets and natural encounters created by local governments. As the population transforms, integration endeavors are susceptible to be influenced by biased perceptions of immigrants thereby affecting people’s relationship with nature in the city. Örebro is a city in Sweden that has a high focus on environmental management. It is for this reason that elite interviews of local public officials and the analysis of environmental documents have been conducted to investigate this phenomenon. Currently, the framings found portray immigrants as uneducated, fearful, vulnerable, and their use of nature is often described as ‘deviant’. Swedes, on the other hand, are framed as educated, confident, and comfortable in their experience of the city and its nature. The interviews and documents show that the city has ambitious environmental goals in which the Municipality attempts to reduce social differences. However, it continues to develop plans based on erroneous perceptions of both Immigrants and Swedes leading to a possible increase in the power gap between these groups. Additionally, it leads the Municipality to work on the basis of an unsubstantial amalgamation of immigrant groups rather than considering the differences within these.
Keywords: Social Constructs, Immigration, Social Cohesion, Intergroup Relationships, Nature-Human Relationship
Table of Contents
Abstract ………...….. 2 1. Chapter 1: Social Constructs and Their Impact on Immigrant Integration and Nature
Use in Örebro City ………..…..... 1.1. Background ………....………...…... 1.2. Problem Formulation and Research Aim ……….………... 1.3. Thesis Disposition ……….………..…... 2. Literature Review ………... 2.1. Political Ecology and Environmental Education………....….... 2.2. Space, Identity, and Social Capital ………... 2.3. Constructivism: Environmental Issues and Social Problems ………... 2.4. Immigration, Public Policy, and Social Cohesion ……… 2.5. Environmental Justice and Social Sustainability ……….. 2.6. Conceptual and Theoretical Starting Points ……….. 3. Methods and Data ……….. 3.1. Method Strategy and Research Design ………. 3.2. Data Collection and Analysis ………... 3.2.1. Primary Data ………..
3.2.1.1. Interview Sampling ………...
3.2.1.2. Interview Material and Operationalization ……….
3.2.1.3. Interview Analysis ……….
3.2.2. Secondary Data ………...
3.2.2.1. Document Sampling ……….
3.2.2.2. Document Analysis and Operationalization ………
3.2.3. Methodological considerations ………..
3.2.3.1. Elite Interviews ……….
3.2.3.2. Limitations ……….
3.2.3.3. Trustworthiness ……….
3.2.3.4. Ethical Considerations ………
4. Results and Data Analysis ………. 4.1. Context ……….. 4.1.1. Social Assistance and the Swedish Immigration ………..…………... 4.1.2. Örebro’s Environmental Profile ……….
4.1.2.1. Översiktplannen- The Overview Plan ………...… 4.1.2.2. Milijöprogrammet – The Environmental Program ……….... 4.1.2.3. Hållbar Utveckling – Sustainable Development ……….
4.1.2.4. Naturplan – The Nature Plan ……….
4.1.2.5. Grönstrategi – The Green Strategy ………... 4.1.2.6. Green Bond Framework ………...
5 5 5 6 8 8 8 9 10 11 12 15 15 15 16 16 17 17 18 18 18 19 19 19 20 21 22 22 22 23 24 24 25 25 26 27
4.2. Data Analysis...
4.2.1. Objective 3: Create an attractive living environment, especially through urban
nature………... 4.2.2. Objective 4: Meeting the needs of different groups while prioritizing vulnerable
groups………... 4.2.3. Objective 5: Educate the public about nature and incentivize them to access it
………... 4.2.4. Objective 6: Helping people feel welcome by providing inclusive and safe spaces
………... 4.2.5. Objective 7: Develop equal conditions regardless of people’s background
………... 5. Discussion………... 6. Conclusions ………... References ………....………... Appendices ………... 29 30 31 32 34 35 39 43 45 52
1. Social Constructs and Their Impact on Immigrant Integration and Nature Use in Örebro City
This chapter presents a short description of the social context of Örebro city for the introduction of the case. It also presents the research aim, relevance, and research questions. Finally, the chapter concludes with the thesis disposition.
1.1 background
Societies are becoming increasingly multicultural as people continue to relocate to new countries in search of a better life. This phenomenon makes it essential to study its connection to environmental justice and access to natural resources as societies’ demographic make-up changes. A relevant issue to explore is the role of public officials in the integration of newcomers, Swedish and foreign, into their communities through the use of urban nature. Concepts such as social sustainability, identity, multiculturalism, and cultural assimilation should be considered in the public official’s immigrant-integration process. This research explores the impact of immigration on the sustainable planning process at the municipal level from public officials’ perspective.
Even though the Municipality describes the quality of life in Örebro as high, there is still a need to reduce differences in “health, education, and participation in the development of society” (Örebro Kommun b, 2018). Örebro is home to people from 165 different countries (Örebro Kommun b, 2018). In the databases of the Örebro municipality (2018), it is stated that in 2017 Swedish citizens made up 93.4% of the population in Örebro, and regardless of citizenship status, 17.6% of residents in Orebro are foreign-born. The population forecast for Örebro between 2018-2027 is estimated to increase by about 25,000, about 2 -3,000 residents a year, mainly from occupational migration to the city (Örebro Kommun a, 2018).
1.2 Problem Formulation and Research Aim
The diversity in Örebro presents challenges for the local government in terms of inclusion of both Swedish-born citizens, foreign-born citizens and foreign residents within both the urban and natural spaces in the city. For instance, in the last 20 years housing segregation has increased (Kommunstyrelsen, 2013). This is important because even though the percentage of foreigners that reside in Orebro is low, the city is slowly having to deal with meeting the needs of different
populations as well as bridging gaps and easing potential conflicts that might come up due to cultural differences and even intolerance. In order to find what could be done to approach this growth correctly, it is important to examine the kind of outreach performed by both the municipality and other entities that promote the experience of natural urban spaces as well as how the planning process is impacted by the new social climate of the city. Based on this research focus, the research question and sub-question are the following:
How do broader immigration discourses impact local government’s approaches to immigrant integration through the use of urban nature at the local level?
Sub-question: How could integration efforts be benefited by accessibility to public participation?
Equity considerations in social and policy research have seldom been analyzed from a sustainable development perspective (Colantonio & Dixon, 2010). This research seeks to give more insight into the role of the planner and its importance in terms of immigrant inclusion in both the planning process and in the society itself, as well as bringing up the importance of participatory planning in terms of social cohesion. With the intention of understanding this phenomenon better, it is vital to consider the national and local contexts in terms of integration, politics, and environmentalism. These contexts must be analyzed through a sociological theoretical framework in order to obtain a basic understanding of the integration process at the local level, and its connection to urban nature. This is best achieved through the comparison of public official interviews and government documents regarding the city’s environmental goals and their social implications.
1.3 Thesis Disposition
The following chapter includes the theoretical frameworks in which this research is based. It includes topics such as political ecology, social capital, constructivism, social cohesion, environmental justice, and social sustainability. Chapter 3 reviews the methodological approach used to answer the research question. It includes a discussion about data collection, data analysis, ethical considerations and methodological limitations. The fourth chapter presents the empirical
findings identifying the different social frames present in the planning context of Örebro city. The next chapter considers relevant implications of said frames, and lastly Chapter 6 presents the conclusions, and a description of possible subjects for further research.
2. Literature Review
This chapter presents an overview of the relevant previous research, literature, and the theoretical frameworks used to analyze this research’s results. A summary of the most relevant points is provided at the end of the chapter.
2.1 Political Ecology and Environmental Education
Political decisions influence different power dynamics which affect people’s experiences of urban nature creating problematic differences in access to urban spaces that must be addressed. From a political-ecology perspective, people develop their environmental identities based on the compatibility between their ecological behavior and their ideas of the environment (Robbins, 2012). Consequently, due to the apparent disconnect between urban space and nature use, it is possible to overlook that non-human nature is deeply intertwined in the human experience by limiting or facilitating society’s development. This is why the nature-human relationship in the urban space has become politicized (Robbins, 2012). Governments ought to nourish the human-nature relationship, especially in urban spaces, for it is crucial for community building and social welfare (Coglianese, 2003). Being such an interconnected relationship, it is evident that power networks define and constantly modify this relationship (Robbins, 2012).
In addition, power networks allow individuals to develop people’s ideas of the world, nature, and environmentalism (Robbins, 2012; p. 216). People, then, define their identity based on, or in resistance to, what is dictated by the groups in power (Robbins, 2012). This in turn affects, both positively and/or negatively, their ability to adapt to cultural changes. When people connect with the nature around them it helps them develop certain “knowledge, attitudes, [and] behaviors” which open up their minds to the ways in which the environment and environmental protection may improve their quality of life (Padua, 2010; p. 450). These improvements can be seen, for instance, in the ability people have to meet their needs regardless of their social status.
2.2 Space, Identity, and Social Capital
People’s perception of reality affects the way individuals and groups relate to each other (Aguiar Borges, 2016). Hence, groups are constantly competing and ‘renegotiating’ who has
access to resources and the power to manage them, which is why people’s identity and sense of belonging to different groups are highly relevant in this context. (Robbins, 2012; p. 222). Through the different components of their identity, people establish meanings that create ties and affiliations to the space and to others that become the means to gain access to resources (Leikkilä, Faehnle & Galanakis, 2013; Berry, 2002). The social networks that these affiliations create are influenced by past and future prospects of a group, the particular place in which they are established, and are vital for society’s development (Lewis, 2009). Nonetheless, it is necessary to uncover the current power structures and how these define the way in which people perceive their reality (Aguiar Borges, 2016).
Especially when it comes to the planning process, people’s identities are shaped by the discourse revolving different aspects of their identity, and the resulting overt or ‘unspoken’ social meanings that they have developed (Aguiar Borges, 2016; Sands et al., 2007). The way that a specific group is described defines others’ attitudes towards them, as well as their attitude towards others. Participation and involvement in the community increases as social capital increases, and inclusion is crucial for the development of social capital (Lewis, 2009). Therefore, if the stories told are negative, they might dissociate from the community.
When there are identity dualities within a specific social context, often certain identities create separate narratives in which some identities are the norm and others are considered to be deviant (cf. Dahlstedt and Hertzberg, 2007). These narratives lead both public officials and the citizens to develop an idea of their role in their particular context, as well as their understanding of this context and its needs. Albeit, public officials have more power in terms of creating a narrative about different groups which can affect their identity within that community (Aguiar Borges, 2016). This is why the “government should at least try to ensure that [its initiatives do] no harm in terms of social relationships” (Lewis, 2009; p. 66).
2.3 Constructivism: Environmental Issues and Social Problems
Differences in access to resources and concomitant power imbalances can create social problems, yet the way these problems are framed can vary. Focusing on the way an issue is framed
is an important consideration according to the constructivist perspective. The two branches in this perspective compete since hard constructivism explains that groups with access to power develop ideas that are considered to be the truth regardless of the validity of these ideas, while soft constructivism refers to the interpretation and understandings of reality, which tend to be false or incorrect (Robbins, 2012). The discourses that develop specific ideas about reality create the possibility for exclusion (Dahlstedt and Hertzberg, 2007). Exclusion is mainly reinforced by frames which spark interest from different entities which must use their power to develop and maintain legitimacy and attention for a particular problem (Lewis, 2009; p. 60; Hannigan, 2014). The decisions people make in the framing of these problems, tend to come from a morality standpoint, while environmental problems are rather empirically framed (Hannigan, 2014). Nonetheless, all the different groups within society must be kept in mind in order to avoid environmental injustices (Robbins, 2012). This includes access to and management of natural resources.
2.4 Immigration, Public Policy and Social Cohesion
Immigration is framed as a social problem and thus a negative shared concept of ‘immigrants’ which exacerbate their vulnerable state in a new social context has been developed. In terms of governance, the main issue stems from the fact that often, the public is seen as a homogeneous whole and differences within this whole are disregarded (Robbins, 2012; p. 203). This is an issue because assuming that people are all similar might promote distancing between different groups that may not feel their needs are being met in terms of access to certain resources; especially since it is already easier and more common to build relationships with people who are similar to one another (Lewis, 2009). However, the preference of ethnically homophilous relationships can create instability and/or unrest in multicultural societies due to the lack of social cohesion (Portes & Vickstrom, 2011; p.474; Guimond et al., 2013).
Moreover, Guimond et al. (2013) state that “all societies are multicultural to some extent, but not all societies have developed a policy designed to promote cultural diversity as a national goal” (p. 953). Cultural differences open the possibility for resource conflicts due to the great array
of standpoints in terms of space appropriation (Ballet et al., 2015). Nonetheless these cultural differences are often used as an excuse to uphold the status quo and reinforce power disparities (Ballet et al., 2015; p. 385; Guimond et al., 2013). If on the other hand multiculturalism is to be adopted, it is crucial to keep in mind that planning practices must be constantly adapted to the new social needs created by this new social context (Leikkilä, Faehnle & Galanakis, 2013; p. 183)
Having this in mind, the different interpretations, societal needs, and discourses should shape the path for policymakers and public officials to promote heterophilous relationships and reduce inequalities in order to promote co-operation, community building, and reducing intergroup conflict (Lewis, 2009; Leikkilä, Faehnle & Galanakis, 2013; Robbins, 2012). Another way of reducing intergroup conflict is through public participation. However, this is effective and beneficial, if and only if, there is an adequate representation of the population in order to avoid perpetuating existing inequalities (Coglianese, 2003; Lashley, 2016). Immigration is positive and advantageous if established institutions acknowledge groups, their differences and their possible contributions to society separately and collaboratively (Ballet et al., 2015; Aguiar Borges, 2016; p. 29). Moreover, it is important to acknowledge that social capital and social cohesion vary due to the fact that relationships are constantly redefined (Lewis, 2009). In order to bring more stability to a particular society, the local government must attempt to increase social cohesion and demonstrate their adaptability to new social contexts (Portes & Vickstrom, 2011).
2.5 Environmental Justice and Social Sustainability
Access to natural spaces, in this case referring to urban nature, provides people with the ability to develop bonds and establish routines. Whitehead (2009) expresses that routines and every day experiences allow people to connect and empathize with each other and it is also “a plane of existence within which a range of cross-cultural and inter-species forms of interaction and sharing takes place” (p.668). It is reasonable then to expect that limiting people’s access to urban natural spaces will also limit their urban experience, which public officials should take into consideration (cf. Whitehead, 2009). Since public space is the domain in which individuals participate in society, it is a resource that should be available to use and manage equally to every resident of a city
regardless of immigration status (Leikkilä, Faehnle & Galanakis, 2013). On several occasions, the UN has stated that:
All persons, in accordance with their respective national legislation shall have the opportunity to participate in the formulation of decisions of direct concern to their environment. The environmental policy of a state and the consequences ensuing the reform may directly concern not only citizens but also all inhabitants living in the given state (Bandi, 2014; p. 98).
The importance of this is that governmental interventions have social and environmental consequences that can benefit or disadvantage the population regardless of citizenship status. This is why governments must keep track of these consequences regardless of these being positive or negative in order to maintain transparency and effectiveness (Colantonio & Dixon, 2010).
One way to promote good use of urban nature is through social sustainability since it focuses on the following:
[the provision of] access to sufficient resources [and]… sufficient opportunities for personal [and communal] development… [through] ensuring that individuals have both the right and the opportunity to participate in and enjoy all aspects of community life [safely] (Colantonio & Dixon, 2010; p. 34).
Additionally, public participation could also be beneficial for it provides a back and forth between the public and the government which increases the problem-resolution ability of the community, and it keeps the government accountable (Beierle & Crawford; 2003). Bandi (2014) and Colantonio & Dixon, (2010) agree with this statement and add that it is a way in which the public accepts changes making the government’s efforts and plans more successful. Public participation helps with “identifying relevant information, discovering mistakes, or generating alternative solutions that satisfy a wider range of interests” (Beierle & Crawford, 2003; Leikkilä, Faehnle & Galanakis, 2013). This enables the public to become more knowledgeable about the environment and hence their entitlement and responsibility regarding it (Beierle & Crawford, 2003).
2.6 Conceptual and Theoretical starting points:
Much of the research on environmental often focuses on the tendency of marginalized groups being put in hazardous or negative experiences in the urban space as well as reduced
accessibility to natural spaces. Nonetheless, research about the public officials’ perspective does of the community’s experience of urban space should be further explored. This analysis can bring to light the different power systems which define how the urban space is adapted to its populations’ needs. Based on the literature and the theoretical frameworks presented in this chapter, the following ideas should be considered:
• Political Ecology and Environmental Education
Concerning the idea of fair access to nature, the emphasis on establishing a relationship with nature is important since it also affects other relationships and people’s ability to integrate effectively into new social contexts. Additionally, it allows people to structure a position regarding power networks that affect their lives, especially regarding their access and connection to nature.
• Space, Identity, and Social Capital
Focusing on different stories and narratives can aid in the understanding of both the needs and the capabilities of different groups within a particular society, their power systems, and the relationship between these. However, misinterpretation of these stories can increase the distance between different social groups in a particular social context.
• Constructivism, Environmental Issues and Social Problems:
It is essential to know the different ways phenomena, both social and environmental, are being framed in order to determine whether or not environmental injustices are happening. Moreover, power imbalances can be reinforced through the perpetuation of negative social frames.
• Immigration, Public Policy and Social Cohesion
Immigration is framed as a social problem and due to the demographic changes it creates, its connection urban environmental injustice should be assessed. Strong intergroup relationships build social cohesion and reduce the risk of social and environmental conflicts in the urban context. These relationships allow for more effective communication between different groups
and the government in terms of their access to natural spaces within the city. This, in turn, reduces the chances of competition for resources and allows people to have the space to debate and contend local government decisions and prevent possible environmental injustices.
• Environmental Justice and Social Sustainability
It is important for the government to acknowledge the public’s differences and similarities and keep track of the consequences of their efforts in order to avoid injustices when it comes to providing access to urban natural resources. Public participation enriches the governments’ ability to provide people with resources to develop routines in which they can interact with others and bring back focus onto the social implications of sustainable development efforts in a rapidly changing society.
3. Methods and Data:
This section outlines the methodological choices, describes the research design, the data, and data collection methods. It discusses matters of ethics, credibility, constraints, and generalizability as well.
3.1 Method Strategy and Research Design
This research is best described as descriptive research which focuses on attempting to uncover social norms by analyzing observations (i.e. interviews) gathered by the researcher (Walliman, 2014). It is additionally based on an ethnomethodological approach which “addresses the question of how people produce social reality in and through interactive processes” (Flick, 2014; p. 84). The main objective of this methodology is to be able to compare and contrast the city’s desired environmental profile to public officials’ experiences with the interest of bringing to light social constructs about immigrants and Swedes. For this research, there are two data sources (documents and interviews), and two methods (thematic analysis and snapshot method). The desired environmental profile derives from environmental documents produced by the Municipality, while the interviews provide access to the “relevant culture and the structures and rules it offers the individuals” (Flick, 2014; p. 89). Lastly, a flexible design is used for it evolves throughout the research process allowing the researcher to uncover taken-for-granted meanings more easily (Walliman, 2011; Flick, 2014).
3.2 Data Collection and Analysis
For this research, the object of study is the planning and inclusion processes and the different departments involved in the sustainable planning of the city of Örebro, Sweden. This city has been chosen due to its focus on providing access to nature and natural experiences to its residents and visitors (Örebro Kommun a, 2018). Additionally, it is a city that has seen growth in its immigrant population in the last few years, which is why investigating the present social frames is crucial for further development of the city. In order to do this, seven documents are analyzed, and four interviews are conducted. The sample structure for both the documents and the interviews was defined step by step since it is more important for this research to find relevant cases rather than representative ones (Flick, 2014).
3.2.1 Primary data
Primary data is data collected first hand by the researcher which includes the recording of data through sources such as observation, participation, measurement, and interrogation. In this case, the primary data comes from three face-to-face interviews and one online interview, respective to interrogation in which people’s beliefs and motivations can be explored and shared with the public more effectively (cf. Walliman, 2011). The interviews are conducted in English which may increase the chances of misinterpretation on part of both the interviewer and the interviewee; however, the interviewer paraphrases the answers and repeats them back to the respondents to avoid issues of miscommunication. The interviews focus on finding out the benefits and limitations that integration efforts bring about and must be considered in the planning process from a public official’s perspective.
3.2.1.1 Interview sampling
The population used for gathering the primary data are public officials from Örebro’s Municipality. These individuals are chosen due to the fact that they are involved with the decision-making process in the city. The cases are selected through non-probability snowball sampling, in which “respondents who meet the criteria for selection/inclusion in the study […] can give lead for another set of respondents/information to move further in the study” because this is a population that is difficult to access (Singh, 2007; p. 24). The first contact is given by the contact service from the Municipality, then Respondents provide names of other possible participants.
3.2.1.2 Interview Material and Operationalization
The interview questions are based on the analysis of the documents (presented in later sections). These documents provided the desired environmental profile of the city and its main themes1. The profile presents themes in which social frames/ constructions of immigrants and Swedes held by these public officials could be explored through the interviews. These themes include themes such as inclusive and sustainable urbanization, attractive living environments, education about nature, among others. The interviews contain “a combination of open-ended and close-ended questions to fully grasp the nature of the subject being studied” (Berry 2002; Harvey, 2011). The interviews are recorded and transcribed; the files stored in a password-protected folder for confidentiality reasons. The interview questions have been adapted to each of the departments and hence have become three similar sets of questions [Appendix A, B, C] rather than one general questionnaire. Additionally, the interviews’ focus has been narrowed down by including a few questions which pertain to Örebro’s Green Bond Framework, a green investment plan, as well as the city’s environmental objectives (presented in the aforementioned documents).
3.2.1.3 Interview Analysis
For the interviews, a snapshot analysis is used. This type of analysis provides the current insider perspective, especially in terms of what it is like to plan and make decisions at the municipal level (Flick, 2014). It is important to know the difference between what is ideal and what is possible. These interviews bring light to the reasoning behind certain decisions or what may seem to the public as lack of action. It is also important to mention that these are elite interviews, for the respondents hold positions in or involved with the local government (Berry, 2002; Flick, 2014). Elite interviews are relevant in complementing the information provided by the documents by exposing unconscious rules and structures and how these influence the governments’ decision-making. Additionally, the research design allows the focus to be on the respondents’ contributions rather than the researcher’s expectations (Flick, 2014). An alternative method would be surveys
which would allow for gathering data from more participants, however, interviews provide accounts in more depth than surveys would allow.
3.2.2 Secondary Data
Secondary data, on the other hand, is data that “has been interpreted and recorded” and its quality varies depending on its source (Walliman, 2011). For this research, seven documents created and published by Örebro Municipality are analyzed. These documents reference different environmental objectives the city has.
3.2.2.1 Documents sampling
A thorough online search presents the seven documents described in more depth in the results section: Översiktplannen, Miljiöprogrammet, Hållbar Utveckling, Naturplan, and Grönstrategi. These documents are published by The City Council Assembly (Kommunfullmäktige) which is the “highest decision-making authority in Örebro Municipality” (Örebro Kommun, 2018c).
3.2.2.2 Document Analysis and Operationalization
The documents are analyzed through a constructionist approach (Flick, 2014; Braun and Clarke, 2006). Once the documents are translated into English through the use of Google Translate, the translations are further revised by a native Swedish speaker. Relevant sections were selected by scanning the documents for code words such as people, society, social, and residents (open codes). Then, a summary of the document, with a focus on its social aspects, provides a better idea of the relevance of each document (Flick, 2014). Through inductive thematic analysis, the relevant sections within each document are reviewed, with the aim of determining key themes (social goals) that these environmental documents present (Flick, 2014; Braun and Clarke, 2006). Sections explicitly referencing equality, participation, living environment, and discrimination (selective coding) are considered when constructing the themes, and the connections between these in order to uncover the different social goals present in these documents (Bazeley, 2013; Flick, 2014).
Document thematic analysis is selected as a method firstly, because due to the Swedish law of open access the documents produced by the government are available to the public (Regeringskansliet, 2019). Secondly, it is a method that does not interfere with any institution and provides a different perspective of the issue at hand than that of the respondents (Flick, 2014).
3.2.3. Methodological Considerations 3.2.3.1. Elite Interviews
Conducting elite interviews presents certain constraints that must be mentioned. Firstly, in some cases it is more difficult to recognize relevant participants than in other types of interviews. Secondly, gaining access to these participants in terms of contact and availability is more difficult (Flick, 2014). Lastly, Berry (2002) mentions that interviewees are not obliged to be honest, and Flick (2014) adds that it is more so in elite interviews since the “concentration on the status of the authority in a specific function restricts the scope of the potentially relevant information that the interviewee is expected to provide (p. 228). Not taking this consideration into account could in turn compromise the reliability of the data gathered through these interviews. The results of these interviews present the perspective and/or desired narrative of the participants and become the basis for the frames that are uncovered.
3.2.3.2. Limitations
When conducting research, the researcher has the responsibility to be transparent and present important considerations (Walliman, 2014). Limitations that are worth mentioning include the fact that Interviewees are only from the political left, and due to time constraints, it was not possible to have interviews to include the perspectives from the rest of the political spectrum. This could be an issue since it is not possible to fully assess the general political climate of the city with regard to immigrant inclusion and urban nature which can lead to misconceptions about the efforts and goals of different parties. There was also nonresponse from some of the potential respondents which reduced the interview pool from the planned six interviews to only four. Moreover, one of the respondents participated over email due to a lack of availability so the answers may give limited
yet still valuable information. Lastly, the analysis of the documents is based on the translation of the documents and websites, which are originally in Swedish. This may lead to slight misinterpretations of the text even though the translations have been revised by a native Swedish speaker.
3.2.3.3. Trustworthiness
In this research issues of credibility, generalizability, transferability, dependability and confirmability have been considered. The results and analysis of this research are reliable for they utilize triangulation, or the use of different data gathering methods, increasing the ability to analyze cases in more depth and corroborate the information that was found (Flick, 2014; Cresswell, 2013). Triangulation also facilitates the clarification of researcher bias (Cresswell, 2013). Another way that this has been facilitated in the current research is through the revision of the research process and results by an advisor that is not involved in conducting any part of the research. This allows the advisor to assess whether the data supports the results or if the analysis or data must be revised (Cresswell, 2013). Generalizability is limited for the sample size is too small, however, the research question is broad enough that a similar study could be defined (Flick, 2014). This research could also be replicated due to the fact that there is a ‘thick’ description that describes the setting, methods, and participants thoroughly and “allows the readers to make decisions regarding transferability” (Cresswell, 2013; p. 252). Nonetheless, a similar research design and aim are only transferable to the local level.
When conducting research, it is helpful to keep in mind the researchers’ identity and social status in that particular context (Ortbals & Rinker, 2009). In this case, the researcher is a student, a foreign temporary resident of the city, and hence an outsider. Additionally, the data gathered and used is based on both the researcher’s and the subjects’ identities and biases about one another and the subject at hand (Singleton, 2019).This could lead to respondents answering in ways they think they are expected to or may limit the depth in their answers. On the other hand, this may allow taken-for-granted meanings to surface. Additionally, the power disparities between the interviewer and the interviewee could make building rapport more challenging during the interviews, hence
they must be reduced as much as possible also reducing the risk of misrepresenting the interviewees (Sands et al. 2007). In order to reduce this power disparity, the interviews with respondents 2 and 3 were conducted in a neutral space. This was not possible with Respondents 1 and 4 due to availability constraints so the interviews were conducted in their office and online respectively.
3.2.3.4. Ethical Implications
The ethical considerations followed in this research are based on the Swedish Research Council’s ethical rules: ‘Vetenskapsrådet’. In accordance with these rules, the nature of the research and of their participation has been disclosed with the participants before making their contribution. Consent was granted from all participants knowing that the participation is voluntary and their right to withdraw from participating the study at any point. This research poses minimum or no risks to the participants, however, for the respondents’ privacy, only their job titles will be shared in this research. All other identifying information is stored in a password-protected folder and has not and will not be shared with any third-parties. The research will be shared with the participants as per their request.
4. Results & Data Analysis
This section provides a brief description of the construction of immigration and the actual immigration context in Sweden. Additionally, the interpretation of the environmental documents and interviews and a comparison of these are presented in order to uncover the social frames that influence the city’s desired environmental profile.
4.1 Context
4.1.1 Social Assistance and the Swedish Immigration
Government.se states that Sweden has over time developed a migration policy that allows the country to provide fairly to all citizens and newcomers while keeping close international ties and considering the effect of migration in terms of the development of Swedish society. This policy has a focus on asylum seekers and refugees (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019). It is essential to know that the difference between an immigrant and a refugee or an asylum seeker is the fact that immigrants have the choice to return to their countries safely. Asylum seekers are individuals seeking protection by foreign countries yet their status as refugees has not been confirmed and sometimes it never is (International Rescue Committee, 2019). Up until after WWII, Sweden had a history of emigration rather than immigration (Migrationsverket, 2019; Sweden.se, 2019). This change is part of the reason why with time, Sweden gained a reputation as being receptive to immigrants; especially asylum seekers. Due to the country’s past high provision of residence permits, immigration has risen to one of the top issues in politics in Sweden (Salmonsson and Hedlund, 2018; p. 525; Migrationsverket, 2019; Sweden.se, 2019). People often disregard the fact that returning Swedes are the “second largest immigration group” after Syrians, which creates a distorted image of immigration in the country being only asylum seekers and refugees from non-western contexts (Migrationsverket, 2019; Sweden.se, 2019).
In 2015 Sweden reframed its immigration policy to be more ‘restrictive’ by adopting EU minimum levels of acceptance of asylum-seeking applications (Salmonsson and Hedlund, 2018; Migrationsverket, 2019). It is stated that one of the reasons for this change is to increase the ability to “provide for those already in the country” and “due to the fact that most other EU countries have failed to receive their agreed share of refugees” (Migrationsverket, 2019; Sweden.se, 2019). Additionally, the housing and education system are described as being inadequate and underfunded
rendering them unable to integrate immigrants effectively, especially in terms of Swedish language education (Salmonsson and Hedlund, 2018; p. 528).
Nonetheless, in the 2017 European Commission’s Eurobarometer survey (published in April 2018) it was found that most Swedes have a personal relationship with immigrants (70%) and most of them (83%) view immigration as an opportunity for the country to develop (European Union, 2018). However, conversely anti-immigration efforts and parties gained support among the Swedish population despite resistance from the media and the public. Nonetheless, surveys show that “support remains for both ‘cultural diversity’ and guaranteeing immigrants’ social rights” (Salmonsson and Hedlund, 2018; 525-526; Ahmadi et al., 2016).
Countries in Europe, and Scandinavian countries in particular, are considered generous states in which providing residents a healthy, secure life within society is the main goal, which feeds into the idea of these countries being more attractive to immigrants (SO-Rummet, 2019). In Scandinavia, this reputation has been gained due to the implementation of the Nordic Welfare Model which is “a way of organizing society […] which emphasizes the autonomy of the individual in a context of comprehensive universal welfare rights” (Griffin, 2017; n.p). Hence, most negative views about immigrants in Europe come from the idea that immigrants come to Europe, and Sweden particularly, to abuse the social assistance or welfare system. Nonetheless, it is often the case that natives of the countries rely on social assistance more than immigrants (cf. Barret, Kahanec, & Zimmermmann, 2013; n.p.).
4.1.2 Örebro’s Environmental Profile
Considering Örebro’s increasing social diversity, the interviews for this study focus on examining the environmental profile of the city and its ability to contribute towards inclusion and cohesion. The plans presented in the methodology section (Översiktplannen, Miljiöprogrammet, Hållbar Utveckling, Naturplan, and Grönstrategi) describe the desired environmental profile of the city. These documents are revisited periodically in order to make budget and strategy adjustments and define the different environmental and social priorities that the city has (Örebro Kommun, 2018c).
For this research seven documents published by the Municipality and CICERO were reviewed. Out of these, only 2 were in English. Every other one was in Swedish which presents a limitation in terms of access to information for the different groups in Örebro who are not fluent or have barely any knowledge of the Swedish language. These documents are described given that they present the desired environmental profile for the city as well as the social implications that have been considered in the writing of these. The interviews are analyzed considering this desired profile in order to assess the city’s current environmental and integration contexts. These brief descriptions are organized from the most comprehensive plan to the most specialized plan.
4.1.2.1 Översiktplannen – The overview plan.
The overview plan is a 25-year plan to define priorities in terms of land and water management for the city of Örebro based on global social development trends (Extra.orebro.se, 2019). The goals of this plan include: “densify[ing] existing urban areas […] preserv[ing] and develop[ing] urban areas close to nature […] creat[ing] a sustainable transport system[…] creat[ing] more jobs” and most importantly “creat[ing] mixed buildings […] to provide good conditions for an integrated Örebro” (Extra.orebro.se, 2019). This plan is the basis for the more specialized plans that follow such as the green strategy, among others. It also attempts to maintain the cultural landscape and buildings of the city in an environmentally friendly way as well as help incentivize people to spend time in nature (Extra.orebro.se, 2019). “The intention of the overview plan is that the society that emerges in Örebro [has the resources to] grow up and develop with equal living conditions, regardless of gender, age, social, economic or ethnic background” (Extra.orebro.se, 2019b).
4.1.2.2 Milijöprogrammet – The environmental program.
The environmental program provides a description of the strategies that can be followed locally in order to “achieve the national environmental quality goals” (Örebro kommun, 2017b; p.6). This document was developed as guidance for politicians and officials during the municipal decision-making process, yet it is also considered guidance for other operations and planning
processes (Örebro kommun, 2017b). In terms of culture, this document mentions that “cultural-historical values must be preserved and developed at the same time as the built environment grows and is renewed” (Örebro kommun, 2017b; p.28).
4.1.2.3 Hållbar Utveckling – Sustainable development.
The purpose of this document is to describe the current situation in Örebro and be able to identify challenges and development areas for the next 20 to 30 years. It is intended to aid in the prioritization of the municipality’s sustainable development efforts (Kommunstyrelsen, 2013; p. 1). Urban sustainable planning is contextual, and many things must be considered. “[The Municipality] mainly want[s] to create an attractive living environment that contributes to good health and social cohesion” (Kommunstyrelsen, 2013; p. 13). The report describes goals that the Municipality should keep in mind. The document mentions, for instance:
Örebro municipality should work for the equal value of all people. All forms of discrimination must be counteracted within the municipality of Örebro […] [as well as] integrating equality into governance and management (Kommunstyrelsen, 2013; p. 20). According to this report, social cohesion in Swedish society is moderately strong, yet it acknowledges the fact that social diversification calls for constant reforms, mainly through increasing feelings of “participation, belonging and security” (Kommunstyrelsen, 2013; p. 23).“There is a clear ambition to strengthen social cohesion by increasing security, reducing segregation and […] develop[ing] forms for citizen impact and create[ing] freedom of choice regarding services” (Kommunstyrelsen, 2013; p. 24).
4.1.2.4 Naturplan – The nature plan.
“The nature plan [is] the basis for the municipality's strategic work with nature conservation, leisure and outdoor life, as well as urban park and green areas.” (Örebro Kommun, 2013; p.4). This plan has defined social groups that have a priority concerning the goals for the municipality, one in particular is noted here: New Users (Nya användare). This section describes residents in Örebro that for various reasons are not acquainted or accustomed to accessing nature on a regular basis. A large number of people in this group are people with a foreign background,
who depending on their context have a different relationship with nature (Örebro Kommun, 2013). This document explains that Swedish-born people generally access nature with more regularity more often due to the health benefits of being in contact with nature; while immigrants often avoid it due to fear and lack of knowledge about nature (Örebro Kommun, 2013).
Inexperience and lack of knowledge are often two of the biggest obstacles for more people to use green areas […] [so] improving [accessibility to the reserves and] information, and various forms of activities [are] important tools [to make nature inviting to new users] (Örebro Kommun, 2013; p.8).
The current Municipality effort to include these ‘new users’ is mainly through the Nature School (Naturskolan) for the general public in which a healthy active life is promoted through learning about nature (Örebro Kommun, 2013). It is important to note that the pamphlets about Nature School are for the most part in Swedish with a small section in English, German, and Dutch.
4.1.2.5 Grönstrategi – The green strategy.
The objective of this strategy plan is to define physical and business planning goals, prioritization of projects, and contribution towards the #Envision2030 goals by focusing on Örebro’s urban nature (Örebro Kommun, 2017). This is being achieved by “making the city attractive to residents, visitors, and businesses […] [and] where all people feel welcome and included […] [by] connect[ing] different residential areas… for activities and recreation” (Örebro Kommun, 2017; p. 8). The Municipality is interested in creating high quality green environments that are safe for all, and especially for children. Additionally, this is helping in the development of ecosystem services, increasing biodiversity, increasing well-being and providing spaces for rest and physical activity (Örebro Kommun, 2017; p. 8).
The green strategy really is about making the built environment attractive, so you want to live here. You want to work here. You want to be here. work for social cohesion so that you meet people, you feel a home, you feel like you belong. You're part of the same city. You belong together. It's about health (Respondent 1).
The development of these green areas is said to be based on needs through a target group analysis (Örebro Kommun, 2017). The document states that “people with different ages, sex and background are attracted to different types of activities and experiences […] a park is never finished, continuous development is needed” (Örebro Kommun, 2017; p. 27). Public participation, inspiration from projects around the world, and good management are key in effective park development (Örebro Kommun, 2017; p. 28). The Municipality conducted the ‘Best Place’ survey “to find out more about what Örebro residents like about the different green areas” (Örebro Kommun, 2017; p. 29). They found that large natural parks are attractive and accessed by most and relaxation and a good natural experience are used to describe Örebro’s urban nature (Örebro Kommun, 2017). However, the public was unsatisfied with the lack of parks in areas such as Marieberg and the condition of parks in neighborhoods such as Vivalla and Brickebacken.
4.1.2.6 Green Bond Framework.
In the website Orebro.se it is stated that there is a high focus on protecting, maintaining, and making available nature reserves for the residents and visitors of the city providing a good quality of life for the city’s residents (Örebro Kommun, 2018). Additionally, in the last few years it has been “a top performing municipality within the field of climate and environment” (Örebro Kommun, 2018). In. 2018 the city presented the second cycle of their Green Bond Framework (GBF) which is the city’s environmental investment plan, after their first GBF in 2014. In this plan the requirements for ‘eligible projects’ are described as well as the requirements for maintaining this eligibility throughout time. Environmental management (i.e. improving eco-system services, Development of non-toxic environments, and increasing green values) is the focus of the GBF that pertains this research project the most, however, it does only account for 20% of the complete framework’s budget. Most of the budget falls under renewable energy efforts (Örebro Kommun, 2018).
The GBF’s environmental management focuses on goals 10 and 11 from the #Envision2030 Sustainable Development goals (SDG) (Örebro Kommun, 2018). SDG 10:
Reduced Inequalities has a larger scale focus and hence must be adapted into the municipality’s context. Two important objectives of this SDG are:
3 “[Empowering] and promote the social, economic, and political inclusion of all”
4 “[Ensuring] enhanced representation and voice for developing countries in decision-making”
This second objective can be reformulated in order for it to apply at the municipal level (United Nations Enable, 2019a). SDG 11: Sustainable Cities and Communities, on the other hand, fits the context better. The relevant objectives in this case include to:
• “[Enhancing] inclusive and sustainable urbanization and capacity for participatory, integrated, and sustainable human settlement planning”
• “[Providing] universal access to safe, inclusive, and accessible, green and public spaces”
• And “Substantially [increasing] the number of cities and human settlements adopting and implementing integrated policies and plans towards inclusion” (United Nations Enable, 2019b).
Örebro’s 2018 GBF has been officially revised by the Center for International Climate Research – Oslo (CICERO) in order to assess its probable environmental impact and effectiveness. According to CICERO’s report, Örebro is “the seventh largest municipality in Sweden. Tax revenue has been rising and is expected to continue to grow due to economic growth and continuing strong international and domestic immigration” (CICERO, 2018; p. 6). This report describes Örebro’s GBF as an ambitious long and near-term framework that has a “comprehensive environmental management and policy program” (CICERO, 2018; p. 6). The results from the report state that Örebro’s GBF is considered moderately green since most of the budget is destined for moderately green efforts. Nonetheless, it is noted that Örebro’s governance structure is outstanding (CICERO, 2018). It is imperative therefore to explore Örebro’s environmental profile in more depth.
4.2 Data Analysis
There is evidence of the city’s awareness of the need to create a culturally diverse, environmentally friendly society within these objectives. Some of these documents, however, lack specified social goals or expected social impacts yet there may be other documents in which this is addressed. The Sustainable Development document brings up two key points: firstly, vulnerable populations are likely to “experience lower levels of social cohesion, participation, security and integration” (Kommunstyrelsen, 2013; p. 15). Secondly, due to the difference in social capital, and lack of certain social security benefits, incomers with a foreign background are more likely to be vulnerable (Kommunstyrelsen, 2013; p. 17). These two remarks point out challenges for the municipality in terms of immigrant integration and social cohesion. The general environmental profile focuses on addressing potential challenges that may limit people’s experience of any space in the city, including nature. In order to relieve these challenges, this desired profile contains the following objectives:
1. Protect nature as well as cultural historical values 2. Create an inclusive and sustainable urbanization process
3. Create an attractive living environment, especially through urban nature 4. Meeting the needs of different groups while prioritizing vulnerable groups 5. Educate the public about nature and incentivize them to access it
6. Helping people feel welcome by providing inclusive and safe spaces 7. Develop equal conditions regardless of people’s background
Out of these, the objectives that pertain this research the most include goals 3 through 7. These goals focus on the importance of integration efforts and the use of urban nature. The goals coincide greatly with the interview responses, in which the Respondents’ frames of Swedes and immigrants and their perceptions of the current situation in Örebro are manifested. Four respondents participated in this research (see table 1). Based on these interviews, different aspects of social
inclusion efforts, the political climate, and environmental profile of the city of Örebro can be considered.
4.2.1 Objective 3: Create an attractive living environment, especially through urban nature The Municipality aims to do two things: first, make the city attractive for newcomers of both Swedish and foreign backgrounds, and second, make this a city that meets everybody’s needs and desires to some extent. The environmental focus of the city is apparent as Respondent 1 refers to it as a ‘unique’ municipality when it comes to environmental management and provision of access to urban natural spaces:
I think again Örebro is unique. I think we are the Swedish municipality with the most nature reserves […] in Örebro we have, like, it's almost like a greenbelt of nature reserves all around the city. And also […] we work to develop [areas through] different biological values, also the social values, accessibility, and that kind of things […] Örebro is one of the municipalities in Sweden where we work most strategic[ally] and put a lot of effort into environmental nature conservation issues (Respondent 1).
Respondent 3 adds that in Örebro, the community is very aware of nature, environmental issues, and culture. It is this respondent’s view also that Örebro residents “have confidence in [his] party2. [They] are very aware about culture and there is much culture you can take when you come to Örebro […] So, people are aware about the environment and they like their city. That's why more and more people come to live here” (Respondent 3).
With regard to investments, Respondent 4 mentions that the investments of the city that have been approved by Kommuninvest, an agency focused on financing sustainability projects, have focused on larger projects. Projects in the environmental management category, which include projects regarding urban nature, have not been reviewed yet (Respondent 4). He adds that the Green Bonds Framework does not have a particular social focus, yet when asked if the agency has considered nature as an instrument to achieve the reduction of inequality in the city, he showed interest in the idea. According to his view, Respondent 4 mentions that:
Environmental and social sustainability issues are a priority for many municipalities, and it is certainly possible to combine both green and social targets in an investment project. As I mentioned above, we are in the process of evaluating a loan product for social sustainability which may enable us to facilitate this even better in the future (Respondent 4).
Even though funding from Kommuninvest has not been assigned to social sustainability projects yet, the municipality remains focused on tackling both environmental and social goals. Currently the Municipality works “through the social. We work through attraction, through beauty, through accessibility. And when we do that, we get all the ecological issues at the same time” (Respondent 1). Based on these descriptions, it is possible to see the Municipality’s interest in developing social inclusion through environmentalism. If attractiveness is what draws people to the city, it is important to maintain these standards in order for people to not only move to, but also stay in Örebro. However, the city must also keep in mind that the Municipality’s responsibility to meet its residents’ needs increases as more and more people settle in the city.
4.2.2 Objective 4: Meeting the needs of different groups while prioritizing vulnerable groups
When speaking about immigration in general, respondents 1 and 3 both show concern for incomers already in the country and the ability to provide for them. In Respondent 3’s opinion, the current political climate of the country is negatively affecting this ability as well as the effective integration of newcomers from most other countries:
We want to do something good and we want to help people, but we have to stop and take care of everybody who is already here. In 2015… it was a natural emergency in the parliament in Sweden because 25,000 [people] were too much. – (Respondent 3).
Lack of support for immigration policy and integration efforts are described by the respondent as a setback for the city and the country in this interview. Particularly in terms of funding in general and hence funding for social inclusion as well. The Swedish system is thought to be underfunded and hence unable to integrate immigrants effectively through most traditional methods
(Salmonsson and Hedlund, 2018; p. 528). According to Respondents 1 and 3, underfunding is one of the biggest reasons why integration efforts are not prioritized in the same way other issues may be. This financial limitation is a potential issue because the use of urban spaces allows people to develop and maintain connections with one another and therefore, it is important to know what people are looking for when they are accessing nature (Iveson, 2013). When asked about the use of urban nature by different groups in Örebro, Respondent 1 indicated that “[the Municipality is] aware of differences and different patterns but it's not like we've been studying it because we don't have that kind of resources to do that now” (Respondent 1). She later added that:
[immigrants are] a priority group. [The nature plan] says that when you're not used to [nature] and lack knowledge of what you can do, that's one of the mental barriers… But one of the things we said we should do was to have a nature school for the public and especially new users from a health perspective. And now we have that (Respondent 1). The relationship between newcomers and Swedish nature is currently being developed through programs in the Nature School which, according to Respondents 1 and 3, are making them more comfortable with the idea of accessing nature on their own, and hence developing a sense of responsibility over it (Beierle & Crawford, 2003; Robbins, 2012).
4.2.3 Objective 5: Educate the public about nature and incentivize them to access it
The Municipality hired two employees to be in charge of different programs to educate new users, especially those with foreign backgrounds, about Swedish nature and nature as a tool for their learning process as well. Respondents 1 and 2 consider that this education is needed since both of them describe newcomers as being afraid of nature and this being in many cases the fear of land mines and other weaponry which suggests that there is an expectation of many of them coming from countries in crisis and conflict situations.
it's always different depending on where in the world you're coming from because the culture is different everywhere and from some groups the what they have in their backpacks is a certain fear of the outdoors maybe if they used to be mines … then you have a mental barrier not to just to go out in the forest etc. You don't see the value or you're afraid to access it (Respondent 1).
According to Respondent 3 the Swedish government focuses on these matters, especially due to what he describes as a feeling of responsibility since Sweden is one of the countries that exports the most weaponry in the world. He states that many people question the need to help refugees and asylum seekers and it is his view that:
there's also issues like, why should we take care of those refugees? because you've been building those grenades in Karlskoga or those tanks and planes and because Sweden is big on exporting weapons so of course you have to take care of refugees also. (Respondent 3). Respondent 1 (in agreement with Respondents 2 and 3) asserts that the Nature School, funded through nature conservation loans that the Municipality acquired, aims to help people connect with nature in different ways and develop “knowledge, attitudes, [and] behaviors” which are expected to help people understand the importance of nature and its protection for their own livelihoods (Padua, 2010; p. 450). In his interview, Respondent 2 says that “learning by doing things is [their] moto”. The Nature School is the main form of outreach to communities of foreign newcomers says Respondent 1, which according to her it is very uncommon as well for a municipality to create jobs in nature for this particular purpose.
Respondents express that in their view, Nature school is there to help newcomers realize that there are other ways to use nature. It is Respondent 2’s perception that “immigrants do come [to nature] sometimes, just if you invite them. They don't come alone. They are afraid for dangerous animals, probably they think why should I go to the nature if I don't have to make a barbecue? […] only that and our job is to make them understand that nature is a never-ending learning process”.
As immigrants seemingly adapt to the Swedish experience of nature, Respondent 2 believes that the Nature School efforts have been successful. He explains that in his experience, some families that come to the Nature School continue accessing nature on their own.
When I do have guided tours, I used to have the same family sometimes and they said ‘we have been here before’ and said ‘that is the bird you showed me on the picture’ and this is this is important for me that they use the nature a lot without me (Respondent 2).
However, this is a project that targets mainly younger generations (0-18) and families, which may discourage some newcomers in accessing this service weakening intergroup relationships’ potential as a tool for social inclusion. For newcomers to use nature more on their own when they may have a troubled background with nature, a routine should be developed in order for them to establish stable relationships with both nature and other groups in the city (Whitehead, 2009). Nature School could help in strengthening these relationships by bringing these groups together in nature.
4.2.4 Objective 6: Helping people feel welcome by providing inclusive and safe spaces Immigration in Örebro will continue to influence the city’s demographic structure so the Municipality must consider that in a multicultural society the relationships to and the uses of nature are different; which is mentioned by several respondents. Based on the Respondents’ beliefs, immigrants use nature for picnics or Barbecues and mainly social gatherings with friends and family while Swedes use it mostly for recreation and physical activity purposes in a rather individual way when compared to newcomers. Nonetheless, it is also a learning process to those who are already used to nature. Respondent 3 believes that Swedes slowly but surely have started imitating immigrants in this sense as well. If this is indeed the case, this behavioral change could potentially demonstrate that people’s identities are highly influenced by ideas of the environment and the different possibilities for behavior in nature (Robbins, 2012).
People use space to create meanings and develop their identity and hence different meanings will come through different social experiences (Leikkilä, Faehnle & Galanakis, 2013; Berry, 2002). The municipality is working towards integration, yet this is not an easy task. A challenge for integration efforts, according to respondent 2 is that “It's hard to contact [newcomers]. I do have contact with different kinds of associations that […] contact them [like] Unicef, they also help us to find them because it's really hard to reach them” (Respondent 2).
Often, decisions are taken assuming that everyone in the community is similar enough that they all will have their needs and interests fulfilled (Robbins, 2012; p. 203). It is possible to suppose that this expectation of similarity across groups influences social cohesion, especially
