The Greenlandic Paradox

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Greenlandic autonomy under Danish monarchy

Lola Privat Klint

911029-T268

International Migration and Ethnic Relations (IM245L)

Faculty for Culture and Society - Department of Global Political Studies Bachelor Thesis (15 credits)

Spring 2020

Supervisor: Anders Hellström Word count: 12892

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Abstract

While the general attitude towards Danish influence in Greenland is negative, the general attitude towards the Danish royal family is positive. This thesis seeks to uncover the paradoxical Greenlandic discourses by tracing the emergence and development of royalism in Greenland from the early colonial period until today. The underlying methodological framework is constructivism, while the method is Discourse Historical Analysis. The analysis is conducted by chronologically comparing and analyzing the Greenlandic discourse about the monarchy in relation to the discourse of the monarch family concerning Greenland. By drawing on the theories of 'Arctic-orientalism' and Pratts' theory of 'contact zones,' this study highlights how variations occur in the colonial relation of Denmark and Greenland. Despite the legacy of Danish colonialism, the changes in the Monarch family's discourse towards the Greenlandic people have strengthened a Greenlandic discourse of kinship to Denmark.

Keywords: Greenland, monarchy, post-colonialism, discourse, Orientalism

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1. Introduction

1.1 Introduction to the topic

At the end of June 2020, statues of former Danish missioners were vandalized and painted with the words "decolonize" in Greenland. The statue of the first Danish missioner Hans Egede was been repainted and vandalized in 1977, 2012, and 2015 (Danielsen, 2020). Despite Greenland's increased political autonomy, a narrative of Danish imperialism and exploitation of Greenland continues to be dominating in Greenland (Rud, 2017: 1). Moreover, the majority of the Greenlandic population wants an autonomous Greenland free of Danish influence (Minor, Kelton & Agneman, 2019). Despite a general intolerance of Danish influence in Greenland, the vast majority of the Greenlanders are still royalists and remain positive towards the Danish monarch family (Adriansen, 2003: 392). Hence, the contradictory sentiments towards Denmark in Greenland, have inspired the topic of the current thesis.

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1.2 Historical Background

Fifty times the size of Denmark, Greenland is known as the world's largest island. Denmark's colonization of Greenland began in 1721 when the Danish-Norwegian priest Hans Egede established a mission in Greenland. The colonial-phase lasted until 1953 when Greenland was integrated into the Danish Realm (Rud, 2017: 1-2). Danish authorities governed the colonized population in Greenland in the nineteenth and twentieth century. After the end of the official colonial period, the former colonial administrational strategy continued to influence Greenlandic society and culture (Rud, 2017: 55). The majority of the Greenlandic population has experienced direct consequences of Danish modernization policies and the continuous lack of cultural and political recognition (Rud, 2017: 2).

In 2009, Greenland, although still within the Danish Realm, gained a higher level of autonomy when the Self-Government Act came into effect. The Self-Government Act stipulates the Greenlandic people’s right to self-determination and declares the Greenlandic and Danish parliaments equal parties (Rud, 2017: 2). However, Denmark still retains authority over political fields such as foreign policy, security, and international agreements. Additionally, Greenland is currently economically dependent on Danish financial aid. Each year Greenland receives annual grants from Denmark, covering more than half of the public spendings of the Greenlandic government (Rud, 2017: 3). The Danish Queen Margrethe II remains the Head of State of Greenland.

1.3 Research problem

Despite Greenland's increased political autonomy, the interconnection between Greenland and Denmark is still strong. Especially in Greenland, Denmark continues to influence every sphere of Greenlandic culture and society (Rud, 2017: 1). This has led to numerous conflicts of political, economic, and cultural matter throughout the colonial period and especially during the decolonization phase. However, not all Danish presence in Greenland has been problematized. The presence of the Danish monarch family has become increasingly visible to the Greenlandic population to such an extent that it makes sense to talk about the development of emotional close-family ties (Højris and Marquardt, 2019: 220). This statement was

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confirmed in a remark by the Greenlandic politician Jonathan Motzfeldt who was founding father of the Greenlandic Home Rule Act in 1979, which increased Greenlandic self-determination: "No one wants a change in the role of the Danish Royal family. I am, therefore, quite sure that the Queen will continue to be our Head of State. The issue is not up for debate [Klint, 2020: My translation]” (Højris and Marquardt, 2019: 219).

While the strive for total autonomy has intensified in recent years (Minor, Kelton, and Agneman, 2019), the issue of the Danish monarchy has still not come up for debate in Greenland (Højris and Marquardt, 2019: 219). According to a survey from 2003, the number of republicans in Greenland is the same as in Denmark. Less than 10 percent of the Danish and Greenlandic population wants a republic instead of a monarchy (Adriansen, 2003: 392). This research paper is interested in the contradictory Greenlandic discourses towards Denmark and Danish monarchy.

1.4 Aim and research questions

As the general attitude towards Danish influence in Greenland is negative, the general attitude towards the royal family is positive. My aim of research is to uncover what I have chosen to call the “Greenlandic Paradox” by tracing and analyzing the development of royalism in Greenland from the early colonial period to today.

To answer this, I will ask the following research questions: _{How has Greenlandic royalism} changed since the years of colonization until today? What has characterized the Greenlandic discourse about the monarch family? What characterizes the monarch family´s discourse about Greenland?

1.5 Thesis Outline

The following chapter two will consist of a presentation of the previous research related to the field. I will present what is already known in the field and clarify my own position. Chapter three will present the theoretical framework behind the analysis of the empirical material, drawing upon the theories of 'Orientalism/Arctic-Orientalism' and 'contact-zones'. Chapter five will present the methodology of the thesis touching upon the method of Discursive Historical Analysis (DHA), the material, my role as a researcher, and ethical considerations. Chapter six

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consists of the analysis of the chosen material and a discussion of the findings, leading up to the final chapter seven, where the conclusions and suggestions for further research are presented.

2. Previous Research

Scholars across the fields of sociology, anthropology and development studies and linguistics have undertaken research into the Danish-Greenlandic relation. Perhaps one of the most widely analyzed fields is the consequences of the Danish colonization of Greenland. In most of the research, post-colonialism is not considered as the time after an ended colonization but as a relational size that also comes into play in contemporary practices for example, in the form of Danish and Greenlandic being regarded as the opposite pair (Thisted 2006, Bjørst 2011, Gad 2008). Other studies have highlighted the administrative and cultural effects of colonization, whereas others see colonization as a more general practice of domination or hegemony (Jensen & Loftsdóttir 2012).

The purpose of the post-colonial studies was to end the continued forms of colonial suppression. Former scholars have argued that the representations of Greenland have been monopolized by its former colonial power – Denmark. Later studies have emphasized how the flawed representations of Greenlandic is not solely a result of Danish influence, Greenlanders are co-producers of these representations (Thisted 2006, Thisted & Larsen 2011, Bjørst 2008, Langgård 2008).

A general assumption is that the colonial relationship has helped create asymmetries (Thisted 2006, Rud 2010, Gad 2008, Bjørst 2008). Other studies have taken the opposite standpoint by discussing whether Greenland was ever a colony and how colonial status should be defined (Rud and Seiding 2015; Andersen 2015). Furthermore, the literature shows that there has been a prevailing notion of Denmark as a particularly gentle colonial power (Thisted 2004, Andersen 2017), which cannot be placed in an oppressive role, but rather a helper role (Jensen & Loftsdóttir 2012). Still, most studies agree that the legacy of colonialism is still defining the Danish-Greenlandic relation, especially in Greenland, where colonial references are closely related to the discourse of identity formation (Gad 2009, s.137). Professor in arctic culture and politics Ulrik Pram Gad demonstrates that the dominant Greenlandic narrative of Danish

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influence is a tale of continuous Danish corruption of the Greenlandic identity preventing Greenland its recovery (Gad 2008).

The historian Søren Rud argues that two counter-images of the Danish-Greenlandic relation exist: On the side, there is the narrative of a Denmark, who did not colonize Greenland, as colonization involves suppression, violation, and the Danish intention has been marked by a wish to help. Almost as the bond between a mother and her child (Gad, 2008: 116). On the other hand, is the narrative of how Danish colonization has suppressed the Greenlanders as well as destabilized the harmonious society, existing before the Danish colonization (Rud, 2010: 13). Similar to both narratives is the idea of Greenlanders as the passive part and the Danes as the active part of the relation (Thisted 2003; Thisted 2002). Rud argues that both narratives lack nuances as it underestimates Greenlandic agency (Rud 2017; Rud 2010). Many researchers have challenged the idea of a post-colonial identity in Greenland. In an analysis from 2009, Gad rejects the idea of a Greenlandic identity incapable of being united with Danish culture (Gad 2009: 140). The same argument was brought forward by Wagner Sørensen in 1994. He wants to put an end to the continuous narrative of Greenlanders as the passive victims of Danish influence and colonization. Instead, he wishes to highlight Greenlanders as actors who have gained increased influence and self-rule over time. The same argument is brought forward by the sociologist Kirsten Thisted in her analysis of representations in Greenland concerning the theory of 'Arctic Orientalism'. Thisted underlines that roles are not just given but also taken. The existing discourses of Greenlandic representation should not solely be seen as Danish representations. The discourses have occurred in the Greenlandic and Danish relations. According to Thisted, the Greenlanders have actively negotiated their positions. The same argument is present in Langgårds analysis of Greenlandic literature and news (Langgård 2008). However, he states that due to uneven power relations between Denmark and Greenland, the Greenlandic voices have not been heard, making the Danish narratives the dominating in Denmark (Thisted, 2005: 18).

Scholars examining the Danish-Greenlandic relation have commonly fallen into two groups. Some scholars (Rud, Jensen & Loftsdóttir) have framed Greenlanders as victims of Danish colonization. In contrast, scholars such as Wagner Sørensen, Inge Seiding, and Kirsten Thisted, have emphasized the agency of the Greenlandic population. In addition to analyzing

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current and former discourses in the Greenlandic meeting with Danish monarchy, this paper will seek to analyze the positionality of Greenlandic agency within the meeting. Based on the performed literature review, this paper aligns with the theories, categorizing Denmark as a colonial power and Greenland as a former colony. All relations between colonies and colonial powers differ, but to explain Danish suppression of Greenland as "a helping hand" disregards the traumatic consequences Danish colonialism has had for the Greenlandic people, culture, heritage and country. Furthermore, the discourse maintains a colonial perspective on Greenland as it frames Greenlanders as “helpless” and in foreign domination. Still, this thesis highlights the agency of both parts. The structural consequences of the Danish colonization should not be underestimated, but to reduce the Greenlandic people to passive victims of Danish injustice would underestimate the power, agency, and diversity of the Greenlandic population.

Theoretical Framework

In the analysis, I will be using Discourse Historical Analysis (DHA) as both a method and theory, which will be elaborated in the methodology section. However, as I will explain in the methodology section, it is necessary to include other theories to understand the distinction between the discourses and the surrounding context. In this section, I will mention two central theories to be included in the analysis. The central concept of the theoretical framework is the discourse, while the theories of ‘Arctic-Orientalism’ and the 'contact zones' are related. Nevertheless, when including other theories in a discourse analysis, the theories must adhere to the underlying ontological and epistemological premise of the chosen approach (Strauss & Feiz 2013: 154). As will be elaborated later in the methodology section, the thesis's epistemological approach is social constructivism.

3.1 Discourse Historical Analysis (DHA)

Investigating Greenlandic royalism from a discursive point of view allows relating the micro-level of the production, reproduction, and dissemination of discourses across many fields and genres to the macro strategies of top-down imposed policies and strategies in systematic ways (Wodak & Fairclough 2010). Thus, the dynamics of Greenlandic royalism

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can be traced in detail, while focusing on continuities and discontinuities as well as on simultaneous and non-simultaneous developments in different Greenlandic discourse across institutions, involving a vast range of actors and public spheres. This interdisciplinary perspective should result in a discourse analysis where relationships between the social institutions and the discourse associated with them are exposed (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2008: 17-18).

The DHA provides a vehicle for looking at latent power dynamics and the range of potentials in agents. It integrates knowledge about historical, intertextual sources and the background of the social and political fields within which discursive events are embedded. In addition, the DHA distinguishes between three different dimensions, which constitute textual meanings and structures: the topics which are of the discourse; the discursive strategies employed; and the linguistic tools that are drawn upon to realize both topics and strategies (Wodak, 2018: 6).

The DHA allows the systematic relating of macro- and mezzo-levels of contextualization to the micro-level analyses of texts. In the DHA, two concepts emerge as prominent for analyzing political and historical events: 'intertextuality' and 'recontextualization' (Wodak, 2018: 7). As I believe the answer to my research questions exists in the context of the discourse, I will adopt the concept of 'intertextuality' in my study. Intertextuality links one text to other texts, both in the past and present, through a continued reference to a topic or its main actors (Wodak, 2018: 7). Within this thesis, the actors relating each of the analyzed texts and pictures to each other will be the Greenlandic encounter with the monarch family. I will maintain a continuous focus on Greenlandic sentiments towards the monarch family in all my discourse analysis while examining each text for narratives, themes and rhetorical schemes to trace the development of royalism in Greenland.

For discourse analysts, the meaning is a fragile and contested construction of the discourse participants as I am researching the macro-sociological aspects of discourse theory. Here 'discourse' refers to the ensemble of verbal and non-verbal practices of large social communities (Wodak, 2018: 4). Throughout my thesis "discourse" is defined as "(...) a cluster of context-dependent practices that are situated within specific fields of social action; socially constituted and socially constitutive; related to a macro-topic; linked to the argumentation

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about validity claims such as truth and normative validity, involving several social actors who (may) have different points of view (Reisigl & Wodak 2009, 89)". In this case, the macro-tropic is the Greenlandic encounter with Danish monarchy, while the discourse refers to more than solely written or spoken words. In this case, discourse is both practices, traditions, reactions, and structures. Relating and integrating theories about discourse, communication, text, and talk, image with social science theories allows us to grasp the dynamic and fluid construction of identities, both top-down and bottom-up. Such interdisciplinary approaches can systematically deconstruct the everyday workings of institutions like the Danish monarchy, or support our understanding of the impact of words and actions in their production and reproduction of pro-Danish or Danish skeptic sentiments and attitudes in Greenland (Wodak, 2018: 3).

3.2 ‘Arctic-Orientalism’

Edward Said's _Orientalism _{(1978) is an often-emphasized reference point for post-colonial} studies. Despite the controversial character of the book (Hauge 2009, Rud 2010), most of the thoughts in Orientalism are still relevant and used in studies with a post-colonial approach. In his book Orientalism (1978), Edward Said addresses the idea that the way the Orient has been depicted and understood by the West is diminishing but closer to mythology than reality (Donzé-Magnier & Mahault, 2017). Said's concept of Orientalism builds upon the assumption that Western identity was created in the meeting with the Orient. The West has portrayed the Orient as "the Other" in opposition to the Western identity. "The Other" has been sealed in a problematic representation, whereas the West is portrayed as the ideal. The concept of ‘Orientalism’ reduces “the Orient” to one symmetric whole (Said 2004: 93). In the colonial relation, "the Other" is portrayed as morally inferior compared with the Western viewer leading to a reduction and essentializing of “the Orient”. Thus, “the Orientalized” is reduced to a fixed set of properties instead of being seen as a human being. Still, Said notes that “the Orient” has the opportunity to contradict the representations of the West.

Following the lead of Edward Said and others, scholars have long examined similarities in the representations of “the Orient” and “the Inuit”. Ann Fienup-Riordan has exerted considerable influence in the field. She successfully transferred the insights of Edwards Said's work to an

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Artic context by coining the expression ‘Eskimo-Orientalism’ (Rud, 2017: 9). Following Said's conclusion about the Western representations of the Orient, Fienup-Riordan viewed the representation of the Inuit as a mirror image of Western self-identity: "Just as representations of the Orient mirror the Occident in specific historical moments (…), so representations of Eskimos provide another window into the history of the West." (Fienup-Riordan, 1995: 56). The historian Søren Rud evolves the concept of 'Eskimo-Orientalism' and introduces the concept of 'Arctic Orientalism,' also inspired by Edward Said.

Thisted uses Rud's concept of 'Eskimo-Orientalism', when portraying how the Greenlanders have been placed in the role of "the Other" in opposition to Danish self-understanding. According to Thisted, Greenlanders have been reduced to two positions: either as an indigenous people or a population caught in modernity who has lost their traditional culture (Thisted 2006). Likewise, Bjørst highlights how existing stereotypes and prejudices about Greenlanders all point towards fixed perceptions (Bjørst 2008). Still, he emphasizes that flawed representations are evident internally as well as externally. The concept of ‘Arctic Orientalism’ is questioned by Thisted, who highlights how the post-colonial criticism has reproduced problematic representations in their attempt to fight them. Misrepresentation has led to a flawed self-representation reducing the colonized Greenlanders to new stereotypes (Thisted, 2006: 67).

3.3 'Contact zones'.

Mary Louis Pratt's concept of contact zones revolves around the clash of groups or cultures marked by asymmetries, but where both parts are playing active parts in the formation of roles. In the text ‘Art of the contact zone’, Mary Louis Pratt introduces the concept of ‘contact zones’. By contact zones, she refers to a situation where cultures communicate and negotiate common narratives and power relations. These contact zones are social spaces where cultures meet or clash. Many of these situations will be marked by asymmetry, for example, because of colonization or post-colonization (Pratt 1991). With this concept, Pratts argues that both parts are changed by the social contract, as both parts are active in the negotiation of roles. In a study from 2012, historian Inge Seiding has used the concept in a Greenlandic context, where it offers a more dynamic understanding of the Danish and Greenlandic meeting. According to Seiding, contact zones are relevant in studies of cultural meetings. It allows a change in

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perspective where the agency of both parts is taken into consideration, in opposition to the more structural readings of unilateral power balance in former colonial relations.

Both Seiding and Pratts underlines the consequences colonialism has on the power structures. The years under foreign domination will inevitably cause a power imbalance between the two parts. However, in the meeting – or contact zones – variations occur. Here, the agents can influence the interpretation, negotiation, and choose their actions within the given frame. Despite the overarching structural relations, there is still room for negotiation (Seiding 2012). According to this theory, a cultural meeting is not between binary poles but an axis in which the two parts move around while negotiating their positions. To see the parts as two fixed ethnic categories is both problematic as it fixates certain stereotypes two a group. Trondheim describes how stereotypes and prejudices between cultures are often based on opposites. Danish culture and Greenlandic culture are often portrayed as opposites according to many stereotypes (Tróndheim 2002). Specific characteristics, attributes, or cultures associated with a group or culture are not a result of ethnicity but more likely a result of embedded habitus. Incorporated pre-understandings of other cultures are inevitable, but the reality is not as dichotomous (Hussain, 2018: 45)

In a binary categorization of "Dane" and "Greenlander", each actor is locked in fixed roles, for instance as "violator" and "victim", the binary poles of what makes a Dane and what makes a Greenlander are constructions underestimating the heterogony of a population. Individual moves and collects attributes and characteristics in various places. A clear-cut division of ethnic groups denies the ambiguity of the world and human beings (Wagner Sørensen 1993: 31).

Wagner Sørensen problematizes this type of division, mainly when one group is characterized as active and the other passive (Wagner Sørensen 1993: 35-37). Agency is not a static attribute, but something obtained through negotiation. Greenlanders are not one voice, but in politics and media, it is often portrayed as the two cultures as opposites incapable of a unification (Hussain, 2018: 43)

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In line with Pratt's theory of 'contact zones,' I wish to investigate the context of social negotiation. Inherited positions do exist, but they are always negotiated. However, my analysis must be seen in relation to post-colonial history. Current practices are affected by the legacy of colonialism. No matter how free the agents are, objective structures in Greenland are still framing Greenlandic agency.

4. Methodology

In the following section, I will elaborate on the method and methodology of the thesis. I will outline the method of DHA, its relevance to the aim and scope of the thesis, and how the method will be conducted. Further, I will present the material, my role and positionality as a researcher, and finally I discuss both the ethical consideration and validity of my choice of method and analysis.

Overall, the study will be based on an inductive approach, as the analysis will be driven by its material and the themes appearing during the analysis. The point of departure is based on open questions about the Danish and Greenlandic discourses related to Danish monarchy, contrary to being based on a hypothesis (Somekh and Lewin 2005: 345-346). Hence, the theoretical framework presented in the previous section will be used as a tool for interpretation in the analysis.

4.1 Method

My Discourse Historical Analysis will follow the eight-staged program Wodak defines as the ideal method, containing eight steps followed recursively (Wodak, 2018: 8):

1. Activation and consultation of preceding theoretical knowledge. Here, Wodak refers to the process of recollection, reading, and discussion of previous research. In my thesis, I will begin the process by looking into all available studies regarding Greenland, Royalism in Greenland and the Danish colonization of Greenland to obtain a broader understanding of the field.

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2. Systematic collection of data and context information (Wodak, 2018: 8). Data collection with a historical context will require a thorough assessment of the context and source. All data relevant to my subject of inquiry will be assessed for further examinations. Source criticism is essential in a historical study. It involves ascertaining that the collected data is from both verifiable and credible sources. Additionally, it is essential to understand the context under which those sources were written. (Moses & Knutsen, 2012: 126-130). A core strength of the historical method is the source criticism as it promotes accuracy and authority (Moses & Knutsen, 2012: 119). To increase the validation of my findings, I will examine the authors' motivations and liability to understand potential biases or impartiality (Moses & Knutsen, 2012: 120).

3. Selection and preparation of data for the specific analyses (Wodak, 2018: 8). After having gone through all the accessible data related to Greenlandic royalism, I will begin the process of selection. Here, my main criteria will be intertextuality. All data must be related by either topic or actors. In this thesis, the encounter between the Greenlandic population and the monarch family will be the main topic linking the texts to each other.

4. Specification of the research questions and formulation of assumptions. After performing a literature review and the first skimming of the data, I will gain more in-depth insight into my research problem and have an idea of the expected conclusions of my analysis. Thus, I might have to change or specify my research question following my new assumptions. Prior to the analysis, I have had to specify my research questions several times. As I gained more in-depth insight into my research problem, I could conclude that it was necessary to perform an analysis of the monarch families' discourse about the Greenlandic population to fully comprehend and explain the development of Greenlandic royalism. Hence, the research question about the discourse of the Monarch family.

5. Qualitative pilot analysis, including context analysis, macro-analysis, and microanalysis. This step will allow me to test my categories and initial assumptions, as well as the further specification of assumptions (Wodak, 2018: 8).

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6. Detailed case studies of a whole range of data. In my project, I will examine different cases and data over 300 years. As I am researching the development of discourse over time, the DHA will be structured chronologically. In addition, I will divide my analysis into two periods: 1) 1721-1921 and 2) 1921-2020. 200 years have passed before a Danish monarchy set foot on Greenland, thus I will differ between the Greenlandic discourse of Danish monarchy prior to the first meeting in 1921 and the discourse of the Greenlandic people and the monarch family after the meeting. Through the DHA, I will identify the main narratives related to the monarch family in a Greenlandic perspective. In comparison to more traditional textual analysis focused on the content and form. I consider the text and argumentation as a form of social praxis. This analysis is not aimed at the linguistic questions, but at the way, the meaning is constructed. Through this method, I attempt to understand the social structures, which are the consequences of this discourse.

7. Formulation of critique. Here, I will interpret my results with knowledge of the relevant context and critically assess the findings and conclusion. To answer my research questions, I will have to look at the linguistic and rhetorical conclusions extracted from my discursive analysis concerning the political context surrounding the formation of the data.

8. Practical application of analytical results (Wodak, 2018: 8). The monarch family has maintained a positive relationship with Greenlandic people through their discourse and actions. By analyzing the development of a positive Greenlandic discourse concerning Denmark, I hope to extract constructive information with the potential to be transferred into more problematic spheres of the Danish and Greenlandic relations. For instance, the political discourse regarding Greenland in Denmark, which has often been problematized from the Greenlandic side.

4.2 Material and Data Collection

The primary material for my analysis is examples of Greenlandic reactions to the Danish monarchy over 300 years. Several matters have limited the process data collection. Firstly, the range of the period possesses a limitation to the thesis, as I am researching a period over 300 years, the findings from this thesis will only reflect aspects of the historical discourse in

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Greenland and Denmark related to Danish monarchy. The overall Greenlandic discourse related to the Danish monarchy cannot be generalized. Notably, the DHA of the past 100 years, as the information available increases with the development of technology and the rise in visits and interaction between the Monarch family and Greenland. Here the first stage of Wodak's eight stages program of the DHA has been essential. The consultation of preceding theoretical knowledge and previous studies has been a guideline of the relevant and available material related to the theme of this thesis.

Secondly, language has challenged the process of data collection and potentially the findings of this thesis. As I do not speak Greenlandic, I have been reliant on Danish translations. Here, earlier research (Adriansen 2003, Bobé 1927, Højris & Marquardt 2019, Thuesen 2019) examining royalism in Greenland has been crucial as it provided me with relevant material and authorized translations. However, the limitation of language possesses a considerable limitation of this thesis, as the material available has been processed and selected by Danish scientists and researchers.

However, the field is widely analyzed. Thus, the quantity of relevant material has been extensive, especially for the past 100 years. The choice of material has been motivated by Strauss and Feiz's (2013) argument that patterns identified on a micro-level form macro-level messages of power (Strauss and Feis, 2013: 316). In addition, the credibility of sources has been central in the process of selection. At the core of any historical narrative lies a systematic assessment of nature and the quality of every identified document. Historical methods should rely primarily on primary sources (Moses & Knutsen, 2012: 120). Within this analysis, the primary sources count diaries, official Danish reports written during the colonization, pictures of the Danish monarch family in Greenland, quotes by the seating monarch, Greenlandic Church Prayers, New Year's speeches by Queen Margrethe II, speeches by Greenlandic politicians. However, historical researchers might also find relevant information in secondary sources, for instance, in the form of a narrative based on primary sources. Secondary sources can help the researcher map out the field of research and establish a theme of research (Moses & Knutsen, 2012: 121). Still, the distance of secondary sources from the actual events makes them less trustworthy. Within this thesis, the secondary sources include, excerpts of first the novel in Greenlandic about Danish monarchy, testimonies of the celebration of the monarchs birthday in Greenland, Greenlandic and Danish testimonies of the first meeting with King

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Christian X in 1921 and previous studies and research carried out by historians and sociologists. Another criterion within the process of data collection has been a diversity of sources. Greenland is enormous, and the Greenlanders are spread out over a large area. The Greenlandic population has been introduced to the concept of monarchy in various ways. According to preceding theoretical knowledge, the narratives about monarchy in Greenland before the actual meeting have been forming for the later relation. Thus, the chosen material is characterized by its variety.

4.3 Translation

As all of my data are published in Danish, it was necessary for the author to translate them into English. Furthermore, some of the texts analyzed were originally Greenlandic. As I do not speak Greenlandic, I have only used translations published in publications and peer-reviewed academic research. Thus, the translations from Greenlandic to Danish should be reliable. Still all translations pose a limitation for the research study as contents often get lost in translation. However, all translations performed by the author are accessible to the readers, and links are provided in the appendix and bibliography.

4.4 The Researcher’s Role and Positionality

A social constructivist approach Brinkmann and Tanggaard (2020) argue that discourse analysis is both a theory and a method, and in order to use discourse analysis in a study, the researcher must join the ontological and epistemological premises of the chosen discourse analytical approach (Brinkmann and Tanggaard, 2020: 404). As I have chosen DHA, I find it relevant to mention my philosophical approach as a researcher briefly.

As a researcher, I take the epistemological position of social constructivism, which the method discourse studies rely on. Thus, the thesis is based on the fundamental premise that the social world is not objective, but constructed and categorised through language (Young & Collin 2003: 375). Ontologically, the constructivist approach claims that the existence of the social world depends on the individuals. The historical discourse analysis has a social constructivist approach by being critical to all naturalized knowledge. This approach draws on a structural and post-structural language philosophy, based on the assumption that reality is understood

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through language (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2008: 17-18). The physical world exists, but gains meaning through discourses. Language constitutes the social world and our social identities and social relations (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2008: 17-18). As a result, there are multiple and varied understandings of the social world. Perceptions of the social world are thus influenced by biases, theories, narratives, conceptual frameworks, and our construction of the social world that impact how we act (6 & Bellamy 2012: 57). In an epistemological view, the researcher thus develops ways to understand the social world through constructing meanings from the social interactions by focusing on the specific context by which individuals view the social world (Moses & Knutsen, 2012: 199). As my epistemological position considers all knowledge as subjectively constructed, the position I take as a researcher risks influencing my results (Jorgensen & Phillips 2002: 22). The role of the researcher as the primary collector and analyser of data necessitates the clarification of personal values, assumptions and biases at the outset of the study. As a researcher, living in Denmark and taking part in the discourse related to the Danish and Greenlandic relationship, I am aware that I could potentially share the common-sense understandings of Greenland existing in Denmark. In addition, I am both a researcher and have professional experience working in Greenland. In 2015, I joined an Arctic expedition in Greenland onboard a Danish sailing vessel operating along the Westcoast of Greenland. Here, I met and talked with many Greenlanders who all expressed their frustration with the existing discourses about Greenland in Denmark. These encounters could lead me to be over-sympathetic with the Greenlandic point of view while being over-critical towards the Danish institutions. To reduce the risk of any unconscious biases which could influence the validity of research, the DHA ensures a heightened degree of self-reflexivity. Thus, I consistently reflected on my positionality during the data collection and analysis.

4.5 Ethical considerations

The demand for primary sources tends to favor the historical agents leaving traces behind them. This, in turn, marginalizes the actors who do not leave traces behind (Moses & Knutsen, 2012: 128). The stories of the "ordinary people" are often overlooked as they do not have direct evidence of history. Most official state papers and diaries of high standing Danish missioners are carefully preserved. Meanwhile, the traces of ordinary Greenlanders during the first 200 years of colonialism are limited (Moses & Knutsen, 2012: 128). Concerning

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Greenland, this problem is even more significant, as the ordinary Greenlander learned to read and write at the beginning of the 20th century (Gam, 1968: 35) which results in a minimal supply of Greenlandic testimonies. Another criticism of the DHA is the responsibility of the researcher. The researcher both selects and interprets the data. When using DHA, the researcher is embedded in the interpretation. As a researcher, I will produce a construction of the social reality and thus be an active part in generating meanings (Jorgensen & Phillips 2002: 21-22).

4.6 Validity and Reliability

Qualitative studies and text analysis are often criticized for not producing generalizable knowledge (Jorgensen & Philips, 2002: 120). However, sometimes few sources may be adequate as the interest of discourse analysis is to uncover the discursive patterns which lie in a limited number of sources (Jorgensen & Philips, 2002: 120). Furthermore, discourse analysis allows for in-depth analysis providing the researcher with a more detailed and deeper understanding of the discursive patterns and the social world (Moses & Knutsen, 2012: 156). However, reliability in qualitative work requires transparency. Through transparency of both method and theoretical framework of the empirical material, another researcher should be able to perform a similar framework due to the systematic nature of the DHA approach providing eight steps to follow. However, my interpretation of the discourse will most likely differ from the results of another researcher who is studying the same problem, due to the influence of the positionality of the researcher in qualitative work mentioned in the former section. To strengthen the validity of the research, more information opposing the overall narrative and themes found in the analysis, should have been presented in the thesi. It would have strengthened the credibility of the findings but due to the limited time frame and scope of the project combined with language barrier, the collection of discrepant information was challenged.

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5. Empirical Presentation and Analysis

5.1 Imagined monarchy: A discourse of a holy hierarchy

During the colonization of Greenland, the missioners were the representatives of Denmark. They introduced the Greenlandic people to the concepts of Christianity, nationality, and monarchy. The Greenlanders had no central power or hierarchy at the time. They were living in smaller settlements, and tribes dispatched all over Greenland (Rud, 2017: 9). The missioners revolutionized the Greenlandic way of perceiving society and power at the time by introducing the Greenlandic population to the concept monarchy (Højris & Marquardt, 2019: 228). Thus the missioners' descriptions of monarchy had a considerable impact on the Greenlandic discourse of monarchy.

One of the earliest examples of Greenlandic royalism is from 1731, written by the Danish missioner Poul Egede. In his diary from Greenland, ranging from 1721-1788, he replicates his conversations with the Greenlandic people about the Danish monarchy. According to Poul Egede, the Greenlandic people were curious about the Danish kingdoms and population but particular in the King and the King's relations to the Christian God and church (Egede, P. 1988: 48). Poul Egede describes the Greenlanders interest in the character of their king in a conversation from 1731:

"One of them asked me if the King went to church to worship God. I answered that not only did he go to church to encourage the others, he even punished the people who did not live according to what was taught. The king has sent my father, me, and others to teach you about God, to make you enchanted when this life comes to an end. 'If only we had something to give ham!' they said. 'He must be a good man, who loves us even though we are so far away from him' [Klint, 2020: My translation]." (Egede, P. 1988: 48-49).

In Poul Egede's description of the conversation, the Greenlander wants to know if the Danish king goes to church and worships God. Poul Egede replies to his question by underlining the Danish king's power and authority by describing him as both devout and punishing. His comment about "being sent" portrays the king as the Head of the Church and Poul Egede and the missioners as his representatives. The Greenlanders respond with gratitude and humility

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towards the king. According to Poul Egede, they cannot believe a man who lives so far away from them still "loves" them. They express a desire to give him something in return. Despite Poul Egede's threats about a punishing authority, they perceive the King as both loving and caring. The Greenlandic discourse about the king has parallels to the discourse about Christian God at the time. The missioners' objective was to convert the Greenlandic people to Christianity (Rud, 2017: 2). They taught the Greenlanders about the Christian God, a distant father who loved and cared for all of his people, without ever having met them.

The argument of a parallel between the missioner's discourse concerning the Christian God and Danish king is reinforced by the fact that most Greenlanders were introduced to the Danish monarchy in the Christian church (Egede, 192: 13). Within the Danish Lutheran church, it was customary to pray for the Danish king and royal family during the Church Prayer (Christensen 2006). In the late 1800s, the following words were included in the Greenlandic Ritual of the Church: "Reign and bless our King, and his whole House, and all our authority! [Klint, 2020: My translation]" (Højris & Marquardt, 2019: 219). The Christian Greenlanders going to church acclaimed both the Christian God as their God and the Danish King, as their king. The prayer for the king and royal family within the holy service has most likely promoted the idea of linkage between Christianity and monarchy. The linkage could explain the grateful discourse in Poul Egede's conversation with the Greenlanders. The Greenlanders are not skeptical about the idea of a distant punishing king. Instead, they are portrayed as humbled by the thought of a distant but caring "father".

A more objective source of the Greenlandic gratitude towards the King is the Greenlandic taxes paid to the king during the 18th century. In 1730, the first missioner in Greenland, Hans Egede, expresses his concern about the possibility of the Danish government cancellation of the mission in Greenland (Egede, H. 1925: 241). To ensure its continuation Hans Egede established a tax-system where the Greenlandic people could show their gratitude towards the Danish king by paying him taxes. The taxes were paid in lard collected by the local merchant in Godhåb (Højris & Marquardt, 2019: 225). In his diary _{Relationer fra Grønland 1721-36}_(H. Egede, 1925), Hans Egede describes how many Greenlanders traveled far to donate lard to the Danish King (Egede, H. 1925: 241).

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5.2 Imagined monarchy: An early paradox

However, the Greenlandic discourse concerning Danish involvement in Greenland was not only grateful. A later paragraph in Hans Egedes’s testimony indicates a Greenlandic skepticism towards Denmark. The context of the conversation is King Christian VI’s (1699-1746) decision to end the mission in Greenland. Hans Egede describes a group of Greenlanders reaction to the decision:

On the 5th [July 1731], a group of Greenlanders came to visit us. They asked me if it was true that we were going to leave them. I answered "Yes", it was the will of the King. They asked again why the King did not want us to stay in the country with them. I answered: because he has heard that you do not improve or enhance by all the education you have received from me and do not care much about God but continues to live the way you did before. Then they answered: The people who had told the King so were big liars (...) Afterward, they asked me to stay but let the King know how respectable they were and how much they cared for the King [Klint, 2020: My translation]” (Egede, H, 1925: 248)

When the Greenlanders ask why the Danes are leaving, Hans Egede blames the Greenlanders' lifestyle and commitment to God and Christianity. Hans Egede's explanation is clear: The Greenlandic people are to blame, but Greenlanders ignore Hans Egede's accusations and respond by questioning the Danes who have "lied" to the King. A similar response from another group of Greenlanders is described by Hans Egede in another conversation the same year. At the end of 1731, only a few men besides Hans Egede and his family were left in Greenland. Another group of Greenlanders wants to know why the Danes are leaving. In this testimony, Hans Egedes explains closer to the truth. The context of the conversation was that it was too expensive to uphold the colony in Greenland due to public savings and changes in the central administration (Højris & Marquardt et al. 2017: 75). In the earlier mentioned conversation, Hans Egedes portrays the King as an infinite and punishing power. In the following paragraph, Hans Egede's discourse about the King indicates a royal deficiency.

"The high lord or King of our Country has chosen to withdraw us all from Greenland because it is too expensive to have too many people and ships in the country. (...) They answered: We thought the high lord was so rich, had plenty of men and ships (...) When the Greenlanders did not accept my explanation, and I did not want to decrease our King or take my words back, so I told them: The King has plenty of men and ships, but he is using them in other countries [Klint, 2020: My translation]." (Egede, H. 1925: 255)

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In the following paragraph, he blames the Greenlandic commitment to God and tells the Greenlanders that the King has been told that the Greenlandic people do not care about Christian God. According to Hans Egede, the Greenlanders respond with the same words as in the conversation earlier that year: "They responded: Those who had told the King so were big liars. Thus, I should let the King know how respectable the Greenlanders were, that they loved him a lot already has given many barrels of lard [Klint, 2020: My translation]." (Egede, H. 1925: 255)

In both conversations, the described Greenlandic discourse is characterized by loyalty towards the King and his authority. On the other hand, the Greenlandic discourse about other Danes is marked by skepticism and dissatisfaction. The messengers are referred to as "big liars" in both conversations. Likewise, the Greenlanders question Hans Egede's explanations. There is a discrepancy between the Greenlandic discourse towards the Danes present in Greenland and their discourse towards the Danish King. This discrepancy aligns with my theory of a "Greenlandic Paradox". The Greenlanders express both affection and loyalty towards the monarch family while the discourse revolving around other Danish authorities are overall skeptical. According to Hans Egede, the Greenlanders use the words "love and care" about the monarch. Conclusively, the Greenlandic discourse about monarchy is positive, while being negative towards the Danish representatives in Greenland in all the analyzed examples. This discrepancy of discourses referred to as the "Greenlandic Paradox", corresponds with Mary Louis Pratt's theory of 'contact zones'. The "contact zone" is the Greenlandic meeting with Danes during the Danish colonization of Greenland. When the Danes arrived, two cultures clashed. The cultures were marked by an asymmetric relationship, as the Danes have positioned themselves higher in the hierarchy as a foreign ruler. In the meeting with the Danish representatives, the Greenlandic people communicate and negotiate their roles. The missioners' discourse highlights a hierarchy and the authority of the King. Besides, Hans Egede and Poul Egede frame themselves as teachers sent by the monarch and thus higher in the hierarchy than the Greenlandic people. The Greenlanders challenge the missioners' position in the hierarchy by questioning the statements and honesty of the missioners.

In contrast, the Greenlanders accept their position as being under the monarch. According to the sources, many Greenlanders traveled far to pay taxes in the form as lard. The same

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acceptance of roles is seen in a direct message to the Danish monarch from a group of Greenlanders, written in 1777.

"To our high king, we would have liked to write and ask for a church, but as he is such a high lord, we have not dared to do so, as we are only a couple of paltry Greenlanders. … Tell us then, our high king, do not be angry, as we ascribe your, but listen and answer our prayers for the church we all want [Klint, 2020: My translation]." (Ostermann, 1941: 8)

In this message, the Greenlanders address the King, as "their King", thus accepting him as an authority. Furthermore, they describe themselves as unworthy of the King's time. They have not dared to write the King before. With words like "paltry", the Greenlandic discourse is humble to the point of self-defeating. Again, the Greenlanders accept their low position to the monarch. According to Pratts's theory of contact zones, both parts are active in a meeting. Roles are not solely given but also taken. This theory could explain the variations in the Greenlandic discourse. Despite the hierarchical structures of colonization, there is still room for negotiation, as variations occur. The "higher" position of the missioners is challenged by the Greenlanders, while the King's overarching position is accepted. Thus, the agents (Greenlanders) can influence the interpretation of roles within the given frame.

5.3 Imagined monarchy: A tale of wealth and power

The discrepancy of the Greenlandic discourse towards the King and the missioners contains another paradox. Why would the Greenlanders trust the message of a loving and powerful king, if they did not trust the messengers? The Danish missioners did not continue to be the only messengers of the Danish monarchy in Greenland.

In 1724, two Greenlanders visited the monarch family as guests in Copenhagen. The two Greenlandic men (Pooq and Qiperoq) were invited to entertain the monarch family with their kayak and hunter skills in Denmark. Pooq and Qiperoq were not the first Greenlanders to meet the king, but the visit is essential in forming the Greenlandic discourse of monarchy. The visit was the first to be described in Greenlandic songs, stories, and books, making their visit one of the most significant sources of Danish monarchy in Greenland ( Højris and Marquardt, 2019: 230). The transmission by word of mouth from Pooq and Qiperoq visit were collected and published in the book _{Pok in Greenlandic in 1857. The story is written as Pooq words, but} there is no guarantee these were the original formulations used by Pooq. Nonetheless, the

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book is essential when explaining the early Greenlandic discourse of the Danish monarch family, as the book was one of the earliest publications written in Greenlandic and widely distributed within Greenland (Højris and Marquardt, 2019: 230-231).

Throughout the book, Pooq is described as intimidated by the wealth and authority of the Danish King. In the book, Pooq is not afraid during the voyage of Copenhagen, nor when he arrives in Copenhagen and sees all the inhabitants and the soldiers (Pok, 1973: 4-5). The only situation Pooq is described as afraid is when he enters a room full of “high lords” and sees the King for the first time: “But all of the high lords, became small when the highest of them all [the King] entered the room, then they all fell flat on the ground, as I did. Just then, I started to shake [Klint, 2020: My translation].” (Pok, 1973: 5).

In the following sequence, the king address Pooq to tell him how thrilled he is to hear that the Greenlandic people want to learn about God. The king is by Pooq, referred to as "Kunge" or "nalaguanerssuak," which means "the highest lord" or "someone who should be obeyed." (Berge and Kaplan, 2016: 6). Furthermore, the King's wealth is highlighted in the vivid descriptions of the fantastic food and facilities (Pok, 1973: 5). Before Pooq's departures, the Danish king's generosity is indicated: "The high lord gave me good presents, five whole chests full of treasures [Klint, 2020: My translation]" (Pok, 1973: 5).

The book tells the story of the Danish king through the eyes of a Greenlandic man. When Pooq's feelings and reactions are described as intimated, fearful, and anxious, the king's authority is underlined. The power and wealth of the king intimidate Pooq. As Pooq throws himself to the floor along with all the high lords, Pooq accepts his position in the hierarchy. The high lords and Pooq are described as equally low in the power hierarchy compared to the king. All other rankings disappear when the king enters.

Furthermore, a narrative of the King as generous is consistent throughout the book. The book's discourse frames the king as majestic, wealthy, and sturdy as well as generous and benevolent, which corresponds with the earlier mentioned narratives of the Danish king in Greenland. Additionally, the book contains several examples of 'Arctic-Orientalism'. Even though Pooq is the tourist visiting a foreign and "Oriental" society for the first time, he represents “the primitive Orient”. When he is describing his experiences, his primitive "otherness" is highlighted:

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"Pooq: The castles and the churches are higher than other the buildings. You cannot even reach them with bow and arrow (...) Pooq: It was like a big white iceberg. The hall was big enough to house 20 tents and on both stood a lot of armed men with beautiful clothes. Pooq: There were so many houses that you could not count them. They could cover a vast field with several houses on top of each other [Klint, 2020: My translation]” (Pok, 1973: 2-3)

Pooq's descriptions are characterized by his limited vocabulary. He does not have the words to describe his visions. Instead, Pooq uses objects (bow, arrow, tents, icebergs) associated with a primitive and excluded society to describe his meeting with a more "moderns and advanced" society. Considering, the book was published in Greenland in 1857 during a time, when many Greenlanders were living in houses in smaller cities with access to churches and common facilities (Arbuckle, 2016) the descriptions frame Greenlanders innaccordingly to reality and closer to existing myths of “the Innuit”. The descriptions frame Pooq in accordance with Said's theory of ‘Orientalism’. Pooq is the viewer but still portrayed as "the Other". Pooq is framed as inferior in comparison with the Western lifestyle. As Pooq is telling his experiences to an audience of Greenlanders, the discourse of the book frames Greenlanders as an indigenous people lost in the complexities of the Danish society.

The discourse of a wealthy but generous monarch is also evident in the celebration of the Danish king in Greenland. During the Danish colonization of Greenland, the Danish authorities implemented Danish ceremonies and traditions in Greenland. One of the ceremonies introduced was the yearly celebration of the monarch (Bobé, 1944: 144). The celebration of the King's birthday included flag raising, cannon fire, salutations, fireworks, songs, dance, gifts, and dinners (Bobé, 1944: 145). From the 1700th_{century, the celebration of}

the King was an established tradition along the West Coast of Greenland. The celebration in Greenland is described as celebrated by both Danes and Greenlanders in Greenland (Ostermann, 1935: 86). According to the historian Louis Bobé's (1867-1951) source-based research, the celebration of the King's birthday lasted days and included formal dinners in the colonies, fireworks, and cannon shots from 1777. In 1782, the celebration was formalized and thoroughly described in "Instruksen" – a set of guidelines that formalized Danish activities in Greenland. The guidelines prohibited all Greenlandic access to alcohol – except at Christmas and the King's birthday. Furthermore, Bobé describes how every Greenlander was given food

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on a special occasion. In a report to the Danish supervisory from 1793 it is indicated that the Greenlanders considered the provisions on those occasions as a gift from the King himself:

"Foods to the Greenlanders at the Christmas holidays and on the birthday of His Majesty has become so common in the Bay of Disco that an officer denying the Greenlanders rations could expect to be regarded as a thief by the Greenlanders as they believe that the King is sending provisions as a treat for them[Klint, 2020: My translation]." (Frandsen, 2010: 383)

In another report from 1793, a discourse of Greenlandic affection towards the Danish King during the celebrations is indicated:

"When you talk with the Greenlanders on the birthday of His Majesty about what the King has and are doing for the, it is pure joy. The Greenlanders are thrilled by the memory of their and our King Christian. (…) They love the King as they know he wants what is best for them, and when they are unsatisfied with the Danish interference in Greenland, they blame the smaller men [Klint, 2020: My translation]." (Frandsen, 2010: 383).

Again, the “Greenlandic Paradox” is present. A Greenlandic "dissatisfaction" with the Danish colonization of Greenland is revealed in the report, while their love and trust to the Danish King are highlighted. According to the sources, the Greenlanders perceive the King as "above" the "smaller men". Both the hierarchy and discrepancy of the Greenlandic discourse during the celebrations of the king correspond with the discourse in_{Pok (1973).}

5.4 Meeting monarchy: “A turning point”

After 200 years as a Danish colony under an imagined monarchy, the first Danish monarch arrived in Greenland. King Christian X (1870-1947) arrived together with his wife Queen Alexandrine (1879-1952) and their two sons to mark the 200th anniversary of Danish presence in Greenland. The visit was covered through pictures and written articles. The close coverage of the royal meeting and the broad distribution of pictures and reportages of the day gave a broad range of Greenlanders a vivid impression of the monarch family.

Based on the impressive preparations and program of the Greenlandic welcoming of the royal family, the visit must have been an awaited and exceptional event in Greenland. The monarch family was welcomed by Danish national flags, cannon salutes, handshakes, worship and kayaking-shows, music, dance, and the handover of gifts to the royal couple (Højris &

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Marquardt, 2019: 251). The Greenlandic author Hans Lynge (1906-1988) describes the day in his memories:

"Today, everyone was happy and satisfied. It really was a good development that happened. The King's cordiality made him shake the hand of every Greenlander, which became the beginning of the warm relationship between Danes and Greenlanders, who grew in the 65 years that followed until we were integrated; one could say that the Danes were integrated into us [Klint, 2020: My translation]." (Lynge, 1988: 8).

For Hans Lynge, the royal handshake marks the beginning of the process of integration between Greenlanders and Danes. A turning point in the Greenlandic-Danish relation is indicated. Hans Lynge highlights the royal handshake several times in his description of the day. Based on his memories, the handshake made a strong impression on many Greenlanders. He describes how a Greenlandic priest did not wash his hands for days after having shaken the hand of the king (Lynge, 1988: 9). In another anecdote, Lynge describes a scene where the Queen is rushing. Still, King Christian X insists on listening to a famous Greenlandic violin-player: "Then Angaaraq (the violin-player) got the unforgettable acknowledgment of the King, who thanked him and kept his hand very long and tapped his shoulder [Klint, 2020: My translation]." (Lynge, 1988:10).

Physical contact between the Greenlanders and the royal family is highlighted in Hans Lynge's descriptions of the day. The same is the fact, that the royal family not only visited Greenland but also visited private Greenlanders in their own homes (Lynge, 1988: 9) The emphasis on the Kings "close" position to the Greenlandic population, indicates a Greenlandic astonishment over the situation, which corresponds with the Greenlandic discourse of monarchy before the meeting. The familial behavior of the King is clashing with the Greenlandic expectations of monarchy. The Greenlandic discourse of royalty prior to the meeting is characterised by the idea of the King as an overarching authority above all men. This narrative is challenged in Hans Lynge's descriptions of a King who dances, shakes hands and visits the local Greenlanders. Considering the discourse about the King in _Pok _(1973), King Christian X, does not live up to the expectations of a King. He is neither described as intimidating or frightening, as both Pooq and the missioners describe the monarch, instead King Christian X is described as warm and unpretentious.

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Until 1921, the Danish monarch had been a distant, powerful ruler, the highest authority in Greenland and Denmark. When the monarch family arrived in Greenland, the relationship changed. The visit changed both the Greenlandic discourse and the relationship to the Danish monarch family. The close and more familiar position of King Christian X is indicated in a statement by the editor of the Greenlandic newspaper during World War II:

“The King shows his love and care for his Greenlandic people better than any of his predecessors. (...) We are waiting and hoping for the day, where Denmark again will be free of all oppression and chains, where we will return to our King, whom we Greenlanders know and love [Klint, 2020: My translation]” (Lynge, 1942: 158)

The monarch family only visited Nuuk during their first visit in 1921. According to Lynge's descriptions, the visit was seminal for many of Nuuk's inhabitants, but the impact of the visit reached far beyond the capital.

The establishment of a Greenlandic newspaper at the beginning of the 20th century and the possibility of bringing photographs made it possible to share and distribute pictures of the royal visit all over Greenland. The visit was covered extensively, and both pictures and reports of the day traveled far (Højris & Marquardt, 2019: 250). In general, the tendency to publish pictures of royal families rose all over Europe. The public began to see the royal family in more personal and familiar situations which caused a rise in royalism all over Europe (Protschky 2015). In Greenland the pictures of the royal visits played a crucial role in the rise of Greenlandic royalism when the Danish monarchs began adopting and honouring Greenlandic culture and traditions.

5.5 Meeting monarchy: Royal recognition

King Christian X's visit to Greenland in 1921 became a model for all the subsequent royal visits. The tradition to give the monarch family pieces of traditional Greenlandic culture during their visit still exists today. Examples of gifts count Greenlandic national costumes, anoraks, Greenlandic art, and handicrafts (Petri 2004). The royal family often arrives in the traditional Greenlandic costumes during their visits to Greenland. The wearing of national costumes withholds a strong message, as the traditional Greenlandic costume is normally made out of sealskin (Bygum, 2004: 81). The Royal family have worn sealskin nationally and internationally. The industry of sealskin in Greenland has long been criticised by various

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organizations of animal protection (Garde, 2013: 36) for the killing of baby seals. The industry is one of the oldest in Greenland, but international criticism has led to a general decline demand (Garde, 2013: 36). Still, the royal family have continued to wear sealskin. In 2016, the Crown Prince Frederik, his wife Mary and their four kids were photographed all wearing traditional Greenlandic costumes made out of seal skin for a Greenlandic stamp, which led to international criticism of the royal family (Würtzenfeld, 2016). Even though the Danish Queen Margrethe II are not allowed to express her political beliefs, she has always advocated for the industry of sealskin in Greenland:

“Denmark and Greenland is connected in _{Rigsfællesskabet and the Greenlandic} people was in a most unpleasant situation, where their fundamental profession, which defines Greenland for the Greenlandic people, was threatened. I knew enough of the circumstances to feel, it was simply unfair [Klint, 2020: My translation].” (Bygum 2004 s. 81)

The Queen underlines the linkage between Denmark and Greenland. By insisting on wearing and justifying clothes of sealskin, the royal family is strengthening the discourse of a united Denmark and Greenland, fighting alongside against the international community. Furthermore, Queen Margrethe II frames the sealskin industry in Greenland as, what “makes” Greenland. She is risking international disapprobation to protect Greenlandic tradition. Even though the royal recognition of sealskin has been much appreciated in Greenland (Højris & Marquardt, 2019: 254), the royal statement could also contain elements ‘Orientalism’ or ‘Arctic-Orientalism’. According to Edward Said’s concept of ‘Orientalism’, the Western identity was created in the meeting with the Orient. The royal discourse of sealskin as “what makes Greenland” reduces Greenlanders to an indigenous population dependent on an ancient profession. The statement aligns with Thisted’s example of ‘Arctic-Orientalism’ where Greenlanders have been reduced to two positions: either as an indigenous people or a population caught in modernity who has lost their traditional culture (Thisted 2006). The royal emphasis on the right to wear and produce sealskin on behalf of Greenland, confirm both of Thisted’s examples. The Greenlanders are framed as an indigenous people, who risk losing their traditional culture without the help of the Danish monarch family. The concept of “Orientalism” reduces “the Orient” to one symmetric whole (Said 2004: 93). When the royal family continues to arrive in Greenlandic traditional national costumes and highlights traditional professions as “Greenlandic”, the royal family stipulates a discourse of a Greenland

The Greenlandic Paradox - Greenlandic autonomy under Danish monarchy