One-year Political Science MA programme in Global Politics and Societal Change Dept. of Global Political Studies
Course: Political Science Thesis ST632L (15 credits)
Countering Social Exclusion of Young Muslims:
A Case Study of the Potential of Inclusion in the Finnish Media Literacy Education
Syed Sarosh Anwar
Abstract
What is the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy education? In this thesis I answer this research question to draw a conclusion on the importance of coherently operationalizing performance indicators of inclusion in national media literacy policies, which can be transferred and utilized transnationally to counter social exclusion of young Muslims in media literacy education in Western Europe.
I define and highlight four core criteria of inclusion to evaluate policy process and input, which contribute with answering the research question posed in this thesis. Moreover, a qualitative content analysis based on a single case study approach is applied to uncover all relevant information from the primary and secondary literature concerning the case selected. Similar to a number of academic studies closely related to the topic of this thesis, I apply the theoretical framework of policy evaluation as a lense to explain and explore the phenomenon under investigation.
Conclusively, this thesis suggests that the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy education is moderate due to the existence of both coherently defined as well as less coherently defined goals, objectives, and related performance indicators of inclusion in the Finnish media literacy policy.
Key Words: Inclusion, media literacy policy, media literacy education, Islamist radicalization and extremism, social exclusion, transnational, young Muslims.
Total words of body text: 14.183
Table of Contents
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 1 1. INTRODUCTION 2 1.1. BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVE 2 1.2. APPROACH AND STRUCTURE 3 2. LITERATURE REVIEW 4 2.1. THE PROCESS AND CAUSE OF RADICALIZATION AND EXTREMIST ACTION 5 2.2. THE ROLE OF MEDIA LITERACY EDUCATION IN PREVENTING ISLAMIST RADICALIZATION AND EXTREMISM 6 2.3. THE ROLE OF MEDIA LITERACY EDUCATION AS AN INCLUSIVE PRACTICE 7 3. THEORY 93.1. THE THEORY OF POLICY EVALUATION 9
3.2. THE INCLUSIVE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 11
4. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 14
4.1. ONTOLOGY AND EPISTEMOLOGY 14
4.2. CASE SELECTION, RESEARCH APPROACH, AND ANALYTICAL METHOD 14
4.3. SOURCE CRITICISM & LIMITATIONS 16
4.4. OPERATIONALIZATION OF CONCEPTS 17 4.5. SUMMARY 18 5. ANALYSIS - THE POTENTIAL OF INCLUSION OF YOUNG MUSLIMS IN THE FINNISH MEDIA LITERACY EDUCATION 18 5.1. FACILITATING AN INDEPENDENT CRITICAL APPROACH TOWARDS THE REPRESENTATIONS OF ISLAMIST RADICALIZATION AND THE USE OF VIOLENCE IN MEDIA 20 5.2. PROVIDING ACCESS TO DIFFERENT MEDIA PLATFORMS TO BETTER EXPLAIN ISLAMIST RADICALIZATION AND EXTREMISM AND ENHANCING THE SKILLS OF ALL LEARNERS 22 5.3. FACILITATING THE POSSIBILITY OF PUPILS TO REFLECT UPON THEIR OWN PERCEPTION REGARDING ISLAMIST RADICALIZATION 24 5.4. REPRESENTING THE DIVERSITY OF ISLAMIST RADICALIZATION AS AN AGENT OF CHANGE AND EXAMINING OWN BIAS AND APPRECIATING OTHER PERSPECTIVE ON ISLAMIST RADICALIZATION 25 6. DISCUSSION 27
6.1. SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION OF THE FINDINGS 27
6.2. DISCUSSION OF THE GENERALIZABILITY AND REPLICABILITY 31
7. CONCLUSION 32
Acknowledgements
I will use the opportunity to express my gratitude and appreciation to every single individual that has supported me throughout my journey of writing this Masters thesis.
First of all, I am extremely thankful to my supervisor, Ivan Gusic, for his aspiring guidance, invaluably constructive criticism, and several professional advices he has offered me during my thesis work.
Secondly, I would like to thank my family and friends, particularly, my wife, Saira Khan, my father, Khurshid Anwar Syed, my mother, Nasima Khatoon, and my three close friends, Asad Naqvi, Yacine Hammouchene, and Zakria Mahmoud for the immense support and motivation they have offered me throughout my studies, and especially during my time writing this Masters thesis.
Moreover, I would like to offer my gratitude to my fellow students for sharing their truthful and illuminating views on a number of issues related to my thesis.
Finally, I would like to complement the method course and Master thesis seminars, I have attended, facilitated by DR. Michael Strange, and the thorough written oral feedback I have received from the drafts handed in for the supervision sessions. This has truly helped me a lot in improving my thesis.
1. Introduction
1.1. Background and Objective
The problem area of this thesis is the potential of inclusion in media literacy education of Western European nation states.
This topic is significant and problematic to explore because the efforts of Western European governments in developing and designing ‘correct’ policies, including policies related to media literacy education, has been highly evident for decades in the global political sphere (Schouwstra and Ellman, 2006:1).
However, although, many Western European governments have over the past decade emphasized upon utilizing media literacy education as a means of preventing Islamist radicalization, some Western European governments have in this relation faced challenges related to the creation of national ideological hegemonies that promotes unintended social exclusion of their Muslim community (Niemi, 2018:13; Ratna et al. 2016). This is closely related to the notion that some Western European governments have not succeeded in understanding and recognizing the specific elements underlying their national media literacy education and accordingly not been able to coherently frame and draft a specific preventive strategy that is aligned with the core structures and values of their educational system (Ratna et al. 2016). This has in some cases ultimately resulted in that some Western European Muslims have chosen to comply with radicalization and extremism, due to not feeling safe and belonged in their home countries (Bizina & Gray, 2014; Reitman, 2013; Sageman, 2004).
The topic of this thesis can be considered as highly relevant to the field of Global Politics, as the exclusion of a community in any social domain within a nation state, such as education, may most likely trigger the feeling of insecurity, alienation, and discrimination in its members. This can lead them to comply with radicalization, extremism, and violence in both domestic and international terms, which ultimately can have a negative effect on the global social cohesion.
Hence, by zooming into this topic and analyzing the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy education, this thesis may contribute to the existing knowledge located within the field of Global Politics concerning evaluating policy process and input with inclusion in focus, which can be transferred and applied
across borders in transnational terms to counter social exclusion of young Muslims in media literacy education of Western European nation states. This is closely related to the broader purpose and aim of this thesis.
Although, evaluation of policy output in terms of the effect of educational prevention strategies towards religious radicalization, and the challenges of implementing more inclusive practices of media literacy education has widely been researched in academia (Powers and Haller, 2017; Lammers and Palumbo, 2017; Siegel, 2017), less emphasis has been devoted on evaluating policy process and input in terms of evaluating the potential of inclusion in media literacy education of Western European nation states (Ratna et al. 2016; Niemi et al., 2018; Schouwstra and Ellman, 2006). Hence, by focusing on filling the research gap outlined above, this thesis will explore and explain: what is the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish
media literacy education?
1.2. Approach and Structure
In order to coherently answer the research question posed in this thesis, the theory of policy evaluation based on the Geelhoed- Schouwstra framework (referred to as
policy evaluation in the remainder of this thesis) will be applied as a theoretical lense
(Schouwstra and Ellman, 2006).
Since the focus of this thesis is based on analyzing and evaluating the potential of inclusion in media literacy education, an inclusive conceptual framework, inspired by Kellner and Share’s (2007) multi perspectival critical media literacy approach, as well as the core principles of media literacy education, called NAMLE (2007), has been developed. This conceptual framework will be applied as an analytical framework in the analysis section, which will allow answering the research question posed in this thesis in a coherent fashion.
Moreover, a single case study will be conducted, where the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy education concerning Islamist radicalization and extremism (referred to as Finnish media literacy education in the remainder of this thesis), will be evaluated. The Finnish case has been selected on the basis of being an exemplifying case, which will be further elaborated upon in the research methodology section of this thesis.
The main claim I am working from is that the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy education can be considered as being high. By generally defining clear strategic goals and objectives of inclusion in its media literacy policy, the Finnish government has coherently catered for high potential of inclusion of young Muslims in its media literacy education. This claim is closely related to the findings I am expecting to derive from the theoretical approach of policy evaluation, and can as well be considered as being highly related to the core criteria of inclusion outlined in the inclusive conceptual framework that has been developed in this thesis. As for the structure of this thesis, in the next section, existing literature closely related to the research question and topic of this research will be outlined, which will guide to the research gap this thesis is based upon. Moreover, the theoretical perspective of policy evaluation, and the inclusive conceptual framework developed will as well be presented in this section. In the third section, the methodological considerations applied in this research will be highlighted, while in the fourth section, the analysis of the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy education will be presented. Moreover, in the fifth section, the findings attained from the analysis will be discussed, reflected upon, and empirically explored in terms of comparing the main claim of this thesis to the findings achieved from the analysis. In relation to the reflection, a discussion related to the replicability and generalizability of the findings will also be presented in this section. Finally, in the conclusion, the research question posed in this thesis will be answered, and a recommendation for future research direction closely related to the topic of this research will be provided.
2. Literature Review
In this section, existing theory and research literature relevant to the research question of this thesis will be presented. Firstly, the literature concerning the process and cause of radicalization and extremist action in Western Europe will be highlighted. Hereafter relevant research and theory related to the role of media literacy education in preventing Islamist radicalization will be presented. Finally, the role of media literacy as an inclusive practice will be outlined. The information gained from this sub-section will potentially contribute with leading to the existent research gap closely related to the topic and research question of this thesis.
2.1. The Process and Cause of Radicalization and Extremist Action
The existence of academic literature concerning radicalization of young Muslims is extensively available. Much of this literature has been conducted through the application of a constructivist approach, and a qualitative research approach primarily based on conducting and analyzing semi-structured interviews (Bizina & Gray, 2014; Reitman, 2013; Sharma, 2015).
Moreover, most of this literature suggests that the term, radicalization, is frequently applied by researchers without really considering its true meaning. It is relatedly suggested that, although, the concept of radicalization can be considered as providing a coherent framework for the motivating factors and underlying causes of terrorism, it is, however, weak in defining concepts and the stages in which radicalization occurs (Silke, 2008).
While some scholars perceive radicalization as a series of events that takes place prior to a terrorist attack, other scholars argue that it is a movement towards extremist attitudes that ultimately can lead to extremist action. However, much of the literature on terrorism defines the concept of radicalization and extremist action as a process rather than conceptualizing it as a specific event. In other terms, radicalization is perceived as a development process in which individuals are in a gradual manner motivated to conform to and adopt extremist beliefs, which ultimately can lead them to participate in extremist actions (McCauley and Moskalenko 2008; Mandel, 2009). Radicalization of young Western European Muslims can be considered as one of the most prominent security threats facing Western European nation states in the current global political era (Franz, 2015). Many young Muslims originating from Western Europe, including teenagers in the age as low as 14 years, have fled their respective liberal democratic states to join terrorist organizations like the self-proclaimed ISIS; which has echoed great concerns in the global political sphere (Bizina & Gray, 2014; Reitman, 2013; Sharma, 2015).
As for the cause of why some young Western European Muslims draw to radicalization and extremist action, much of the literature suggest that the common causal and motivational triggers are alienation, oppression, marginalization, and discrimination that is existent within social domains, such as education, within the nation states they live in and identify themselves with (Archick, 2007; Lynch, 2013).
This provides terrorist organizations with a convenient platform of easily recruiting new members by playing on emotions like ‘suffering and humiliation’. According to Lyons-Padilla et al. (2015), the primary recruitment targets in this relation are young Western European Muslims belonging to the first and second generation. These potential recruits are offered to avenge the ‘suffering and humiliation’ of Muslims by pursuing jihad against the enemy of Islam. Through this approach they are presented with an opportunity to obtain a sense of meaning and purpose, as well as regain their social status (Kruglanski, et al., 2014).
Many young Muslims who are drawn to radicalization also seek to accomplish something significant, being it legal or illegal, and at the same time wish to reason their actions with a religious cause (Higgins, 2015). On the other hand, some young Muslims conform to radical ideas in order to use the society and others around them as reasons for the inner suffering they are experiencing (Reitman, 2013; Higgins, 2015).
According to the European Union Terrorism Situation and Trend Report (TE-SAT, 2016), conducted by the Europol, most Western Europeans who return to their respective home countries after fighting for terrorist organizations pose significant threats to the national security of their home country. However, a decrease in Western European foreign fighters joining terrorist organization like ISIS has been identified during the past few years. Although, it can be argued that a major reason behind the decrease is due to the declining influence of the Caliphate (Wilson Center, 2019), governmental focus on media literacy education related to Islamist radicalization can as well be perceived as among the core reasons for the trending decrease.
2.2. The Role of Media Literacy Education in Preventing Islamist
Radicalization and Extremism
According to academic literature based on constructionist ontology, media literacy is generally defined as the ability to access, evaluate, and analyze the quality and underlying meaning of the media consumed, as well as being able to produce it (Considine and Haley, 1999; Hobbs, 2010; Friesem, 2017; Tyner, 1998:120). Hence, the main aim of media literacy education is to enable students to coherently evaluate media content in terms of placing it within a wider context of how, why, and by whom it has been created and distributed, who is the intended consumer of it, and how is it produced (Horn, 2003; Steinbrick and Cook, 2003).
As for the literature related to the role of media literacy education in preventing radicalization, in which the method of qualitative textual analysis of policy documents and governmental reports has prominently been applied, Ratna et al. (2016), Gearon (2013), and Christmann (2012) highlights that it can in many cases act as a preventive element, however, its success depends on the objective of the educational system of states, which is determined by the cultural, social, and ideological commitments they promote. The criteria for success in this relation is suggested to be that states follow a common guideline for the prevention of violent ideologies, and promote social interaction within societies (Niemi et al., 2018:3). By providing young individuals with different types of content knowledge related to “(…) international rights and agreements, different world views and religions”, as well as experiences related to security and inclusion enhances their resilience towards radical thinking and behavior (ibid, 3).
Relatedly, the effectiveness of media literacy education as a preventive strategy is suggested to be connected to the capability of a government to understand and recognize the specific elements underlying its national education system and accordingly frame and draft a specific preventive strategy that is aligned with the core structures and values of its educational system (Ratna et al. 2016).
Literature criticizing media literacy education strategies and policies countering violent extremism suggest that the guideline of some countries enforces educators to monitor and report their students for possible signs of radicalization. This has led to the simplistic assumption that radical thinking and behavior is related to particular ideologies and background factors (Sieckelinck et al., 2015). However, it is assumed that several background factors combined increases the risk of radical actions (Hafez and Mullins, 2015; King and Taylor, 2011). Thus, such guidelines are perceived to retain the risk of over-reporting and effect the social cohesion of states, which has caused reason for concerns about counter-productivity of such educational strategies and policies (Jerome and Elwick, 2017).
2.3. The Role of Media Literacy Education as an Inclusive Practice
When speaking of literature related to media literacy education as an inclusive practice, it can be established that much emphasis in academia has so far been placed on investigating and evaluating the challenges of implementing more inclusive
practices in media literacy education, as well as in suggesting how to overcome such challenges (Powers and Haller, 2017; Lammers and Palumbo, 2017; Siegel, 2017). Another common approach related to media literacy education as an inclusive practice in academia has been devoted to monitoring and evaluating project implementation to produce immediate outputs of the effect of media literacy policies (Schouwstra and Ellman, 2006:1; Bamberger, 2000:96).
Many of these studies have been conducted theorizing policy strategies, models, output, and design through the application of policy evaluation and policy analysis as theoretical and conceptual frameworks (Mosse, 2004; Schouwstra and Ellman, 2006). Moreover, the ‘Universal Design for Learning’ framework, the multiperspectival critical media literacy approach put forward by Kellner & Share (2007), and the core principles of media literacy education, called NAMLE (2007) have as well been widely applied as conceptual and analytical frameworks in related studies (Dalton, 2017; Leach, 2017; Probst, 2017). This has allowed governments and media educators around the world to enhance students’ media literacy skills, as these approaches cater for addressing issues of gender, race, class, sexuality, and power that all relate to the implementation and the production of immediate outcome of inclusion in media literacy policies (Friesem, 2017).
Although, the challenges of implementing more inclusive practices of media literacy education, and evaluating project implementation to producing immediate outputs of the effect of media literacy policies have been highly investigated in academia, less emphasis has been laid on evaluating the input in terms of the potential of inclusion in media literacy education (Ratna et al. 2016; Niemi et al., 2018; Schouwstra and Ellman, 2006).
Hence, by focusing on the abovementioned, this thesis will explore and explain: what
is the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy education? This approach may contribute with filling the outlined research gap, and
contribute to the existing knowledge within the field of Global Politics that can be transferred and utilized across borders in transnational terms.
3. Theory
3.1. The Theory of Policy Evaluation
As aforementioned, in order to answer the research question of this thesis in a coherent fashion, the theoretical approach of policy evaluation, based on Geelhoed- Schouwstra’s framework, will be applied as a theoretical lense that will contribute with explaining and understanding the phenomenon under investigation. The choice of specifically applying policy evaluation as a theoretical lense in this thesis is inspired by how a great amount of previous research closely related to the research question and topic of this thesis has been conducted. In other terms, the theoretical framework of policy evaluation can be perceived as coherent and feasible for the purpose of examining content, which contributes with explaining the merit of a given policy, as well as the potential effectiveness in terms of how well can it be predicted to work in relation to its initial goals and objectives (Schouwstra and Ellman, 2006:1; Morestin and Castonguay, 2013).
Since the focus of this thesis is based on analyzing and evaluating the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy education, the theoretical approach of policy evaluation can be considered as feasible and appropriate to be applied for the purpose of this thesis.
The operative characteristic of policy evaluation based on Geelhoed- Schouwstra framework consists of six fundamental steps of a policy making cycle and evaluation, and is concerned with conceptualizing the relationship between the (1) goal(s), (2) objective(s), (3) methods and instruments, (4) activities, (5) performance(s), and (6) evaluation in a given policy (Schouwstra and Ellman, 2006:3). However, for the purpose of this thesis, steps from 1 to 5 will be emphasized upon and applied in the analysis, as they are concerned with monitoring and evaluating the potential of a given policy that is closely related to the focus and approach of this thesis. However, the sixth step is rather concerned with the outcome of policies, why it cannot be perceived as within scope for the purpose of this thesis (Schouwstra and Ellman, 2006:3-8).
The first step, entailing goal(s), involves that governments emphasizes on the effort of defining strategic or tactical goals when developing and constructing policies. Relatedly, the definition of the goals is rather of general nature within this step;
similarly, the performance indicators related to the goals are as well defined in general terms. Hence, in relation to the Finnish media literacy policy related to Islamist radicalization and extremism, the goals of inclusion would for instance be defined as ‘equal access to media’ and ‘focus on diversity’, while the related performance indicators would be defined as the amount by which the level of Islamist radicalization and extremism has been reduced. This is either measured through absolute numbers or percentage over a given timeframe after the policy has been implemented (ibid, 3).
The second step, which entails the objective(s), is where the strategic and tactical goals are operationalized to more concrete and specific aspect, and the related performance indicators are as well more specifically defined. Moreover, this step enable governments to initiate the process of identifying the specific methods or instruments that can be applied to reach the strategic and tactical goals stated in the respective policy (ibid, 3).
The third step, that entails methods and instruments, cater for the means of which the specific objectives defined in a policy, based upon the strategic and tactical goals, should be realized. The approach of policy evaluation suggests that the methods and instruments applied in policies to successfully reach the defined strategic goals and objectives should be documented and evaluated thoroughly, and should as well be compared with alternatives before governments settle on a specific approach. The thorough documented evaluation of the methods and instruments does not only offer governments the possibility of reaching an objective in a transparent, structural and constructive fashion, or allows evaluators of policies to provide coherent and constructive evaluation of the policies; but it also caters for a decision making process based on rationality and transparency that ultimately enhances the accountability of the policy itself (ibid, 4).
Relatedly, the approach of policy evaluation further suggests that it is of great importance for governments and other policy makers to identify the critical success factors before even choosing the methods and instruments, as they play a vital and decisive role in achieving the defined strategic goals and objectives (ibid, 4).
The fourth step, entailing activities, is where the actual activities are decided upon that support realizing the goals and objectives outlined in the respective national policies by governments and other policy makers. In this relation the approach of
policy evaluation suggests that the activities should be defined very explicitly so that they and their related performance indicators become realistic and likely to be implemented in a coherent fashion. When speaking of performance indicators, it is vital to understand that they do not only refer to the outcome or results of activities decided upon in the policy making process, but they also include the input, process, and throughput in terms of monitoring and evaluating the potential of a given policy, similar to the focus and approach of this thesis (ibid, 4).
The fifth step, being performance, is where the predetermined performance indicators measure policies. As aforementioned, the performance indicators are not necessarily solely concerned with evaluating the outcome of policies, but they are simultaneously used to control and evaluate the potential of a given policy. It is in this relation important to note that performance indicators retain far-reaching consequences on the process, input, and outcome of a given policy. Hence, the effort of governments in formulating performance indicators coherently as well as using them correctly can be perceived as vital for implementing a policy in a successful manner (ibid, 5).
After having outlined the core elements of the theoretical approach of policy evaluation, it has become evident that it suggests that in order to enhance the potential of inclusion in media literacy education, governments and policy makers should emphasize on defining clear strategic and/or tactical goals of inclusion and related performance indicators, and further elaborate on operationalizing them into concrete and specific objectives when developing, constructing, and implementing their media literacy policy. By doing so governments can thoroughly evaluate, detect, and apply appropriate and feasible methods and instruments as well as activities to successfully and coherently realize their respective defined strategic goals and objectives of inclusion in media literacy education. This can ultimately cater for making it possible for governments as well as policy evaluators to conveniently and coherently evaluate and monitor both the potential of inclusion in media literacy education as well as the outcome (Schouwstra and Ellman, 2006:3-8).
3.2. The Inclusive Conceptual Framework
As previously mentioned in the introduction section of this thesis, an inclusive conceptual framework of media literacy education has been developed, which will be applied as an analytical framework in the analysis.
More specifically, four practical criteria of inclusion have been developed that retain the capacity and goal of evaluating the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy education. These practical criteria will help guiding the analysis by highlighting the core elements of inclusion located within the Finnish media literacy policy and other relevant governmental reports of Finland related to Islamist radicalization and extremism, which will be applied as textual content in this thesis. This analytical approach will ultimately cater for exploring the main claim and answering the research question posed in this thesis in a coherent fashion.
TABLE 1 – Inclusive Framework of Media Literacy Education
Adopted from the Core Principles of Media Literacy Education in the United States (NAMLE, 2007)
The first practical criterion proposes that an inclusive national policy framework should retain and promote an critical analytical approach to the different representations of Islamist radicalization, power relations of Islamist radicalization, and the use of violence in general to provide all students within a classroom the opportunity to independently develop a critical ‘lense’ of inquiry concerning the topic (Friesem, 2017:10).
The second practical criterion, being the most inclusive one among the four practical criteria developed, obliges governments to construct media literacy policies that emphasizes upon teaching students in a classroom about the importance of expanding upon a variety of sources in order to provide them with better access to literacy skills about Islamist radicalization. Secondly, it calls for governments to focus on constructing media literacy policies that focus on building and reinforcing media
NAMLE (2007) CORE PRINCIPLES FOUR CRITERIA OF AN INCLUSIVE
EDUCATIONAL POLICY
1. Requires active inquiry & (independent) critical thinking
The existence of critical thinking concerning the representations of Islamist radicalization and the use of violence in media literacy policy.
2. Expands literacy to all media, and skill-based for all learners.
The emphasis on offering different media platforms to provide diversified access to Islamist
radicalization, and allowing the practice of media literacy to enhance the skills of all learners 3. Informed, reflective and civically engaged The emphasis on offering the opportunity of
reflecting on own perception on Islamist radicalization.
4. Media are cultural agents of socialization, and people construct their own meaning
The focus on representing diverse voices about Islamist radicalization and the responsibility of representing the diversity of Islamist radicalization. Moreover, offering the possibility of examining own bias toward Islamist radicalization, while
understanding
and appreciating other perspective on Islamist radicalization.
skills related to Islamist radicalization and extremism for all young student in a class room regardless of their religious, political, and cultural background (ibid, 10). The third practical criterion states that the media literacy policies of governments should be based on developing informed, engaged, and reflective students who uphold and promote the liberal democratic ideology and way of thinking (ibid, 10).
Finally, the fourth practical criterion proposes that media literacy policies emphasize on presenting media as part of the culture, and the teachers of media literacy education as agents of socialization that promote and provide diverse literature, which represents different type of Islamist radicalization and extremism that can act as active agents of change. Moreover, it simultenously obliges governments to construct media literacy policies that emphasizes on teaching students the ability to use their individual skills, beliefs, and experiences to construct their own meanings of media messages related to Islamist radicalization. By retaining the capability of examining, evaluating, and reflecting upon their own bias towards Islamist radicalization may lead them to understand and appreciate other perspectives on Islamist radicalization, which ultimately can promote a better understanding and openness of diversity and appreciation of own values (ibid, 10).
On the basis of the information gained from the core elements of the theoretical approach of policy evaluation; the four practical criteria of inclusion of the inclusive conceptual framework; as well as the literature review presented in this thesis, a main claim is developed:
The potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the media literacy education of Finland, related to Islamist radicalization and extremism, can be considered as being high. By generally defining clear strategic goals and objectives of inclusion in its media literacy policy, the Finnish government has coherently catered for high potential of inclusion of young Muslims in its media literacy education.
This claim will be explored by finding evidence for it in the analysis, which will ultimately contribute with answering the main research question of this thesis.
4. Research Methodology
4.1. Ontology and Epistemology
The ontological stance applied in this thesis is constructionism, as it can be considered as the most adequate and relevant perspective for the purpose of answering the research question posed in this thesis.
More specifically, the particular ontological stance policy evaluation entails in this thesis is constructionism (Pauly, 2016:307). Hence, in the analysis the Finnish government will be perceived as the provider of the media literacy policy that determines the content and approach that is used for educating its youth concerning Islamist radicalization and extremism. Moreover, the Finnish government and the Finnish education system will be perceived as credible liberal democratic institutions that offers the Finnish youth equal access to education, and obliges them to think critically by upholding liberal democratic values and way of thinking (Davies, 2018; Pauly, 2016).
Relatedly, the epistemological stance applied in this thesis is interpretivism, as it is based upon interpretations and offers an external explanation of the behavior of individuals and institutions in global politics, which the theoretical stance of policy evaluation also promotes (Pauly, 2016:9). Hence, in this research the educational content produced by the different actors in Finland is perceived as being consumed by the youth of Finland who interpret and understand it through a liberal democratic perspective, which is structurally imposed upon them. In turn, the youth is perceived as the main subject matter by the Finnish educational system as well as the Finnish government, which emphasizes on convincing the Finnish youth to oblige and uphold a liberal democratic ideology by providing them media literacy education as an inclusive practice.
4.2. Case Selection, Research Approach, and Analytical Method
As aforementioned, the research design of this thesis is based on a single case study, which has been selected on the basis of being an exemplifying case (Bryman, 2012.70). More specifically, Finland can be considered as a Western European nation state that sufficiently represents and exemplifies the broader category of states within Western Europe that immensely focuses on the social process of media literacy
education as a means of preventing online radicalization in Western Europe (Davies, 2018:36; Niemi, 2018; Lessenski, 2021:5). Relatedly, according to the 2021 media literacy index report conducted by the Open Society of Sofia and the European Policy Initiative, Finland ranks as the country with the highest media literacy index, and is well ahead of other European nation states within this domain (Lessenski, 2021:5). Thus, it can be considered as suitable for the context of answering the research question of this thesis (Bryman, 20:70).
The research approach applied in this thesis is deduction, as the main claim of this thesis has been deduced from existing knowledge gained from primary and secondary material that is relevant to the case of this research, as well as considerations derived from the theoretical framework of policy evaluation (Mayring, 2000; Bryman, 2012:24; William, 2006; Halperin and Heath, 2012:137). The main claim will contribute with collecting and filtering relevant data concerning the case selected, and the findings attained from the data and theory applied will then in turn verify the main claim of this research (Bryman, 2012:pp.9-8, 24; Moses and Knutsen, 2012:22; Jackson, 2011:82).
Relatedly, the process of filtering relevant data will be conducted through qualitative content analysis of the media literacy policy of Finland. In this regard the inclusive conceptual framework of media literacy education inspired by the multiperspectival critical media literacy approach put forward by Kellner & Share (2007), and NAMLE (2007), will determine the recording units in terms of concepts, phrases, and themes to uncover and emphasize upon in the respective policy. For the purpose of this thesis, the recording units are related to: inclusion, critical thinking, equal access to media, enhancement of skills, diversity, and self-reflection. The frequency of these concepts, phrases, and themes will then reveal and identify the core consistencies of the potential inclusion of the Muslim youth in the Finnish media literacy policy. With this data as basis, I will, as the researcher of this thesis, be able to explore and explain the theoretical implications of the findings (Halperin and Heath, 2012:310, 321; Jepperson et al., 1996; Patton, 2002:453).
In this relation a thick description or rich detail of the policy related to the case applied will be produced, which will help uncover relevant information concerning the potential of inclusion of young Finnish Muslims in a coherent fashion (Suter, 2012:344). Moreover, by creating a coding protocol that will help identifying the
target variables and categories, relevant information concerning the topic of this thesis will be revealed (Halperin and Heath, 2012:322).
For obvious reasons other qualitative methods, such as: semi-structured interviews, participant observations, and focus groups cannot be considered as feasible methods to be applied in this research. This is primarily related to the on going pandemic, as well as the rather short time scope for conducting this thesis, which is why analyzing social documents, such as policy documents, governmental reports, and journal articles, related to the topic and case of this thesis can be considered as the most realistic and appropriate approach. This is closely connected to the notion that when it is not possible to encode, observe, and measure an actor’s perception, values, and attitude directly, it is important to use indicators that can be observed, which are usually found through the communication produced by actors (Blanton, 1996:29-30).
4.3. Source Criticism & Limitations
In this thesis textual material in terms of primary and secondary sources will be analyzed, such as: governmental policy documents, governmental reports, academic journal articles, academic books, and news paper articles.
The primary sources in terms of policy documents, governmental reports, and journal articles will be applied to analyze the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy education. While, the secondary sources in terms of newspaper articles and academic books will solely contribute with obtaining factual information about the case selected (Halperin and Heath, 2012:293). The choice of including newspaper articles as a means of source in this thesis is related to that they will contribute with providing valuable information about the case selected, and effectively place it within the context of its time (Tosh and Lang, 2006:66-67). The choice of the material selected can be justified by the clear authenticity, understanding, credibility, and reliability they represent, why they are appropriate to be applied as evidence in this thesis (Tosh and Lang, 2006:93-98).
When looking at the limitations and challenges I, as the researcher of this thesis, may encounter when conducting this research, it becomes evident that a research with qualitative nature, such as this thesis, is subjected to a great challenge in producing trustworthiness, as it is often perceived to be very “impressionistic and subjective”
(Bryman, 2012:pp.390-393, 405). It is further suggested that the researcher unsystematically determines what is important and significant; it is difficult to replicate in other cases; it entails problem of generalization, and lack transparency in terms of how and what the researcher exactly did to arrive to the conclusion (Bryman, 2012:pp.405-407, Suter, 2012:pp.363-364).
In order to avoid bias and overcome the limitation and challenge of trustworthiness in this thesis, triangulation will be emphasized upon in terms of including a broad variety of different and diversified relevant primary sources (Suter, 2012:363; Patton, 2002:467; Halperin and Heath, 2012:177). By corroborating governmental policy documents, governmental reports, and academic journal articles concerning the Finnish media literacy education, I will, as the researcher of this thesis, be able to cross check and compare the findings attained from the data collected, which will increase the reliability of the findings attained from the analysis in this research (Halperin and Heath, 2012:177).
Moreover, in order to coherently compare the different type of data related to the case selected, a thematic approach will be applied in which priori codes will be utilized. The justification of applying priori codes is based on the notion that this thesis is based on verifying a main claim that is deduced from existing knowledge gained from primary and secondary material that is relevant to the case of this research, as well as considerations derived from the theoretical framework of policy evaluation (Halperin and Heath, 2012:323).
4.4. Operationalization of Concepts
In order to produce a more objective understanding of the concepts applied in this thesis, they will in this section be operationally defined into more empirically measurable factors.
As outlined earlier, the focus of this thesis is based on the potential of inclusion of the Muslim youth in the Finnish media literacy education. Hence, the concept of the
potential of inclusion is in this thesis perceived as the efforts of the Finnish
government of coherently drafting and implementing an inclusive media literacy policy where all young students, regardless of their gender, religious, and/or political standpoint, retain equal opportunity of being included in media literacy education and
gain access to critically evaluate and analyze the quality and underlying meaning of the media they consume (Considine and Haley, 1999; Hobbs, 2010; Friesem, 2017). Moreover, the concept of social cohesion in this thesis is perceived as the social inclusion of all young pupils in the Finnish media literacy education, where the focus of the Finnish government is to prioritize and offer media literacy education based on social inclusion of their youth and helping them with identifying online terrorist ideology and propaganda in a coherent and feasible fashion that is based on liberal democratic values and perspective in order to ensure that they comply with de-radicalization, abstain from committing extremist action, and empower their feeling of safety and belongingness within the borders of their home country (Bizina & Gray, 2014; Reitman, 2013; Sageman, 2004).
Finally, the concepts of Finnish and liberal democratic values and perspectives in this thesis are perceived as values that promote an open society with human rights in terms of freedom of religion and expression as well as political freedom (Harpin, 1999).
4.5. Summary
As it has become evident from this section, qualitative textual analysis will be applied as the research method to analyze the Finnish media literacy policy in this thesis. This will ultimately contribute with exploring the main claim and answering the research question posed in this thesis in a coherent fashion. By exploring and explaining the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy education through the research approach presented, may contribute with filling the research gap outlined in the theory section of this thesis and contribute to the existing knowledge located within the field of Global Politics that can be utilized across borders in transnational terms.
5. Analysis - The Potential of Inclusion of Young
Muslims in the Finnish Media Literacy Education
In this section, an analysis of the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy policy related to Islamist radicalization and extremism will be presented. In this relation, the conceptual framework of inclusion outlined in thetheory section will be applied as an analytical framework, while the approach of policy evaluation as a theoretical lense.
Media literacy education is existent in several sectors and policy areas in Finland, such as: cultural policy, youth policy, art and artist policy, general education policy including early childhood education and library policy (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:6; Ministry of education and Culture, 2019:5, 12), and is based on the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, European Convention of Human Rights (63/1999), and Convention on the Rights of the Child (Ministry of Education and Culture, 2019).
Moreover, two National Action Plans for the Prevention of Violent Radicalization have been established and introduced in Finland. The first National Action Plan was introduced in 2012, while the second in 2016. However, both of the action plans retain the aim and purpose of supporting the Ministry of Interior of Finland in coordinating and facilitating the work around the prevention of radicalization and extremism at the national level (Davies and Limbada, 2019:10; Niemi, et al. 2018:5; Ministry of the Interior, 2017). Relatedly, a national cooperation group, including representatives from various authorities and organizations, such as: teachers, educational experts, and policy makers has been appointed by the ministry to facilitate and manage a programme that focuses on preventing groups and individuals of joining radical and violent groups, who are evaluated and perceived as being in danger of doing so (Davies and Limbada, 2019:10).
The goal of this cooperation group is to support and provide all children and youngsters, regardless of their ethnicity, religion, age, political, and ideological commitments, abilities, and wealth equal opportunity to obtain high level of education and training in order to enhance their ability to identify and protect themselves against online terrorist ideology and propaganda (Davies and Limbada, 2019:10; Niemi, et al. 2018:8, 9).
The Finnish approach towards the prevention of violent radicalization and extremism is based on social inclusion and “exertion of influence as part of democratic education” (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:6), where the principles of the National Core Curriculum for Basic Education, which is published by the Finnish National Agency for Education, provides the foundation, principles, and guidelines related to local curricula that caters for local needs and perspective in school education. Hence,
the National Core Curriculum for Basic Education is drafted separately for each municipality in Finland where the local needs of school education are prioritized (Finnish National Agency for Education, 2014; Finnish National Agency for Education, 2017).
Finally, the Finnish national education system is based on three main aspects of basic education, namely: pedagogical, societal, and cultural aspects (Finnish National Agency for Education, 2014). The pedagogical aspect relates to that basic education is to offer all pupils the opportunity to develop their skills in versatile ways (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:7), and to enhance their “(…) positive identity as individuals, learner, and community members” (Niemi, et al. 2018:7). As for the societal aspect of basic education, the goal is to ensure that equality and justice is promoted and exclusion and inequality towards any community is prevented. Finally, the goal of the cultural aspect of basic education is to create awareness and appreciation around culture and cultural heritage, and offer support to students with constructing and polishing their own identity (Davies and Limbada, 2019:10; Finnish National Agency for Education, 2014; Finnish National Agency for Education, 2017).
5.1. Facilitating an Independent Critical Approach Towards the
Representations of Islamist Radicalization and the Use of Violence in
Media
As aforementioned, the first practical criterion of inclusion proposes that the Finnish government should focus on adding the possibility of pupils to develop critical thinking in terms of a critical analytical approach to the different representations of Islamist radicalization and extremism, power relations of Islamist radicalization and extremism, and the use of violence in general in its media literacy policy to provide all students within a classroom the opportunity to develop a critical ‘lense’ of inquiry concerning the topic in question (Friesem, 2017:10).
Relatedly, the objective of the Finnish media literacy policy highly promotes and supports the idea of teaching all young students to think critically in terms of enabling them to take an independent critical stance towards the content produced and published by the media (Davies and Limbada, 2019:7; Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:2, 7, 17; Ministry of education and Culture, 2019:5, 22). This approach is closely related to the pedagogical and cultural aspects of basic education in Finland, as it is concerned with offering all pupils the opportunity to develop their skills in
versatile ways (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:7), enhance their positive identity as individuals, learners, and community members, as well as supporting all students with constructing and polishing their own identity (Davies and Limbada, 2019:10; Finnish National Agency for Education, 2014; Finnish National Agency for Education, 2017). However, when taking the educational ethos and practices of Finland into consideration, it becomes evident that when the objectives of its media literacy policy in relation to the ability of all students to think critically in an independent manner are met in practice, things start to become rather complex.
More specifically, the teachers of basic education in Finland are trained through ‘(…) educational models that are always socially, politically, and historically grounded’ in liberal democratic values, as well as the Finnish approach towards the prevention of violent radicalization and extremism is based on “exertion of influence as part of democratic education” (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:6). This has an immense impact on how teachers of basic education in Finland perceive and construct the image of ‘ideal’ students (Niemi, et al. 2018:8, 10). Hence, this presents a fundamental risk of how the national social condition of Finland is constructed as a social order where certain groups are perceived as the majority and dominant group that represents ‘the normal’ (e.g. individuals solely committed to norms and values of Finland and liberal democracy), while some other groups are perceived as the minority and ‘vulnerable’ retaining ‘distinct’ identities and values (e.g. young Finnish Muslim retaining multiple identities, such as: Finnish, European, Muslim, immigrant etc.) (Niemi, et al. 2018:8, 10; Poulter et al. 2015; Brunila and Rossi, 2018).
By taking this into account, it can be determined that teachers in Finland, being among the most essential actors within the basic educational system, play a vital role in constructing and inscribing “unconscious acceptance of social differences and hierarchies” in media literacy education where not only the dominant group, in terms of students that are solely committed to Finnish and liberal democratic norms and values, is perceived as the correct or ‘normal’, but where all students, including the minority and ‘vulnerable’, are treated as if they all are committed to and solely oblige and promote the same values as the dominant group (Thomas, 2002; Niemi, et al. 2018:9-10).
This has a great impact on the opportunity of all young pupils to think critically in an independent fashion in terms of taking a truly independent critical stance towards the content produced and published by the media. In other words, they are highly influenced and structurally ‘forced’ to think critically and to take a critical stance towards media content by applying a Finnish and liberal democratic perspective. The abovementioned can closely be tied to the notion that the the ability of all students to think critically in an independent manner is not defined and operationalized coherently by policy makers of the Finnish media literacy policy, when considering how the social structural order of the Finnish media literacy education is constructed. This may in some cases affect the feeling of inclusion of some pupils in the Finnish media literacy education, especially, students that belong to a minority group, such as Islam.
5.2. Providing Access to Different Media Platforms to Better Explain
Islamist Radicalization and Extremism and Enhancing the Skills of
all Learners
According to the second practical criterion of inclusion, the Finnish media literacy policy should emphasize on teaching students in a classroom about how the expansion in the use of media sources, in terms of applying many different types of media sources and platforms, can provide better access to literacy skills about Islamist radicalization, as well as how it can practically be offered. Secondly, it states that the Finnish government should focus on developing a media literacy policy that focuses on building and reinforcing media literacy skills for all young student regardless of their religious, political, and cultural background and commitments (Friesem, 2017:10).
Although, media literacy education is promoted widely in different sectors in Finland, the national media literacy policy can be considered as the guiding force of its development across the country (Ministry of Education and Culture, 2019:12; Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:5). In order to practically and effectively realize the media literacy policy in Finland, sector specific strategies, in terms of including curricula and library policies, have been implemented to ensure that all pupils retain equal opportunity to develop their media literacy skills within any area, including Islamist radicalization and extremism (Ministry of Education and Culture, 2019:12; Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:9).
This approach is closely related to both the pedagogical and the societal aspect of basic education in Finland, as it, first of all, offers all pupils the opportunity to develop their skills in versatile ways by offering diverse media sources and platforms to understand and explain Islamist radicalization and extremism (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:7). Secondly, because it emphasizes on the notion that all pupils feel equally treated in terms of retaining equal access to different media platforms to better understand and explain Islamist radicalization and extremism as well as improving their media literacy skills (Finnish National Agency for Education, 2014).
Relatedly, the Finnish media literacy policy emphasizes on the notion that multidimensionality of media literacy education and the diverse elements related to it, as well as the production and promotion of supporting learning materials, utilized in both basic and higher education, are all elements that are very important to be focused upon (Ministry of Education and Culture, 2019:12). In this relation, several actors are involved in producing and promoting educational materials concerning media literacy, such as: The National Agency for Education, national associations, educational institutions, public service media companies, NGOs such as Finnish Development NGO (Fingo), Union of Local Youth Council, and the Finnish Association of Art Schools for Children and Young people (ibid, 39-40, 52).
Moreover, the open source Internet portal, http://www.mediakasvatus.fi, which is perceived as one of the most important medium for all kinds of diverse resources, including a wide range of resources related to Islamist radicalization and extremism, offers both teachers as well as pupils the opportunity to upload and retrieve information concerning Islamist radicalization and extremism in a convenient manner (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:7).
By coherently defining and correctly using the performance indicator of offering media literacy education as an inclusive practice where all pupils, regardless of their religious and political convictions as well as their ethnic and cultural background, are offered equal access to a vast variety of media platforms, which enhances their understanding of Islamist radicalization and extremism, may contribute with promoting the feeling of most young Finnish Muslims of being socially included within the Finnish media literacy education.
5.3. Facilitating the possibility of Pupils to Reflect upon Their own
Perception Regarding Islamist radicalization
The third practical criterion of inclusion suggests that the Finnish media literacy policy should entail the notion of developing informed, engaged, and reflective citizens who uphold and promote the liberal democratic ideology and way of thinking (Friesem, 2017:10).
This approach is closely related to both the pedagogical and the cultural aspect of basic education in Finland. More specifically, first of all, similar to the formerly outlined practical criterium of inclusion, this practical criterium also offers all pupils the opportunity to develop their skills in versatile ways by offering diverse media platforms to understand and explain Islamist radicalization and extremism, which provides them with the opportunity of reflecting upon their own subjective perception of Islamist radicalization in a coherent fashion (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:7; Finnish National Agency for Education, 2014). Secondly, because it emphasizes upon creating awareness around cultural heritage in terms of norms and values based on ‘Finishness’ and liberal democracy, and in turn supports all students with constructing their identity based on the same norms and values (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:7; Finnish National Agency for Education, 2014).
As aforementioned, several actors from both the private and governmental sector are involved in promoting media literacy education as well as producing supporting materials for media literacy education in Finland, which offer both teachers as well as pupils the opportunity to retrieve diverse information concerning Islamist radicalization and extremism in a convenient fashion that immensely contributes with developing informed and engaged citizens (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:7). Moreover, the profound focus of the Finnish media literacy policy in supporting and providing all children and youngsters equal opportunity to obtain high level education and training, in order to enhance their ability of identifying and protecting themselves against online terrorist ideology and propaganda, immensely contributes with developing positive and reflective Finnish citizens (Davies and Limbada, 2019:10; Niemi, et al. 2018:8, 9).
Furthermore, as highlighted earlier, the educational ethos and practice of Finland is based on that teachers of basic education in Finland are trained through educational models that are based upon liberal democratic ideology and values, as well as the
Finnish approach towards the prevention of violent radicalization and extremism is based on social inclusion and ‘exertion of influence as part of democratic education’ (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:6). Hence, it can be determined that the Finnish media literacy policy, which is based upon the social order of liberal democracy, structurally influences all pupils to uphold liberal democratic ideology and values towards all pupils (Friesem, 2017:10; Niemi, et al. 2018:8, 10; Poulter et al. 2015; Brunila and Rossi, 2018).
All of these factors combined play a vital role in developing informed, engaged, and reflective citizens who uphold and promote liberal democratic ideology and way of thinking.
By coherently defining and correctly using the performance indicators of offering all pupils equal access to media literacy education; providing them with equal opportunity to obtain high level training to enhance their ability and skills to identify terrorist ideology and propaganda; and promoting liberal democratic ideology and values that promote an open society and human rights may contribute with enhancing the feeling of most young Finnish Muslims of being socially included within the Finnish media literacy education as well as within the Finnish society.
5.4. Representing the Diversity of Islamist Radicalization as an Agent
of Change and Examining own Bias and Appreciating Other
Perspective on Islamist Radicalization
Finally, the fourth practical criterion of inclusion proposes that the media literacy policy of Finland should emphasize on presenting media as part of the culture, and the teachers of media literacy education as agents of socialization who promote and provide diverse literature that represent different type of Islamist radicalization and extremism that can act as active agents of change. Moreover, it obliges the Finnish government to construct a media literacy policy that emphasizes on teaching students the ability of using their individual skills, beliefs, and experiences to construct their own independent meanings of media messages related to Islamist radicalization (Friesem, 2017:10).
This practical criterion is closely related to all three main aspects of basic education, as it, first of all, suggests that the development of skills and ability of pupils should be catered for in versatile ways through different type of resources concerning Islamist
radicalization and extremism in order enhance the possibility of positive change. Secondly, because it promotes the idea of equality and justice by promoting a better understanding, appreciation, and openness of diverse understanding concerning Islamist radicalization that can facilitate and enhance the aspect of socialization. Finally because it suggests that the Finnish media literacy policy should focus on supporting all students with constructing their identity by teaching them the ability to use their individual skills, beliefs, and experiences to construct their own independent meanings of media messages related to Islamist radicalization (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:7; Finnish National Agency for Education, 2014).
Based on these three aspects, it can be determined that the media literacy policy of Finland perceives the role and goal of basic media literacy education to promote and secure the development and growth of pupils’ individual strengths and social competencies; cater for that they create awareness and openness of the external and at times diverse reality that is distinct to their conception of ‘normal’; promote the idea of providing all students within a classroom the opportunity to develop their individual skills, beliefs, and experiences in order to construct and polish their own independent meanings of media messages related to Islamist radicalization; and promote the idea of developing and constructing their independent reflection upon their own bias towards Islamist radicalization and extremism. Hence, on the basis of this it can be suggested that the Finnish education system recognizes education as a transformative force and agent of change for both individual and societal developments that can cater for enhancing the ability of pupils to coherently identify and protect themselves against online terrorist ideology and propaganda (Finnish National Agency for Education, 2017).
However, as aforementioned, although, the Finnish media literacy policy promotes and entail the inclusive ideas presented in the former paragraph, when met in practice, they are all highly influenced by a Finnish and liberal democratic perspective that the Finnish media and literacy education is based upon, which is structurally imposed upon all pupils in Finland (Kotilainen and Kupiainen, 2014:6) (Niemi, et al. 2018:8, 10; Poulter et al. 2015; Brunila and Rossi, 2018). Hence, the development and growth of pupils’ individual strengths and social competencies; the creation of awareness and openness of the external and at times diverse reality that is distinct to the conception of ‘normal’ (e.g. young Finnish Muslims, with diverse cultural background); and the
promotion of providing all students within a classroom the opportunity to develop their individual skills, beliefs, and experiences in order to construct, polish, and reflect upon their own independent meanings of media messages related to Islamist radicalization are all based upon Finnish and liberal democratic values that undermine and limit the possibility of pupils, especially young Muslim students, to construct and polish their true identity.
As it has become evident from the abovementioned, the performance indicators related to the mentioned strategic goals and objectives of inclusion are not defined and operationalized coherently by policy makers of the Finnish media literacy policy in relation to how the social structural order of the Finnish media literacy education is constructed. This may cause complexities and challenges for the Finnish government of achieving and realizing the mentioned strategic goals and objectives of its media literacy policy, and further affect the feeling of inclusion for some Muslim pupils in the Finnish media literacy education.
6. Discussion
In this section, the findings derived from the analysis will first of all be discussed, which will contribute with evaluating the main claim of this thesis that has been deduced on the basis of the theoretical framework of policy evaluation, the four practical criteria of inclusion, as well as the previous literature presented in this research. Secondly, a discussion concerning the replicability and generalizability of the findings will as well be presented.
6.1. Summary and Discussion of the Findings
After having analyzed the potential of inclusion of young Muslims in the Finnish media literacy policy, it has become evident that some performance indicators related to the strategic goals and objectives of inclusion have been defined and operationalized by policy makers in a coherent fashion, as well as used by the Finnish government appropriately. On the other hand, some performance indicators are less coherently defined and applied in relation to how the social structural order of the Finnish media literacy education is constructed.
