Two-year Political Science MA programme in Global Politics and Societal Change Dept. of Global Political Studies
Course: Political Science Master's thesis ST631L (30 credits) Spring Semester 2020
Supervisor: Ivan Gusic
The threats from China
- A case study over how the Swedish media respond and is affected by
threats and harassment from Chinese authorities
A warm thank you!
To my supervisor Ivan Gusic, who has guided me through the process of writing this
thesis, helped me to elaborate my ideas and been supportive when I needed advice.
To my interview participants, who openly have shared their experiences with me and
have given me their time, in order to help me write this thesis.
To my family, friends, former colleagues and colleagues whom have encouraged me,
gave me helpful comments, good tips and provided feedback whenever I needed.
Abstract
In 2018, there was clear evidence that Sweden was targeted of China’s attempts to influence their media. The Chinese embassy started criticising Swedish news reporting through insults or even threats. Since 2017 the Chinese ambassador has been summoned more than 40 times to the Swedish foreign department for his spiteful attacks on the media. This thesis examines how the Swedish media has responded and is affected by threats and harassment from Chinese authorities from 2018 to 2020.
The thesis is based on interviews with 10 participants from the Swedish media, and documents. The thesis shows, that threats and harassment from Chinese authorities is a unique behaviour from a state towards the Swedish media. The response to the threats and harassment is seen through strategies of adding security, showing solidarity and support and showing resistance. The affect on the Swedish media can increase a self-censorship culture, regarding reporting about China. It has made the Swedish media worried in the working and daily life. In the long run, the threats and harassment can have a negative impact on the independent journalism and the Swedish democratic society.
Keywords: China, threats, harassment, journalists, media, Sweden Word count: 21 969, excluding the appendix
Table of contents
1. Introduction …...………..1
1.1 Formulation of research question ………...……….3
1.2 Outline …...………..3
2. Background ……….4
2.1 China’s embassy and the Swedish media ………...………..………..4
2.1.1 The embassy’s website ………..………...5
3. Literature Review ..………...…….….7
3.1 The media ………7
3.2 Studies on the Chinese embassy through the concepts of different power dimensions ………...8
3.3 Threats and harassment against the Swedish media ..………….………..………..9
3.4 The Swedish media and other authoritarian states …...……...………..………10
3.4.1 Russia’s embassy and the Swedish media ………...….………...…...11
3.4.2 Israel’s embassy and the Swedish media ………...……….………12
3.5 The Swedish media and criticism from non-state actors ..……….………...13
4. Theoretical framework ……….15
4.1 Theorising how the media respond when threatened from foreign states …...………….……....15
4.1.1 Strategy of adding security …….………...……….15
4.1.2 Strategy of solidarity and support …………....…….…...…….………...16
4.1.3 Strategy of personal and collective resistance ………...………..………...…16
4.2. Theorising how the media is affected by threats and harassment ………..………...…………..16
4.2.1 Impact om the individual journalist ……...………16
4.2.1.1 Self-censorship ……...………..16
4.2.1.2 Changed behaviour in working and daily life ...………...…17
4.2.1.3 Impact on the independent journalism and the civil society ...……….17
4.3 Operationalisation ……….………..……….……….…17
5. Research design and methodological approach ……….20
5.1 Qualitative case study …...………….…...……….20
5.2 Reliability and Validity ….………...……….………....21
5.3 Delimitation ....……….…………...………..….22
5.5 Interviews …....….……...………...………...23
5.5.1 Semi-structed interviews ...……...………...23
5.5.2 Ethical discussion …...……....……….24
5.5.3 Selection of interview participants ...………...25
5.5.4 Presentation of interview participants ...………..26
6. Analysis …...………...27
6.1 Types of threats and harassment ………...……..…...……….…...28
6.1.1 No threats or harassment at all ………....28
6.1.2 Threats and harassment from others than Chinese authorities ………29
6.1.3 Threats and harassment due to actions by Chinese authorities ………..….30
6.1.4 Threats and harassment from Chinese authorities …………...………...…………31
6.1.5 Threats and harassment from the Chinese embassy’s website and through news media ...…32
6.2 How has the Swedish media responded to the threats and harassment ..…....………...34
6.2.1 Strategy of adding security …….………34
6.2.2 Strategy of solidarity and support …..….….……….…………...…...…37
6.2.3 Strategy of personal and collective resistance ………..…….………….………...40
6.3 How has the Swedish media been affected by the threats and harassment ..………....42
6.3.1 Impact on the individual journalist ………...………..42
6.3.1.1 Self-censorship ………..42
6.3.1.2 Changed behaviour in working life ………...44
6.3.1.3 Changed behaviour in daily life .…….………..……....46
6.3.2 Impact on the independent journalism and the civil society ………...47
6.3.2.1 Impact on the independent journalism …….………..………….…….………...…...47
6.3.2.2 Impact on the civil society ...……….…………...50
7. Conclusion ………..………...………...54
7.1 Suggestions for further research ...….………...57
8. Bibliography …….……….58
9. Appendix ...……….…67
9.1 Presentation of interview participants ....…...………...……….……….67
List of abbreviations
CCP-The Chinese Communist Party GP- Göteborgs-Posten
MSB- Myndigheten för samhällsskydd och beredskap (Agency for Social Protection and Emergency Preparedness)
RSF Sweden- Reporters Without Borders Sweden RSF- Reporters Without Borders
SR- Sveriges Radio (Swedish Radio)
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1. Introduction
First, as Human Rights Watch emphasises, no one should equate the Chinese government with the people of China. That would be blaming an entire people for the abuses of a government (Human Rights Watch, 2020). This thesis focuses on threats and harassment of Chinese authorities against the Swedish media sphere. Whenever China is expressed in the text it refers to Chinese authorities. Mainly it refers to representatives of the Chinese embassy in Sweden, which is the extension of the Chinese government. It is also used as an expression for the Chinese regime.
China’s authoritarian government The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have long sought to influence media coverage about China outside the country (Cook, Freedom House, 2020). During the past ten years, China has advanced their methods of controlling information flows and media outlets abroad. A new generation of Chinese diplomats has started to address the foreign press. Amongst democracies that in various ways have been targets of Chinese pressure and attempts of controlling their media are The United States, New Zeeland and Taiwan. In 2018 it became clear that also Sweden where amongst those democratic countries. The Chinese embassy in Stockholm has since early 2018 released statements on their website in attempts to silence the Swedish media (Jerdén and Bohman, 2019; Ek Thorbjörnsson, 2020; Melissen, 2005: 88, 95-96).
The attacks and notices published on the Chinese embassy’s website coincide with a period in which there was a significant rise in Swedish reporting on China’s human rights abuses. One case being that of Hong Kong-based publisher and Swedish national, Gui Minhai which is still ongoing. Other Swedish reporting has been about the protests in Hong Kong that started 2019 and the indoctrination camps in the China Province Xinjiang, where new evidence arose in 2019 (Cook, Freedom House, 2020; Makar and Hamidi-Nia in SVT Nyheter, 25/02/2020; Jerdén and Bohman, 2019). At the embassy’s website one finds statements with headlines such as Ambassador Gui Congyou Refutes Lies of Swedish Media About the
Case of Gui Minhai (Embassy of the Peoples Republic of China in Sweden, 14/11/2019). Similar
statements are found regarding Xinjiang, the Hong Kong situation and other sensitive topics relating to China.
2 China’s ambassador to Sweden, Gui Congyou, have had the same type of massage in public interviews in news media. For example, the ambassador explained to the public service channel SVT that the Swedish evening newspaper Expressen could forget about visas to China if they did not change their reporting (Oskanen, Frivärld, 2020). The threats and harassment from the Chinese embassy in Sweden towards the Swedish media escalated in late 2019. Then the Swedish section of the organisation PEN, Swedish PEN, awarded the Tucholsky Prize, for authors and publishers, to Gui Minhai. China’s ambassador threatened the organisation that it would “come to feel the consequences of its decision” (Thörnqvist in SVT Nyheter, 17/05/2019; Sinclair in Svenska Dagbladet, 15/11/2019; Svenska PEN, 4/11/2019 Ek Thorbjörnsson, 2020: 16).
The Chinese embassy in Sweden have also attacked the Swedish media due to other events than directly connected to human rights. SVT’s satire programme called Swedish News, was publicly criticised by the Chinese embassy after a satirical film about Chinese tourists in the programme in 2018. The Chinese embassy in Sweden called the film racist, demanded an apology from SVT and threatened to take “further action” (Granlund and Micic in Aftonbladet, 15/09/2018; Embassy of the Peoples Republic of China in Sweden, 15/09/2018; China Plus, 15/09/2018; Nilsson in Aftonbladet, 22/09/2018).
The many incidents indicate that the situation is serious. The threats and harassment from Chinese authorities towards the Swedish media have increased during the past years. Yet, we know little about how the Swedish media has responded and even less concerning to what extent it has affected the Swedish media and those working with it. This thesis aims to fill this research gap by investigating this issue. This study show, that threats and harassment from Chinese authorities is a unique behaviour from a state towards the Swedish media. The Swedish media has responded to the threats and harassment through different strategies connected to digital and other security methods, showing solidarity and support and showing personal and collective resistance. The affect on the Swedish media could be seen through two factors: The impact on the individual journalist and the impact on the independent journalism and the civil society. The two impact factors show that threats and harassment from Chinese authorities can increase a self-censorship culture for the Swedish media, regarding the reporting about China. It has made the Swedish media worried in the working and daily life. In the long run, the threats and harassment can have a negative impact on the independent journalism and the Swedish democratic society.
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1.1 Formulation of research question
The threats and harassment stated in the previous text, is a constant risk for both distribution and production of media content. Disturbed conditions for the media in a society risk the functionality of the society. It undermines democracy (MSB, 2016: 5, 16). Due to the threats and harassment from Chinese authorities towards the Swedish media, the following research question was formulated: How does the
Swedish media respond and/or is affected by threats and harassment from Chinese authorities?
The purpose of this thesis is to explore how the Swedish media respond and/or is affected by threats and harassment from Chinese authorities. The Chinese embassy in Sweden and its ambassador are the core representatives of China in Sweden. The threats and harassment from the Chinese embassy and its ambassador, towards the Swedish media, is the focus of this thesis. This thesis is a case study. The aim is to highlight several examples where Chinese authorities have threatened and harassed the Swedish media. 10 interviews with participants from the Swedish media sphere will be presented. This study will also show collected documents concerning the subject, such as public statements by the Swedish media and the Chinese embassy.
1.2 Outline
In this introductory chapter, the purpose and issues of this thesis were presented. The second chapter consists of a backgound of the Chinese embassy’s attacks on the Swedish media. The third chapter presents this thesis literature review followed by chapter four and the thesis theoretical framework. In chapter four, I will theorise how the media in general respond and is affected by threats and harassment. The fifth chapter consists of the research design and methodological approach. In chapter six the results and analysis will be presented, connecting to the theoretical framework. The seventh chapter presents the conclusions of this thesis. Here, I also elaborate on ideas for further research.
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2. Background
2.1 China’s embassy and the Swedish media
In 1950, Sweden started to establish diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China. China’s importance as a trading partner and provider of investments to Sweden has grown substantially during recent years. Although, compared to other member states of the European Union, Sweden is highlighted as one of the most active states when it comes to promoting human rights and democracy in relations with China. During 2018 there was evidence that Sweden was targeted of China’s attempts to influence their media. The Chinese embassy in Stockholm started criticising the Swedish news reporting for being anti-China and for spreading disinformation about the country. The actions of the embassy should be considered above all from a Chinese perspective as a form of influence which is included in a larger state agenda from an authoritarian regime (Oskanen, Frivärld, 2020; Jerdén and Bohman, 2019; Ek Thorbjörnsson, 2020).
It is above all the Swedish criticism regarding human rights issues in China that triggers public attacks by the Chinese embassy. The Gui Minhai case occupies a special position in this context (Oskanen, Frivärld, 2020; Jerdén and Bohman, 2019; Ek Thorbjörnsson, 2020). Hong Kong-based publisher and Swedish national, Gui Minhai has been held in China since 2015 when the Chinese government had him arrested and forcibly disappeared after he printed books critical of the Chinese government. In February 2020, he was sentenced to ten years in prison in China (Cook, Freedom House, 2020; Makar and Hamidi-Nia in SVT Nyheter, 25/02/2020; Jerdén and Bohman, 2019). When Swedish PEN, awarded Minhai the Tucholsky Prize in November 2019, the threats and harassment from the Chinese embassy in Sweden towards the Swedish media escalated (Thörnqvist in SVT Nyheter, 17/05/2019; Sinclair in Svenska Dagbladet, 15/11/2019; Svenska PEN, 4/11/2019 Ek Thorbjörnsson, 2020: 16; Svenska PEN, 20/02/20). Except from threats connected to specific events the Chinese embassy’s attempts to influence the Swedish media also includes threatening with denied visas for Swedish reporters who report negatively about China. Further, multiple criticising emails and letters has been sent from the embassy to media outlets and individual reporters. The Chinese ambassador have also invited media outlets and individual reporters to personal meetings and lunches where he criticises the reporting of China (Oskanen, Frivärld, 2020; Kainz Rognerud et al, in SVT Nyheter, 19/01/2020).
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2.1.1 The embassy’s website
The strategy to attack the Swedish media on the Chinese embassy website have been extensive. Under the headline “Spokesperson's Remarks” one can see that since the first post in June 2018, 67 official statements have been made (up to mid-August 2020). The by far most attacked person in the statements on the website is Gui Minhai and events related to him (Oskanen, Frivärld, 2020). November 14, the day before the Tucholsky Prize was to be handed out to Minhai, the Chinese embassy published a statement on their website with the headline: Ambassador Gui Congyou Refutes Lies of Swedish Media About the
Case of Gui Minhai. The statement contains an interview which the ambassador made on November 12
with Swedish Radio (SR), concerning that the Swedish PEN would award Minhai the Tucholsky Prize. Below I present an extract from the interview:
Ambassador Gui: We urge Svenska PEN to cancel the award to Gui Minhai immediately, and the
Swedish government officials not to attend the awarding ceremony. If they ignore the strong oppositions from the Chinese side and go ahead anyway, we will have to take measures. Some people in Sweden shouldn’t expect to feel at ease after hurting the feelings of the Chinese people and the interests of the Chinese side.
Q: I think the awarding will happen. Could you please specify the countermeasures from the
Chinese side?
Ambassador Gui: You will see. We ask Svenska PEN to show some basic respect for China and
the 1.4 billion Chinese people and stop the wrong actions before it’s too late. Let’s wait and see. (Embassy of the Peoples Republic of China in Sweden, 14/11/2019).
6 The embassy’s statements on the website and the rhetoric are similar in their design. They only seem to replace the person and the subject. For example, regarding the well-known Swedish author and public opinion former Kurdo Baksi, one statement has the headline: The Agenda of the Likes of Kurdo Baksi to
Instigate Confrontation and Damage Relations between China and Sweden Will Never Succeed. The
statement on the embassy website was made due to an article Baksi wrote about Gui Minhai in January 2019 stating that he was kidnapped. The article was published in the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet (SvD). The Chinese embassy’s statement claims that Kurdo in the article “resumed his old tricks of distorting and fabricating facts”. Baksi is described as “a man who runs at the front of the anti-China forces in Sweden” (Oskanen, Frivärld, 2020: 4; Embassy of the Peoples Republic of anti-China in Sweden, 20/01/2019).
There are other similar statements about Baksi as well as other Swedish media profiles, such as the journalist and China expert Jojje Olsson. Specific media outlets and organisations together with national and local newspapers are also targeted with similar rhetoric in the embassy statements (Embassy of People’s Republic of China to Sweden: Spokesperson’s remarks).
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3. Literature Review
This study aims to provide good space for the analysis. Hence, this review will shortly present and recommend some specific studies whilst other interesting literature from books, articles and journals I have read on the subject will be referred to as several references in the text. News articles will also be included in some sections.
This review includes five different sections located as valuable for the study. First, I will present a short definition of the media and its importance. Second, literature on the Chinese embassy in Sweden through the concepts of different power dimensions will be viewed. Third, I present literature on threats and harassment against the Swedish media through the concepts of democracy principals and journalism ethics. I will also shortly explain the research gap noticed between these two types of studies as well as my focus of this thesis. Fourth, I present an overview on the relationship between the Swedish media and other authoritarian states, using Russia’s and Israel’s Swedish embassies as examples. Fifth, a short section will provide an overview of the Swedish media and their way to handle criticism from non-state actors, having private companies and their use of lawsuits and litigation as an example.
3.1 The media
The media is an important source for most people concerning information and knowledge about current events and political issues. The media has a central position in democratic political communication. Hence, the quality of democracy can never be decoupled from the way media works. Democracy, politics, media and journalism are always interconnected (Nord and Strömbäck, 2004; Carey, 1999). Further, the term media and journalism are often used as synonyms. Journalism is usually produced within the media. The media is necessary in order for journalism to be spread to the public. However, the media can, for example, also spread entertainment and movies. Thus, people who work with the media include all kinds of journalists, programme hosts, news anchors, authors and public opinion formers (Nord and Strömbäck, 2004).
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3.2 Studies on the Chinese embassy through the concepts of different power dimensions
The Chinese embassy’s escalated attempts to influence the Swedish media is recently discovered and in 2018 clear patterns could be seen. Thus, not much research is yet conducted on the specific topic. I will recommend and shortly present two conducted studies from this year that I found, that focuses on the Chinese embassy in Sweden. First, Karin Ek Thorbjörnsson have conducted the 2020 study A
BALANCING ACT?: A study on Sweden’s ambivalence in responding to pressure from the Chinese embassy. Through interviewing six Swedish journalists and researchers, Ek Thorbjörnsson examines
how the power asymmetry between Sweden and China affect the case of the Chinese embassy exerting pressure on journalists. She applies a theoretical framework of primarily soft power, sharp power and the power inbalance between China and Sweden (Ek Thorbjörnsson, 2020: 1- 28).
She emphasises the method of doing what she calls “elite interviews”, which includes participants selected due to their involvement or expertise in the specific case that is studied. Ek Thorbjörnsson’s analysis has a focus on the political pressure from the Chinese embassy and the response from the journalists and experts on the subject, where she uses her theoretical concepts to identify the responses (Ek Thorbjörnsson, 2020: 1-28, 30-32). Ek Thorbjörnsson also emphasises that the case of the Chinese embassy’s pressure is something that Sweden is very unfamiliar with. This indicate that state’s embassies in Sweden usually not pressure Sweden in the way China does which is valuable information to my study. I will take a deeper look at other state’s embassies behaviour later on in this review (ibid).
Further, Vilma Björk’s 2020 study: En konstruerad verklighet: en narrativ analys av kinesiska
ambassaden aims to understand China’s use of soft power in Sweden (Björk 2020). In order to understand
how the Chinese embassy constructs an image of China, Björk’s study uses power and soft power in the literature review to then use narratives and strategic narratives as a theory. Björk has a narrative analysis conducted on texts produced by the embassy. Hence, Björk does not use interviews in her study (ibid). From the analysis Björk emphasises that there are two metanarratives being constructed: that China is harmonious, and that China is misunderstood. The two metanarratives are included in the way China construct the image of the country. The first metanarrative includes that China is a victim. Hence, their actions are only a self-defense mechanism. The second metanarrative include that people do not have enough knowledge about China. This is why people sometimes become critical, because they do not have the right information (ibid: 33).
9 Thus, by promoting this image of being either victims or misunderstood China attempts to influence others opinion of the situation in China and what China stands for. In this strategy China tries to influence actors to change their behaviour (Björk, 2020: 33). This can be connected to how the Chinese embassy tries to change the Swedish media reporting about China and is therefore of interests for my research.
3.3 Threats and harassment against the Swedish media
Although, when searching through literature, I found that studies about threats and harassment towards Swedish journalists mainly concern threats and harassment from other actors such as individual people or criminal gangs harassing the media. This is because in a democratic country like Sweden it is rare for a state to be the largest threats for journalists. Hence, studies that focuses on threats and harassment towards Swedish journalists rarely focuses on the political pressure when for example self-censorship is studied (Dorian and Wirkensjö 2013; Arvidsson et al, 2011; Olsve, 2014; Ek Thorbjörnsson, 2020).
Instead studies about threats and harassment towards Swedish journalists and media profiles often includes literature and theoretical concepts related to journalism ethics and democracy. For example, I recommend Oslve’s study Hot mot svenska journalister: en kvalitativ studie om påverkan i arbete och
vardag for an understanding of threats towards Swedish journalists and the impact on their work and
everyday life (Olsve, 2014: 2). Olsve explore eight journalists’ experiences related to threats and how journalists are affected. He analysis the threats on the basis of journalism tasks according to different models of democracy with the result that threats to journalists and the possible consequences have a negative effect on various democratic ideals (Olsve, 2014: 2).
For further research on the subject I recommend Dorian and Wirkensjö (2013) Näthatets konsekvenser –
en studie av hur svenska kvällstidningskrönikörer förhåller sig till hot och hat and Arvidsson et al (2011) Hot mot reportrar på svenska dagstidningar – Påverkan och konsekvenser för journalistiken och demokratin.
10 Thus, I noticed a research gap between studies who examine threats and harassment against journalists through the concepts of different power dimensions and through the concepts of democracy principals and journalism ethics. However, noted from both types of studies, is the value of doing interviews (Dorian and Wirkensjö 2013; Arvidsson et al, 2011; Olsve, 2014; Ek Thorbjörnsson, 2020). The aim for this study is to focus on how the media respond/and or is affected by threats from Chinese authorities. To provide an in depth-knowledge of the response and affect, this study will focus on concepts that has its focus on the media and the journalist (Olsve, 2014). Thus, this study will combine the investigation of a state that threats the Swedish media with theoretical concepts about how the media respond and is affected when threats occur. This provides a slightly different and interesting perspective of how to examine for example the phenomena of self-censorship under political pressure.
3.4 The Swedish media and other authoritarian states
Here, I have viewed statements on the website of Israel’s and Russia’s embassies in Sweden and their public statements through news media in Sweden. China, Russia and Israel where all amongst the worlds 10 most powerful nations in 2020 according to the U.S News and World Report’s annual study (U.S. News, 2020). The states are all known to be the subject of Swedish and international journalism. I have only viewed statements on the Chinese embassy website and their statements through news media in Sweden from 2018 to 2020. The same applies for Russia’s and Israel’s embassies1. In some occasions I
have taken examples from Russia’s and Israel’s embassies actions further back in time and viewed how the Swedish media has responded to criticism. This was due to the lack of criticising statements towards the Swedish media on the two embassies website’s and through public statements in news media.
1 China’s embassy in Sweden do not have any official social media accounts other than the website. Russia’s and Israel’s
embassies both have Twitter and Facebook accounts. In addition, Israel’s embassy also have a blog and Instagram while Russia’s embassy also has a Flickr account. Some accounts are in the respective country’s language. When quickly searching through the publications on Russia’s and Israel’s embassies other social media accounts that where in English, I found that the statements and the rhetoric when referring to the Swedish media or Sweden, where not different than on their websites or through news media (Embassy of the Russian Federation in the Kingdom of Sweden; Embassy of Israel in Sweden).
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3.4.1 Russia’s embassy and the Swedish media
Russia is Sweden’s geographically nearest superpower and are constantly present in Swedish foreign policy (Orebäck and Öhrström 2017; Kragh and Åsberg, 2017). Kragh and Åsberg (2017) provide in their paper Russia’s strategy for influence through public diplomacy and active measures: the Swedish
case empirical evidence on how Russia since 2014 has moved towards a preference for active measures
towards Sweden. The Swedish media has since 2018 published several articles regarding Russia’s interference in the Baltic Sea as well as whether there are Russian spies in Sweden (Kragh and Åsberg, 2017; Sveriges Television, SVT Nyheter: Ryssland; Svenska Dagbladet, SvD-Ryssland). Russia’s current ambassador to Sweden, Victor Tatarintsev, has been the ambassador since 2014 (Embassy of the Russian Federation in the Kingdom of Sweden). The Russian embassy’s official website in Sweden contains very few statements regarding disputes between Sweden and Russia.
Under the headline the embassy in action – news and arrangements one of the latest news is a link to an article interview with Tatarintsev in the Swedish newspaper Dagens Industri 2018. In the interview Tatarintsev claims that Russia “does not have any spies in Sweden”. On the website the link to the article have the headline Russian Ambassador Victor Tatarintsev’s interview to Dagens Industri. Similar statements and links regarding public interviews in other Swedish newspapers is found on the website and the interviews follow the same rhetoric as stated above (Embassy of the Russian Federation in the Kingdom of Sweden 14/01/2018; Öhrn in Dagens Industri 14/01/2018). To find larger disputes one has to go back in time.
In 2016 Tatarintsev made an interview with Swedish Radio (SR) stating that relations between Sweden and Russia where on their lowest point in a long time with reference to the Swedish support to Ukraine regarding Russia’s annexation of Crimea. He expressed that the Swedish media has ”Russian- phobia” (Embassy of the Russian Federation in the Kingdom of Sweden 14/01/2018; Öhrn in Dagens Industri 14/01/2018; Tatarintsev, 2016 in Sveriges Radio, SR, 02/10/2016; Munatu in SVT Nyheter, 08/12/2016). In 2016 the Russian embassy in Stockholm also exerted pressure against the Swedish journalist Maria Georgieva2 (Voronov in Eskilstuna-Kurriren 29/02/2016; Dagens Media 29/02/2016).
2 The newspaper Svenska Dagbladet’s then Moscow correspondent Maria Georgieva wrote an article about the Malaysian
passenger plane MH17 which was shot down over eastern Ukraine on July 17, 2014. It was concluded that Russian military commanders where responsible for the shooting. The Russian embassy critisised Georgieva in a Facebook post with a text and a photo of her (Voronov in Eskilstuna-Kurriren 29/02/2016; Dagens Media 29/02/2016).
12 Amongst other things Georgieva was accused of pointing out the Russian leadership “in an absolutely ruthless and biased manner”. Swedish journalists reacted strongly to the attack on Georgieva. The local newspaper in Southern Sweden, Eskilstuna-Kuriren’s political editor Alex Voronov said that it is “difficult to see the comment as anything other than threats and pressure” (ibid). Georgieva has since the attack continued to write about sensitive topic related to Russia (Georgieva in Publikt, 09/02/2019).
To sum up, the public statements of the Russian embassy since 2018, have not included any major attacks on the Swedish media. Before 2018, when the Swedish media was exposed to harsher attacks the strategy from Swedish journalists seemed to be to answering the criticism. Sometimes it was answered by co-workers such as other journalists. The Swedish media have also continued to write about sensitive topics related to Russia (Voronov in Eskilstuna-Kurriren 29/02/2016; Dagens Media 29/02/2016; Georgieva in Publikt, 09/02/2019).
3.4.2 Israel’s embassy and the Swedish media
The relationship between Sweden and Israel has long been tense due to the Israel-Palestine conflict. The conflict is especially aterritorial conflict over the area that has historically come to be called Palestine. Sweden recognised Palestine as a state in 2014 (Jansson in SVT 10/09/2019; Wibeck, 2009;Berglund Svensson, 2019). The Swedish media has frequently reported news related to the Israel- Palestine conflict. According to Berglund Svensson, the international community’s recognition of Palestine has been central in the Swedish reporting throughout the years (Berglund Svensson, 2019: 2-7).
Israel’s current ambassador Ilan Ben-Dov has been the ambassador since 2017. On the official website of Israel’s embassy there is not even a headline for public statements. No verbal attacks on the Swedish media or Sweden is found on the website (Embassy of Israel in Sweden). Although, since 2018 Ben-Dov have made some public statements through news media in Sweden. For example, in 2019 Ben-Dov made a statement in the Swedish newspaper Expressen. He claimed that Sweden by recognising Palestine “hurted the peace process” between Israel and Palestine (Lidholm in Expressen, 09/04/2019).
13 In June 2020, the Swedish government adopted a strategy for development cooperation with the Palestinian authority for the period 2020-2024 (Grossman in Omvärlden, 02/07/2020). In connection with that the adopted strategy is accusing Israel of complicating developments on the West Bank, Ben-Dov claims that it is “completely wrong and not based on facts” (ibid). However, to find larger disputes one has to go back in time. For example, in 2004 Israel’s former ambassador to Sweden, Zvi Mazel, destroyed an artwork at the Historical museum in Stockholm and verbally attacked one of the responsible artists, Dror Feiler. The ambassador was eventually forced by the museum manager to leave the place3(Malmström and Ekinge in SvD, 17/01/2004).
Also, here, it was shown that the public appearance of Israel’s embassy since 2018, has not included any major attacks on the Swedish media despite the media’s frequently reporting. When the Swedish media has been exposed to harsher attacks such as in 2004, the strategy appear to be to answer the criticism. The Swedish media have also continued to write about sensitive topics related to Israel despite hateful attacks (Berglund Svensson, 2019: 1-7; Malmström and Ekinge in SvD, 17/01/2004).
3.5 The Swedish media and criticism from non-state actors
To compare how the Swedish media handles criticism from state’s embassies I will present another kind of threat, mainly used from private firms and companies. Threatening the media with lawsuits and litigation is a relatively new issue for the media regarding handling criticism from non-state actors (Levi, 2017). However, in a Swedish context this strategy from companies is rare. Literature on this subject often refer to companies in The United States of America (USA) (Levi, 2017). Below, I will shortly present an example of a USA based company which threatened a Swedish film company with lawsuits and litigation4.
3 Here, I include the culture sphere in the Swedish media sphere as I present attacks relating to the freedom of expression. 4 Also here, I include the culture sphere in the Swedish media sphere as I present attacks relating to the freedom of expression.
14 The documentary film Bananas! *5 from 2007 provoked strong reactions from the American food
company Dole Food. In July 8, 2009 Dole brought an action before the court in Los Angeles against the journalist and maker of the film Fredrik Gertten, the film’s producer Margarete Jangård and the Swedish film company WG Film. The lawsuit meant costs in millions for the small film company (Sjölund and Enback, 2014; Lofturp in Swedish Radio, 15/10/2019). Gertten and Jangård had a strategy of answering the criticism. Gertten claimed his right to freedom of expression relating to making the film (Lofturp in Swedish Radio, 15/10/2019, Idfa film).
In Sweden the attention around Gertten and his fight against Dole was huge. Individuals as well as Swedish food companies engaged in the case. The Swedish Parliament expressed concerns about Dole’s attempts to impose censorship. Dole eventually made a withdraw of the lawsuit. The discussion about freedom of expression that took place in Sweden in connection with the dispute was a big reason for the withdraw (Lofturp in Swedish Radio, 15/10/2019; Idfa film). In 2011 a sequel was released, called Big
Boys Gone Bananas! * about Dole’s reactions to the first film and their attempts to silence it (Svenska
Filminsitutet). Hence, if we compare the strategies used by the Swedish media sphere to handle criticism from state’s embassies with their strategies to handle criticism from non-state actors regarding lawsuits and litigation, it appears like answering criticism and getting support from both the media sphere and other actors in Sweden are seen in both of the scenarios.
5 Bananas! * is a documentary film from 2007 directed by Fredrik Gertten. The film had its Swedish cinema premiere on
October 9, 2009. The film is about a group of Nicaraguan fruit workers and their legal battle with the fruit and vegetable company Dole. Gertten follows the American-Cuban lawyer Juan Domínguez as he represents 12 workers at the Nicaraguan banana plantation in a lawsuit against their employer Dole Food. The trial takes place, in the Los Angeles Superior Court (Sjölund and Enback, 2014; Lofturp in Swedish Radio, 15/10/2019). The workers accuse Dole of having caused their infertility through the use of pesticide DBCP to protect its banana crops in 1982. The United States prohibited the use of the chemical’s five years earlier. Dole was aware of this, but continued to expose its foreign employees. Of the 12 workers, six of them won the lawsuit (Idfa film: Sjölund and Enback, 2014; Danielson in Aftonbladet, 15/06/2009).
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4. Theoretical framework
The theoretical framework has a focus on concepts of how the media generally respond and is affected when threatened. Initially, I will theorise how the media respond when threatened by foreign states. Then, I will theorise how the media usually is affected when exposed to threats and harassment. Here I will theorise the impact on the individual journalist when threatened. Followed by the impact on the independent journalism and the civil society when the media is threatened. In the end, an operationalisation model will be presented. The model illustrates how the Swedish media would respond and be affected by threats and harassment from Chinese authorities.
4.1 Theorising how the media respond when threatened from foreign states
When the media is threatened it is common to start developing different strategies to be able to proceed the journalistic work.
4.1.1 Strategy of adding security
Adding security to feel safe is a strategy that is used in various types of journalistic work such as when covering the reporting in conflict zones, political relationships between states or political matters in a specific state. Digital safety for journalists has become important since new technology is a powerful tool for states to track them. Journalists are likely to be surveilled when covering sensitive topics such as governmental actions and foreign policy (Digital Rights Foundation 2017; Waters 2018, Chen, 2020; Mills, 2019). Hence, journalists adopt different approaches regarding their digital safety (McGregor and Watkins 2016, Chen, 2020). For example, installing encrypted security apps to reduce the chance for others to access their internet or telephone accounts. Some will leave their telephone outside the room during work meetings. In addition to digital security, other types of security methods can be applied. For example, having extra work meetings concerning a specific topic that caused the threats (Chen, 2020). Reporting threats or harassment to the police or using police protection for public speeches and likewise is seen if the threat situation escalates (Journalistpanelen, 2019; Dorian and Wirkensjö, 2013; Arvidsson et al, 2011: 29-33).
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4.1.2 Strategy of solidarity and support
Further, solidarity and support include that working teams often come together in the fight against an external threat. A threat draws team members within the media sphere together. It heightens pressures toward uniformity. Therefore, common protests against a common threat is seen (Staw et al, 1981; Pepitone and Kleiner, 1957). For example, through public joint statements to raise awareness about the threats. Further, non-media actors such as the society or governments sometimes gives support to a media that has been threatened (Staw et al, 1981; Pepitone and Kleiner, 1957).
4.1.3 Strategy of personal and collective resistance
Studies also show that threats and harassment impact different types of media and those working with it to show resistance. Journalists that are threatened rather get motivated to continue to write about issues related to the subject that caused the threats (Olsve, 2014: 38; Dorian and Wirkensjö, 2013: 32). The resistance is shown on both a personal and collective plan. The ambition for the media to not decline because of threats is relatively pervasive. One explanation for this resistance, is that threats and harassment against the media sphere is seen as a democratic problem. It restricts the journalistic autonomy and limits the ability of the individual to work and act independently (Keane, 1991: 36-37; Olsve, 2014: 38; Dorian and Wirkensjö, 2013). Hence, there is a strong will to live up to the democratic ideals of journalism, and thus, not to give up oneself to hatred and threats (Dorian and Wirkensjö, 2013: 32).
4.2. Theorising how the media is affected by threats and harassment 4.2.1 Impact on the individual journalist
4.2.1.1 Self censorship
Threats and harassment also have a major impact on the individual. Several studies show that one major consequence of threats and harassment is self-censorship (Dorian and Wirkensjö, 2013; Arvidsson et al, 2011; Clark and Grech, 2017). Here, instead of getting more motivated by the threats, as under the previous headline, people that work for the media consciously or subconsciously self-censor (Tapsell, 2012; Yesil, 2014; Journalistpanelen, 2019).
17 For example, by avoiding to write about a particular topic that is the common root of threats. Strategies to avoid self- censorship and government interference is for example included in training for journalists in conflict zones due to the large impact it has on the individual (Tapsell, 2012; Yesil, 2014; Journalistpanelen, 2019; McGoldrick and Lynch, 2000).
4.2.1.2 Changed behaviour in working and daily life
Further, the affect of the threats and harassment is seen through a changed behaviour in the working and daily life, for those who work for the media. Negative consequences when external threats occur, relate to stress within a working team and feeling worried at home. Several individuals feel restricted in their work and daily life. Hence, there is a common stressed feeling from the media sphere due to threats and harassment (Griffith and Vatikus, 1999).
4.2.1.3 Impact on the independent journalism and the civil society
Last, threats and harassment against the media, will in the long run have a negative impact on the independent journalism and the civil society. This is connected to that threats and harassment against the media is related to a democratic problem. Hence, threats and harassment jeopardise the future of journalism. It also has a negative impact on various democratic ideals. Provided training to not be affected in the independent journalistic work is also something included especially for journalists in conflict zones (Yesil, 2014: 72; Olsve, 2014; McGoldrick and Lynch, 2000; Keane, 1991: 36-37; Dorian and Wirkensjö, 2013).
4.3 Operationalisation
Drawing from the theoretical framework, this study examines three major factors relating to the response and the affect of the Chinese embassy’s attacks on the Swedish media. On the next page a simple model has been made to illustrate the factors included in the study. The first factor is the response which is developing different strategies to tackle the threats and harassment. The strategies are presented under the box The response from the Swedish media in the model. Further, two factors view how the media is affected when threatened. They are presented in the box The affect on the Swedish media in the model. After the presented model, there is an explanation of how I have examined the factors.
18 Threats and harassment towards the Swedish media from Chinese authorities
The response from the Swedish media
Impact on the independent journalism and the civil society
Impact on the individual journalist
The threats on the media affect the independent journalism negatively and jeopardise the future journalism regarding reporting about China. It also have a negative affect on the civil society and various democratic ideals.
Self-censorship: For example,
avoiding to write about a particular topic that is the common root of threats.
Changed behaviour in working life: For example stress and worry within a
working team.
Changed behaviour in daily life: For example, feeling
worried at home due to the threats.
Stradegies to tackle criticisim from Chinese authorities
Adding security: For example, digital
security or other security methods such as reporting to the police, getting police protection or extra work meetings.
Solidarity and support: Support amongst
media organisations, for exemple making public joint stamtents to alarm about the threats. Or support from non-media actors.
Personal and collective resistance: The
threats motivates those who write/talk about the topic that caused threats. Hence, they continue to write/talk about the topic. In the broader perspective the topic is more monitored by the media.
The affect on the Swedish media
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The response from the Swedish media:
1. Adding security: Here I have explored if the participants have added security due to the threats
and harassment. The security concern digital safety and other types of security methods implemented, such as extra work meetings, reporting to the police or getting police protection.
2. Solidarity and support: Here I ask about the support the media organisations have given each
other such as making joint public statements and alarming about the threats. I also ask about the support from non-media actors such as the Swedish government or international support from other states.
3. Personal and collective resistance: I ask the participants if the threats and harassment has
motivated the participants to continue to write/talk about the topic. I have also examined if the participatns believe that topics related to China is more monitored by the Swedish media today.
The affect on the Swedish media:
1. Impact on the individual journalist: Here, I explore if self-censorship due to threats and
harassment from Chinese authorities, is a consequential to the Swedish media. With my participants I have discussed if the threats and harassment have changed the way they write or talk about topics related to China. I also explore if the threats and harassment has affected the participants in the working and daily life. For example, if stress within a working team has occurred or if they feel worried at home.
2. Impact on the independent journalism and the civil society: I ask the participants about the
negative impact on the independent journalism and the civil society. For example, I examine if the threats and harassment jeopardise the future journalism regarding reporting about China or if it has a negative impact on the society and various democratic ideals in Sweden. I am aware that these components are difficult to fully examine. I have not focused constantly on this. However, from the interviews together with the collected documents, there are some indications and conclusions that is drawn concerning this. I will, as far as my empirical material allow, examine these components.
When exploring the response from and the affect on the Swedish media I have also viewed the public debate in Sweden. I have used relevant documents concerning the behaviour of the Chinese authorities towards the Swedish media as a means of guidance.
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5. Research design and methodological approach
In this chapter I am going to present this thesis research design and methodological approach. First, I am going to present my choice of doing a qualitative case study with a qualitative method approach. Then, I move forward to the questions of reliability and validity of this thesis, followed by the delimitation of this thesis. Further, I describe the material used in this thesis which includes documents and interviews. I present my choice of documents and my interview method. When it comes to the interviews, I will also include an ethical discussion. Last, I shortly present the interview participants.
5.1. Qualitative case study
I chose to do a case study since it appeared the most suitable in order to investigate the research problem. There are different ways to define what a case study is. A case study can, for example, focus on several individuals, a fraction of a society, an organisation or a society as a whole. It is however, crucial that the researcher brings out the peculiar and essential in the case or cases (Johannessen and Tufte, 2003: 56-57, 83). I have chosen to highlight specific example cases of threats against the Swedish media from Chinese authorities. Thus, this study can be called a case study. Further, a case study is suitable for collecting a lot of information (data) about a specific phenomenon by using both observation, interviews, as well as existing data (Johannessen and Tufte, 2003: 56-57, 83). This case study consists of interviews with representatives of the Swedish media sphere, along with collected documents concerning the subject. The use of documents is central to most research studies. Interviewing provides a comprehensive understanding of a phenomenon and provides a rich variety of perspectives (Tjora, 2012). Hence, the combination of those two data sets, gives an analysis of both the interviews and the collected documents. Further, this study uses the qualitative method approach. I chose a qualitative method approach because the weight lies on an understanding of social reality on the basis of how participants in a certain environment interpret this reality. The involvement in a specific social environment leads to information. The method is useful when seeking to understand or interpret a phenomenon (Bryman, 2011: 29, 40-41, 340-343). Qualitative studies are based on a research strategy where the emphasis more often lies on words than on figures, when collecting and analysing data. Alan Bryman believes that a qualitative strategy is inductive and interpretive, which goes in line with this study. A qualitative researcher strives for a close relationship with the group of people that is studied (ibid).
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5.2 Reliability and Validity
Starting with reliability, it refers to the question whether the results of one examination will be the same if it is replicated, or if the results are affected by random or temporary premises (Bryman, 2011: 49). Because it is impossible to “stop” a social environment, it is often difficult to fully meet the criteria in qualitative studies. In order to come up with results that are comparable to the previous research, it is necessary to take on a similar social role, as the first researchers has done (Bryman, 2011: 352). This is applied in this study, by referring to the selected method and the theoretical framework. When selecting the method and the theoretical framework I have viewed previous research. Then I elaborated what specific methods and theory perspectives would contribute to this study, and could be measured fairly.
However, the case of the Chinese embassy’s attempts to influence the Swedish media is an on-going and relatively new scenario. The subject is relevant, however, that it is ongoing can potentially affect the reliability of the study. New knowledge and perspectives may arise. Further, this study is conducted in a Swedish context. Hence, the variety of states’ values and political systems can affect the findings (Ek Thorbjörnsson 2020: 32-33). Although, the interview participants, were carefully selected to ensure that the interviews together with the collected documents is overall trustworthy and consistent with the research question and my purpose for the study (ibid).
Further, validity is about whether one observes, identifies or measures what is desired. Bryman highlights the concept of internal validity. It means that there must be a good correspondence between the observations made by the researcher and the theoretical ideas. The internal validity tends to be a strength within qualitative studies. This is shown in my analysis where a good amount of data has been provided by the help of the theoretical framework, indicating that the internal validity is good. External validity raises the question if the results from a study can be generalised based on the specific research context. Although, the relevance of external validity is not as high in qualitative studies and the question regarding representation in interview participants and results have a clearer relevance within quantitative studies (Olsve, 2014; Bryman, 2011: 50-53).
22 A larger sample of interview participants would be preferable to ensure for the results to be generalised correctly. Although, a large sample do not necessarily generate more value or quality to the findings and it is also time- consuming. Hence, as mentioned, the importance of external validity is not as relevant in qualitative studies as in the quantitative ones (Bryman, 2011: 50-53; Tracy, 2013; 230-231; Ek Thorbjörnsson, 2020: 32-33).
5.3 Delimitation
Except from the media broadcast China Plus, in the introduction chapter, no sources from China will be used in this study. It is important to note when using an official broadcaster from China, that they represent the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Thus, they might not report incidents that may hurt the regime (Nerbu Baalsrud, 2013: 18). This thesis focuses on incidents regarding the Swedish media. Hence, this study does mainly include documents concerning how Sweden has reported the example cases in the study. However, public statements made by the Chinese embassy in Sweden have been highlighted. Since the Chinese embassy represents the state China in Sweden.
This thesis will examine the behaviour of Chinese authorities between 2018-2020, with a focus on the Chinese embassy in Sweden. Hence, the main material, both interviews and documents will include information about the subject from 2018- 2020. Except from the participant Jojje Olsson who was banned from China in 2016 due to his journalistic work and has been exposed to threats and harassment since 2017, I will examine how the participants in this study has been exposed to threats and harassment from Chinese authorities between 2018-2020 by highlighting examples. This study will not make any distinction between threats and harassment between persons of specific genders. The aim was to seek even representation regardless of gender or gender identification.
However, it should be noted that finding female participants who had been threatened by Chinese authorities was difficult. Partly, since the incidents linked to the problem were mainly directed towards men within the Swedish media sphere. Further, representatives from the media sphere in terms of chief editors and chairpersons, were mainly men. It should also be noted that the positive answers, about participating in the study, came mainly from men.
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5.4 Documents
The document selection for this study includes existing material that is relevant. It mainly contains sources from the Swedish media. For example, public statements in Swedish news coverage, that relate to the different examples of incidents. The Swedish news coverage comes from Swedish newspapers, TV news, radio news and online media in Sweden. The sources for the media news coverage are deemed to be reliable. It contains news from, for example, the public service channels Swedish National Television (SVT) and Swedish Radio (SR). Some material will also come from the website of the Chinese embassy in Sweden. This is to explore the attacks the embassy has made towards the Swedish media sphere. Further, articles from different science journals and research is used in this study throughout.
In addition, five reports have been used. They are used as additional material to the arguments by the interview participants and the other collected documents. The reports come from the four reliable organisations, Reporters Without Borders (Swedish section and globally), Human Rights Watch, Freedom House and the Swedish think thank Frivärld (Free World). All reports, including the one from Reporters Without Borders Swedish section and Frivärld, exist in English. The English reports are the ones referred to in the study.
5.5 Interviews
5.5.1 Semi- structured interviews
This study will use structured interviews. I chose this interview structure because, in semi-structured interviews, the interviewer has more freedom to design the interview. Semi-semi-structured interview questions tend to be more generally formulated than structured ones (Bryman, 2011: 413-415). The interviewer has certain room to ask additional questions when needed which could give important information (Bryman, 2011: 413-415). I have followed a questionnaire during the interviews. Sometimes I have changed the order of the questions in between the interviews. I have also allowed myself to ask follow-up questions on such occasions when considered justified (Bryman, 2011: 419-434). During the interviews, much room was left for the respondents to give as exhaustive of an answer as they wanted. It should be added that some of the interview questions were reformulated at the level of detail, depending on how the conversation went.
24 The crucial questions where I needed to find answers for the study, were always asked, and remained the same throughout, as recommended for this type of interview (Bryman, 2011: 419-434). My goal was to meet all interview participants in person for the interviews. Due to the ongoing Corona situation there has been no practical opportunity to meet in person. The time set for the data collection for the study has been during the Corona pandemic. Therefore, the interviews have been made through Skype or Zoom. Although, mediated interviews are cost-effective and time-effective because they do not depend on geographical location. Mediated interviews can also create a safer space for respondents to share their thoughts and experiences (Tracy, 2013: 164-165).
The interview participants were open with their experiences of threats and harassment. The interviews were recorded and transcribed, according to the interview structure (Bryman, 2011: 419-434). One short conversation was made through a telephone call between me and an interview participant. That conversation was not recorded. The participant has been informed about what I am going to write concerning the conversation. The participant has allowed me to include the conversation in this study.
5.5.2 Ethical discussion
Ethical discussions in political science studies concern the role of values in the research process. The discussion deal with how to treat the individuals being studied, for example, in matters concerning integrity, anonymity confidentiality, and to be able to participate voluntarily (Bryman, 2011: 126-127, 131-132). The interviews in this study were conducted in Swedish. This decision was made since it is the mother tongue of both the participants and the author. The interviews were translated to English by the researcher. The participants had the opportunity to view the quotations translated into English. They also had the possibility to comment on the formulations of the quotations. The interview participants were informed about the conditions for the study. The aim to do the interviews in Swedish was to allow the participants to feel comfortable with expressing themselves. It also gave the researcher a better understanding of what types of threats and harassment the participants were exposed to.
Every interviewee is a public figure in Sweden. Some of them are chairpersons of media organisations and representatives of newspapers. Others are freelance journalists, programme hosts, authors and opinion formers.
25 Hence, some interview participants answered the interview questions, representing only themselves. Others represented both themselves and the media for which they work. None of the participants wanted to be anonymous, even though it was given as an option.
5.5.3 Selection of interview participants
Here, I have applied the method of what Ek Thorbjörnsson (2020) calls elite interviews. Hence, include different well-known people within the media sphere based on their involvement or expertise in the specific case that is studied. This provide knowledge and insights of the Chinese pressure from the perspective of the Swedish media (Ek Thorbjörnsson, 2020: 1-28). It was also my aim to look for interview participants from the Swedish media sphere who had experienced threats and harassment from Chinese authorities. Hence, representatives from Swedish PEN and SVT’s satire programme Swedish
News, were selected. Swedish PEN received criticism from Chinese authorities when they awarded Gui
Minhai the Tucholsky Prize 2019. The satire programme Swedish News has mainly been criticised by Chinese authorities, due to a joke they made in 2018. Further, the China expert and freelance journalist Jojje Olsson, as well as author and opinion former Kurdo Baksi, were also selected. They have, on several occasions, been attacked by the Chinese embassy in Sweden due to their writing and other actions relating to the case of Gui Minhai and their actions relating to China’s oppression of the freedom of expression.
The selection was also based on a desire to have a wide range of media outlets represented. Thus, I interviewed the chairpersons of the Swedish Union of Journalists and the Swedish Union of Writers. These unions have members consisting of Swedish journalists and authors. They also work closely with organisations like Swedish PEN. The two unions have publicly supported and defended Jojje Olsson and Kurdo Baksi due to the threats and harassment from the Chinese embassy in Sweden. Further, I interviewed the chairperson of Reporters Without Borders Sweden (RSF Sweden). In 2020, the organisation released a report about threats and harassment from Chinese authorities aimed at Sweden. The global organisation also released an international report in 2019, focusing on China’s attempt to create a new global media order. When it comes to the newspapers, the daily newspaper Göteborgs-Posten (GP) made an interview with the Chinese ambassador in Sweden during 2019. In the interview the ambassador amongst other things, criticised the Swedish media for giving an incorrect image of China.
26 The morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter (DN) was on the other hand in 2019 criticised, amongst others, by the Swedish media sphere and experts on the subject. This was because of an advertisement published in the newspaper. The advertisement was about the Hong Kong demonstrations, regarding Beijing’s efforts to increase its influence there. The consignor of the advertisement was the one-party state China. The criticism of the advertisements concerned that DN was being too “China friendly”. Last, the evening newspaper Aftonbladet is in this study as the representative of an evening newspaper.
The selection of participants was also based on the positive responses I received about participating in the study. I found some participants through articles, since the person spoke openly about threats or harassment from Chinese authorities. In other cases, I contacted various media outlets and received contact information to a participant, through the editorial staff. Sometimes I received tips about potential participants through my own network of people, such as former and current colleagues.
5.5.4 Presentation of interview participants
This is a short list of the participants. In the headline profession, the focus is on the title relevant to this study. To a large extent, the participants also have other assignments in their professional careers. See the appendix (9.1) for the full presentation of the interview participants.
Jesper Rönndahl: Comedian and former programme host for SVT’s satire programme Swedish News 2018 – 2019.
Jesper Bengtsson: Chairperson of Swedish PEN.
Jojje Olsson: China expert and journalist. Manages InBeijing - Sweden’s largest digital newspaper about China.
Kurdo Baksi: Author and public opinion former.
Ulrika Hyllert: Chairperson of the Swedish Union of Journalists. Grethe Rottböll: Chairperson of The Swedish Writers’ Union.
Erik Halkjaer: Chairperson of Reporters Without Borders Sweden (RSF Sweden). Christofer Ahlqvist: Chief editor at Göteborgs-Posten (GP).
Eric Rosén: Deputy editor at Aftonbladet.
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6. Analysis
The major research question of this thesis is as mentioned: How does the Swedish media respond and/or is affected by threats and harassment from Chinese authorities?
In this section I am going to depend on the interviews as well as collected documents as my data sets for analysis. The analysis is divided in themes with headlines from the oprationalisation model, presented in the theoretical chapter. Under each theme, I will examine the interviews together with the documents. The first theme called types of threats and harassment was added. There, I will present the incidents my interview participants have been exposed to. Then I move over to the headline How has the Swedish
media responded to the threats and harassment. Here the themes will follow this order: strategy of adding security, strategy of solidarity and support, strategy of personal and collective resistance.
Then I will move to the headline: How has the Swedish media been affected by the threats and
harassment. Here the themes will follow this order: Impact on the individual journalist- with subhedlines; self-censorship, changed behaviour in working life, changed behaviour in daily life. Followed by the
second headline Impact on the independent journalism and the civil society- with one subheadline
regarding the independent journalism and one regarding the civil society.
Within the headlines I will also discuss other questions related to the subject, that has been raised during the interviews.
