The rise of a Social Democratic Welfare State:
a question about housing
Ida Augustsson Human Rights
Bachelor thesis (15 Credits) Spring 2019
ABSTRACT
This thesis examines how the right to housing has arisen in Sweden and how it has been articulated and expressed during the 20th and 21st century. Moreover, it investigates the shift and continuations within Swedish housing policies alongside reviewing outcomes following the happenings with a focus on homelessness. This has been done through a document analysis using a historical method providing means to understand the changes that have occurred over time. The material has been analyzed Esping-Andersen's stratification theory and Bengtsson's Universal and Selective approach to housing as a social right. Throughout the analysis, it is concluded that the right housing has until the late 20th century been expressed as a group held necessity dependent on a
regulated housing market with state interference. Although, since the 1990’s the right has rather been expressed as an individual responsibility to operate and function within the market. Furthermore, it is presented that the liberal shift in Swedish politics in 1991, has resulted in an unstable housing market and increased numbers of homelessness.
KEYWORDS
Welfare, Social Democracy, Housing, Homelessness
1. INTRODUCTION 6
1.1. The Problem Area 6
1.2. Aim 7
1.2.1 Research Questions 7
1.3. Relevance to Human Rights 7
1.4. Delimitations 8
1.5. Previous Research 9
1.6. The Scientific Debate 11
1.7. Chapter Outline 11 2. MATERIAL 13 2.2. Historical Background 13 2.2.1. 1903-1917 13 2.2.2. 1917-1945 13 2.2.3. 1945-1966 15 2.2.4. 1966-1991 15 2.2.5. 1991-2019 17
2.3. The Definition of Homelessness and Statistics 19
2.4. The State's Public Investigations 22
2.4.1. SOU 1945:63 23 2.4.2. SOU 1967:1 23 2.4.3. SOU 1992:24 24 2.4.4. SOU 1996:156 25 2.4.5. SOU 2001:95 25 2.4.6. SOU 2008:38 26 2.3.7. SOU 2018:32 27 3. THEORY 28
3.1. The Welfare State as a System of Stratification 28
3.1.1. Stratification in Liberal Social Policy 29
3.1.2. Stratification in Socialist Social Policy 30
3.2 The Welfare State and Social Rights 31
4. METHOD 33
4.1. Historical Method 33
4.3 Choice of Method and Material 35
5. ANALYSIS 37
5.1. Social Democratic Welfare and the Right to Housing 37 5.2 Social Stratification within the Swedish Welfare State 42
6. CONCLUSION 46
6.1. Question (1) 46
6.2 Question (2) 47
7. BIBLIOGRAPHY 49
Abbreviations
CFR - Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union CSA - National Association of Social Work
ICESCR - International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights NGO - Non-Governmental Organisation
SOS - The Swedish National Board of Health and Welfare SOU - The States Public Investigations
UDHR - Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN - United Nations
Translations
Committee for Homelessness - Hemlöshetskommitén Enforcement Service - Kronofogden
Governmental bill - Proposition
National Association of Social Work - Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete National Association Against Emigration - Nationalföreningen mot emigration National Board of Housing, Building, and Plannings - Boverket
Non-governmental bill - Motion
Ministry of Housing - Bostads Departementet Social Services - Socialtjänsten
Social Service Act - Socialtjänstelagen
Swedish National Board of Health and Welfare - Socialstyrelsen Swedish Union of Tenants - Hyresgästföreningen
Tenant Organizations - Hyresgärstorganisationen
The State’s Public Investigations - Statens Offentliga Utredningar The Million Program - Miljonprogrammet
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1. The Problem Area
The Constitution of Sweden, 1§2; “Public power shall be exercised with respect for the equal worth of all and the liberty and dignity of the individual. The personal, economic and cultural welfare of the individual shall be fundamental aims of public activity. In particular, the public institutions shall secure the right to employment, housing, and education, and shall promote social care and social security, as well as favorable conditions for good health” (Sveriges Riksdag, 2016).
Within the Swedish constitution, it is clearly stated that public power shall operate to secure the right to housing. Further, chapter 2§1 of the Social Service Act (SFS 2001:453), declares that the responsibility of homelessness lies on the municipalities to provide adequate support and help individuals in need. The Social Services, on the other hand, do not have an obligation to provide housing, but should instead assist when required to ensure that individuals attain a reasonable standard of living (Socialstyrelsen 2017: 10). The importance of housing is not something that has occurred during the last decades in Sweden but has been a constant political debate throughout the whole 20th and 21st century. For example, already in 1967, it was declared that Sweden should; aim to provide the whole population with sound,
spacious, well-designed and adequately equipped homes of good quality at a reasonable cost (Prop. 1967:100: 172). Despite these legislations and intentions,
homelessness is a growing issue within the Swedish welfare state, and in 2017, SOS concluded that 32 398 individuals were currently homeless at the time of the survey (Socialstyrelsen 2017: 18).
The homeless population Sweden has today does not solely consist of mentally ill individuals or people with severe addiction problems, as they often are perceived as (SOU 2001:95: 27). Hence, SOS’s survey in 2017 concluded that the homeless community living in Sweden today is not a homogenous group but consists of a variety of individuals. Among the group, there are individuals with mental health problems, addictions, but also, people with no other issue than the ones connected to not having permanent housing (Socialstyrelsen 2017: 9). Moreover, it is concluded that 24 150 children had one of their parents living without permanent housing and that 1500 children were estimated to live with their parents in acute homelessness, which indicates staying in emergency accommodations, shelters or sleeping outside (Socialstyrelsen 2017: 59-60). Relying on the fact that Sweden is a state that clearly
strives to protect people’s right to housing but somehow fails to do so, this thesis intends to investigate housing policies, the housing market and the rise of the right to housing to understand how the situation has come to be the way it is today.
1.2. Aim
This thesis aims to understand how the right to housing occurred in Sweden, and additionally, how the right has been expressed and articulated between 1903-2018. The purpose is to examine this through Bo Begntssons Universal Housing Policy and
Selective Housing Policy, which provide two specific approaches of how to understand
the social right to housing. The aim is also to understand the continuities and variations within Swedish housing policies, besides, examine outcomes occurring from these happenings, focusing on the development of homelessness. The purpose is to examine this through Esping-Andersens theory of social stratification that will assist in the understanding of how the Swedish welfare state to some extent operates as a system that divides people into social classes and assists status differentials.
1.2.1 Research Questions
(1) How has the right to housing been expressed and articulated throughout the 20th and 21st century, according to Bo Bengtssons Universal Approach and Selective Approach?
(2) How can continuities and shifts within Swedish housing policies be understood in relation to stratification, and what outcomes have these changes had on the development of homelessness?
1.3. Relevance to Human Rights
It was first in 1948 when the UDHR was formed that housing started to be considered a human right. Article 25 of the UDHR states; "Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control." (UN General Assembly, 1948). Further, in 1966, the ICESCR was adopted, and housing was from then on
considered a social right. Sweden ratified the covenant in 1971 and 1976 it entered into force (UN General Assembly, 1966b). Article 11§1 of the ICESCR states; "The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to an adequate standard of living for himself and his family, including adequate food, clothing, and housing, and to the continuous improvement of living conditions. The States Parties will take appropriate steps to ensure the realization of this right, recognizing to this effect the essential importance of international cooperation based on free consent." (UN General Assembly, 1966a). Moreover, the CFR entered into force in 2009 addressing the importance of housing in article 34§3 stating; "In order to combat social exclusion and poverty, the Union recognizes and respects the right to social and housing assistance so as to ensure a decent existence for all those who lack sufficient resources, in accordance with the rules laid down by Community law and national laws and practices." (European Parliament, Council of Ministers and the European Commission, 2000). Relying on these articles, the matter of housing, housing policies, and outcomes such as homelessness are connected to the topic of human rights.
1.4. Delimitations
In the process of writing this thesis, several limitations have been done. First, this thesis is limited to Sweden, when other states occur throughout the text this is only as a comparison or explanations. Second, due to the long time frame of choice, all years have not gotten equally much space throughout the thesis; a significant focus has instead been placed on years of importance. Third, the research is limited to seven of the state’s public investigations, although there are more investigations conducted on the matter, a more elaborate description of the selection of material can be found in section 4.3. Fourth, there are many different categories of homeless individuals such as women, men, young adults, elderly; however, in this thesis, the focus is on homelessness in general and therefore not much attention has been put on analyzing particular groups of. Fifth, this thesis is mainly focused on two political ideologies, namely Socialism and Liberalism as they can be found in two political sides that have had the most influence in Swedish politics through the Social Democrats1 and the
1 Years when the Social Democrats have held the Prime Minister post: 1920-1921, 1920, 1921-1923,
1924-1925, 1925-1926, 1932-1936, 1936-1946, 1946-1969, 1969-1976, 1982-1986, 1986-1991, 1994-1996, 1996-2006, 2014- (Socialdemokraterna 2018)
Moderate Party2. Important to notice, the Moderate Party was from the beginning
considered a conservative and nationalistic party. Although internationalistic and liberal conceptions have gradually been implemented throughout the years, and nowadays, the Moderate Parties ideology is based on a conservative societal view with liberal ideas (Moderaterna).
1.5. Previous Research
There has been a significant amount of previous research conducted on the thesis-topic, as it have been of concern for various scientific fields. Many of the leading researchers' works are represented in this thesis other chapters; therefore, this section is going to be held short. Within the field of political science, Bo Bengtsson is highly influential and has written several books and articles with a focus on housing. E.g., Why so different
Nordic Housing Policy in Comparative Historical Perspective 3 (2006) that is a
comparative analysis between the Nordic countries housing history where "path dependence" is applied as theory. The book is a collaboration between five researchers from three different disciplines; history, sociology, and social science. The research aims to answer why the Nordic countries housing politics are so different when other social aspects connected to welfare, such as health care are rather similar. Furthermore, the Swedish National Board of Housing, Building, and Planning published a historical overview in 2007, including 130 years of Swedish housing policy history. The text was created since no historical overview existed at the time. Moreover, the national agency addressed that knowledge and experiences were not passed on in the same ways as in previous decades, especially after the deregulation of housing politics in 1990. Within the field of social science Hans Swärd has an influential role and has, e.g., written
Homelessness: a proof of poverty of a welfare dilemma? 4 (1998). The monograph
contains a historical description of how homelessness has been portrayed and described between 1850-1995, with a particular focus on homelessness in Malmö. Swärd uses several methods for his research, e.g., statistics, text analysis (applied to magazines, dictionaries, and previous research), and interview studies conducted with both
2 Years when the Moderate Party have held the Prime Minister post: 1905-1911, 1917, 1923-1924,
1928-1930, 1991-1994, 2006-2014 (Moderaterna)
homeless individuals and employees at the Social Services. The monograph further has three main questions or dispositions as Swärd also calls them, where he aims to discuss homelessness as; a societal issue, a topic for the public debate, and as life situation. Ingrid Sahlin, professor in social work, has written On the brink of housing 5 (1996).
Sahlins wrote the text during her Ph.D. studies at Lund University, and the focus is mainly on, the exclusion from the housing market, its justifications, and the "secondary housing market". The methods used for the research are surveys and a longitudinal case-study; furthermore, two concepts are used as theoretical tools of analysis, namely,
border control and discipline. Additionally, both Sahlin and Swärd are thanked in the
abstract to SOS's mapping of homelessness in Sweden, which shows that they are both respected and influential within the field. The surveys performed by SOS on commission from the government have had significant importance to the previous research since they include very complex investigation on the matter of homelessness from the years 1993, 1999, 2005, 2011, and 2017. One of the purposes of the surveys was to create a plan regarding how the mapping can be used in the strategic work within the Social Services efforts regarding homelessness and exclusion from the housing market. The methods used have varied throughout the years, although for the mapping in 2017 following techniques were applied; inventories of the municipalities Social Services, surveys and web survey conducted under week 14 (3-9 April 2017), interviews, and examination of municipalities websites.
Within the political section, Gunnar Myrdal and Alva Myrdal has contributed with the book Crisis in the Population Question 6 (1934) that later came to be the most
influential framework (both practical and theoretical) in the development of the Social Democratic welfare state in Sweden (Gustafsson, 1990: 15). The book has its core focus on the implementation of several welfare reforms connected to matters such as financial assistance, housing, and class equalization.
Further, Esping-Andersen has had a significant role within the field as his books
Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalist is continuously referred to by other authors. The
book has a comparative approach that confirms that welfare regimes are not all of one type. The study identifies three diverse regime-types organized around their social integration, stratification, and logic of organization. The three models that are discussed
5På gränsen till bostad 6Kris i befolkningsfrågan
in the book are liberal regimes, conservative regimes, and social democratic regimes.
1.6. The Scientific Debate
As demonstrated in the section1.5, the thesis-topic has been studied within various scientific fields. A significant focus has been placed on Sweden separately but also on separate cities, and comparing Sweden to other countries. Moreover, there has been researching conducted on the history of housing in Sweden, e.g., both Bengtsson and Swärd include long time frames in their studies.
To clarify, this thesis is different from previous research since it contains two specific theories that have not been used to examine this material with before. Namely Bengtssons Universal- and Selective Approach that assists in the understanding of how the right to housing has been expressed and articulated in Sweden during the 20th and 21st century. As well as Esping-Andersens theory of Social Stratification that is applied to examine how the Swedish welfare state in different ways has operated/operates as a system that divides people into different categories. Furthermore, the theories are combined with a historical method and a document analysis, and a significant focus is placed on housing as a right since this thesis is written within the field of Human Rights witch also makes it different from previous research. Relying on what is stated above, I believe that this thesis can contribute to the scientific debate and bring new elements to the discussion.
1.7. Chapter Outline
This thesis consists of seven chapters and additional subheadings. The first chapter consists of an introduction, aim, research question, relevance to human rights, delimitations, previous research, and the scientific debate. The second chapter, the material, is divided into three sections; a historical background, the definition of homelessness and statistics, and SOUs, all providing an overview of homelessness, the housing market, and the welfare state. Chapter three presents the theories, consisting of Esping-Andersen's theory of the welfare state as a system of stratification, and Bengtsson Selective and Universal approaches to social rights. Chapter four, the method section, consists of three parts presenting historical method, document analysis,
and methodological considerations. Chapter five, the analysis is divided into two sections, the first part focusing on Social Democratic welfare and the right to housing, and the second focusing on social stratification within the Swedish welfare state. Chapter six consists of a conclusion where the research questions are answered. Finally, chapter seven consists of bibliography.
2. MATERIAL
2.2. Historical Background 2.2.1. 1903-1917
At the beginning of the 20th century, the question of housing started to get significant attention in Sweden. Overcrowding and housing shortage had resulted in an overall low living standard and poor hygiene. The situation was at the time seen as a threat to domestic life since miserable housing conditions could result in a miserable population (Johansson 1962: 512). The first attempt to create a national housing policy was made in 1903 when CSA was founded and claimed that the question of housing was a responsibility held by the state and the municipalities (Swärd 1998: 58). Moreover, in 1904, on an initiative from the National Association Against Emigration, the state started to offer government loans to the construction of new houses. This with a focus on the countryside as a way of increasing the working class living standard and stop the mass emigration to America. Additionally, the municipalities started to take greater responsibility for the housing market, and the first governmental housing reforms were formulated (Bengtsson 2006: 106-107). At this time, homelessness was considered an issue; however, there was a division within the homeless community. The first category, the respectable type, often consisting of unmarried women with children and eligible men suffering from poverty, and other structural factors were perceived to have been deprived of their social right to housing. The second category, the immoral type, consisting of antisocial individuals, addicts, and morally weak persons, were, on the other hand, often perceived to have themselves to blame. The underlying factor for their situation was rooted in criminality, mental health, idiotic behavior, and the individual's inability to function in the normal society. Though everyone did not support these two categories, doubt was found on the left-wing side since they were against this type of division (Swärd 1998: 64).
2.2.2. 1917-1945
After the First World War, the Swedish housing market was left unstable with a generally low housing standard and residual overcrowding (Myrdal & Myrdal 1934: 126-127). Due to the unstable situation, families began to have fewer children as a way of regulating their living standard; fewer family members improved the household’s living standard. One of the underlying causes for this initiative can be found in that
many young adults at the time had themselves grew up in unhygienic conditions and did not wish the same for their children. I.e., families regulated the unstable housing market with their choice not to have children or at least to have fewer children than the generation before. As a result, the general living standard increased (Myrdal & Myrdal 1934: 134-135). Additionally, the Social Democrats began their 50 years long ruling-period in 1932, which is unique since the political party in principle shaped modern Sweden alone in contrast to other countries where the ruling position shifted between left and right-wing parties (Nilsson 1994: 296). As a result, the Swedish state began to be transformed into a Social Democratic welfare state, mainly relying on the practical and theoretical framework found in Myrdal and Myrdal’s book Crisis in the Population
Question.
Myrdal and Myrdal address that a sound and adequate living standard is a significant ground pillar for the populations bodily- and mental health. Moreover, that if this could not be granted and implemented for the whole population, other efforts such as intellectual, moral, economic, and social ones would remain weak, since the ground for an increased population standard lies in the question of housing (Myrdal & Myrdal 1934: 229). The primary demand that Myrdal and Myrdal implied was to secure the financial condition of the general families, with a focus on low-income families. They could no longer live at constant risk for extreme material poverty nor could their low living standard be accepted by the state. To accomplish this, Myrdal and Myrdal requested a financial support plan that would enable the working class productive employment and guarantee the farmers reasonable and relatively safe income. The reasoning behind this was that the living standard and safety of the families could only increase if the whole of Sweden's population were set to work (Myrdal & Myrdal 1934: 174-175).
Nevertheless, this was not enough; there was a need for income equalization amongst classes within Sweden's society and especially with a focus on income equalization concerning the financial burden of having children. The aim was therefore to lower the families extra costs of having children (Myrdal & Myrdal 1934: 188). The individual salary and income were often formed without any regards to the burden of providing for children, and therefore Myrdal and Myrdal found it natural that the public would provide for parts of the weight. They argued that it did not seem reasonable nor necessary that children should be left to rely on the individual families financial situation but rather that society must take responsibility due to the unequal and unsafe
income differentiates (Myrdal & Myrdal 1934: 189). Some of the social efforts that Myrdal and Myrdal advocated for in relation to class equalization were; housing subsidies for families with many children; free health care for children; free schooling; free kindergartens; and an increased number of scholarships for youths that wanted to get an education (Myrdal & Myrdal 1934: 202).
2.2.3. 1945-1966
In the period after the Second World War, the Swedish state made decisions regarding the management of the housing market that later turned out to be the most significant ones throughout the century (Bengtsson 2006: 112). It was at this time that public housing started to be a part of the general welfare system (Boverket 2007: 49). In 1946, the Swedish parliament took decisions concerning questions such as housing support, and the municipalities’ role concerning housing relying on recommendations made in SOU 1945:63. The new housing policy that was formulated at the time aimed to solve the current housing shortage and to increase the general housing standard. The focus was especially building larger accommodations since 40% of the inhabits at this time lived in one-room apartments, and relying on a decision adopted in 1946 one-room apartments were no longer seen as a legit residence for families (Bengtsson 2006: 112-113). Further, the Swedish state’s role to homelessness got clearer due to a new legislation that entered into force in 1956 that increased the municipalities responsibility towards individuals with a limited economy. Shelters started to expand and be restored, especially in Stockholm, due to the increased amount of inhabitants. In Malmö, hotels were used as temporary solutions to prevent people from sleeping outside (Swärd 1998: 67-68).
2.2.4. 1966-1991
The reconstruction of the housing market was first initiated during the postwar era, although it did not happen until the beginning of the 1960s. In the first years of the 1960s, housing benefits became institutionalized, e.g., support in the form of housing advantages for families with children and elderly. In the second part of the 1960s, the Social Democrats introduced the initiative the Million Program, which strived to build one million apartments during the next coming decade. Between 1965 and 1975, the
Social Democrats completed their action, and in 1975 they had succeeded the project (Bengtsson 2006: 120-122). The success of the Million Program was measured in the number of homes that were built during the period that solved the housing shortage. Though it did not take long until the newly built neighborhoods were stigmatized as inferior, both physically and socially, which lead to segregation and social exclusion (Bengtsson 2006: 129). Despite the outcome, the resolutions regarding the housing market that were taken during the1960s still confirm and strengthen several of the main features that were presented during the postwar era, e.g., the general politics about
Good housing for all7 (Bengtsson 2006: 122). The perception about homelessness was
at this time optimistic. The impression was that the issue would be significantly reduced or eliminated within the next decade; hence homelessness was portrayed as a residual issue connected to the unstable housing market and with the success of the Million
Program, the issue was assumed to be solved. Additionally, the Social Services
extended and more social workers were employed, and treatment institutions for marginalized people opened up, e.g., related to addiction. Besides this, the health care section was optimistic and had a vision that even the most excluded individuals could find their way back to society as long as they got help.
As a result of these factors, institutions and shelters began to close down. The homeless community was now assigned to newly built apartments in the suburbs instead of the old facilities (Swärd 1998: 70-71). However, during the 1980's the previous optimistic view on the possibilities to master the housing market and solve homelessness took a new turn. The question of housing had been given the highest priority for decades, although the numbers of homeless individuals kept on increasing, and more people slept outside. As a result of this, people began to look for other explanations that could answer to the instability (Swärd 1998: 74). According to Sahlin (1996), this transferred the guilt of homelessness away from housing policies and into the field of social policies. Since the issue of homelessness remained although the housing market was fixed.
7At the end of the Second World War, the housing standard in Sweden was comparably low to the international level. Therefore, housing policies became an integrated and central part of state policies, both the general social welfare policies and the general economic policies. Good housing for all became the goal of housing policy; which implied a population-wide scope rather than selective. Good housing
for all was directed at the whole population and not a specific group, hence with no particular group
people could not be singled out or stigmatized. "The idea was that a policy that favored everyone would make everyone willing to share the costs." (Boverket 2008: 12 )
2.2.5. 1991-2019
In 1991, there was a political shift in Sweden and the right-wing Moderate Party came to power with the neoliberal and public-choice influenced Prime Minister Carl Bildt in the front. Compared to previous rulers, the Moderate Party decided to take action fast and shifted the housing politics completely. The shift was done by shutting down the Ministry of Housing and significant parts of the existing housing policies. The underlying idea was that a housing market with more competition and more generous freedom of choice would create good grounds for people’s possibility to gain good housing for a reasonable cost. During the years the Moderate Party had power in Sweden they annulled three legislations with significant symbolic importance for the housing market. With the annulment, the municipalities did no longer have the responsibility to give financial housing assistance for their inhabitants, nor did the municipalities have a right to assign accommodation to people in need through private property owners. Lastly, the Tenant Organizations did no longer have any influence in the reconstruction of housing facilities (Bengtsson 2006: 139-141). The Social Democrats were back in governance already in 1994, although they did not strive to restore the earlier housing policies nor did they recreate the Ministry of Housing even though they had been against the annulments (Bengtsson 2006: 145).
Due to the changes that occurred in 1991 and the absence of restoring them, a housing shortage has characterized the rest of the 20th century, especially a shortage of small, cheap apartments requested by the population. As a result of the instability, landlords became more selective when picking tenants, and due to financial uncertainty, rents started to increase, and evictions became more frequent. This occurred at the same time as almost all shelters were closed down, and as a result, homelessness began to increase (Swärd 1998: 74-75). Sahlin (1996) has described this situation by using the term border control, where she describes that undesired tenants are excluded from the housing market through higher demand from the municipalities and landlords. This as a way of measuring who deserves housing by using the few emergency shelters as temporary waiting halls for possible tenants to show themselves worthy. At the same time, Sweden was characterized by high rates of unemployment, especially among young adults and individual with non-Swedish backgrounds, which made it even more difficult to access housing on the regular market. Due to the state’s significantly reduced role on the housing market during the 1990s NGOs such as Stadsmissionen
began to have more influence housing had to rely on charity rather than welfare (Swärd 1998: 74-75).
The years from 1991 and onwards are usually called the phase-out in Swedish housing politics and are characterized by two processes — first, the increased gap between rich and poor neighborhoods, specifically between city centers and suburbs, that resulted in increased social and ethnic segregation where some areas are labeled
vulnerable, due to high rates of unemployment and individuals with a non-Swedish
background (Bengtsson 2006: 146-148). Segregation was highly debated within the national politics at the time, e.g., in 1994, the Social Democratic Prime Minister Ingvar Carlsson declared that the Swedish society has to mobilize to increase a functional integration system (Carlsson 1994: 9). In 1996, the Social Democratic Prime Minister Göran Persson underlined that unemployment, segregation, and racism were the most alarming issues within the Swedish society (Persson 1996: 4). The second characteristic is the tension between exodus cities with empty accommodations, impaired service, and a bad economy, in contrast, to the strongly pressured housing market in expansive areas such as Stockholm city center (Bengtsson 2006: 146-148).
Despite these changes within housing politics, housing was seen as a social right, i.e., Prop. 1997/98:119 formulated; the residence is a social right, and the
housing politics should create a basis for everyone to live in good accommodations for a reasonable cost in a stimulating and safe environment within ecological and sustainable frames (Prop. 1997/98:119: 38). However, according to SOS, the numbers
of homeless individuals kept increasing in the 1990s, and in 2005 it was concluded that 17 800 individuals was living without permanent housing (Socialstyrelsen 2005: 28) and in 2011 the number had increased to 34 000 individuals (Socialstyrelsen 2011: 9).
In reports from 2018, it is presented that most of Sweden's municipalities’ still face problems with housing shortage and homelessness. The deficiency of residence, high demands to get lease contract, and expensive newly built apartments have contributed to that more individuals encounter difficulties gaining housing on the ordinary market. SOS indicates that in order to prevent individuals from remaining homeless and live in unsafe conditions, Sweden needs structured planning. Locally, municipalities collectively with external actors have to cooperate. Although, results from 2018 expose that only 19% of the Swedish municipalities have a current plan regarding diminishing homelessness and the excluding housing market (Socialstyrelsen 2018: 3). At the same time, the most recent survey conducted by SOS revealed that 32
398 individuals are currently homeless in Sweden (Socialstyrelsen 2017: 18).
2.3. The Definition of Homelessness and Statistics
SOS has conducted national surveys on the scope and characters of homelessness in 1993, 1999, 2005, 2011 and 2017. To make a direct comparison between the results is not possible due to several factors. Hence, the definition of homeless has changed throughout the years, especially since 2011. Also, as the investigations have been implemented differently, e.g., the mapping in 2017 was the first survey that offered electronic examinations through web links (Socialstyrelsen 2017: 14). In 2005, the definition of homelessness was divided into the four following categories:
1 A person dependent on emergency housing, shelter, on-call accommodation, or sleeps outside.
2 A person that is inscribed to either a correctional, treatment unit or assistant housing and is scheduled to move within the next three months after the survey was conducted and do not have a fixed housing situation before the discharge. 3 A person that is inscribed to either a treatment unit or assistant housing and is not
supposed to leave within the next three months but lacks a housing situation in case of future discharge.
4 A person that lives temporarily without a contract at a friend’s or family's house or has a temporary8 secondary contract and due to his/her situation has been in
contact with the reporting authority or the organization during the measurement time (Socialstyrelsen 2005: 50-51)
The new definitions that came in 2011 are similarly divided into four categories; (1)
Acute homelessness, and (2) Institution or assisted living are identical to the previous
definitions. Although, (3) Long-term living arrangements organized by the Social
Services and (4) Private short-term living arrangement are slightly different. Situation
(3) has a more accurate description of the housing situations that should be included in the survey, e.g., training apartments, and further, the survey only counts people that
have a set date to relocate or stays at the institution due to lack of other alternatives. Situation (4), consists of clarification that the secondary contracts that are supposed to be included in the survey have to be amongst private persons (Socialstyrelsen 2011: 19-20). Although it might not be possible to make direct comparisons between the surveys, the result provides an overview of the development of homelessness in Sweden during the past decades.
9
Important to notice, children under the age of 18 are not included in SOS’s surveys nor are young adults that live at home involuntarily, although the Swedish Union of Tenants have concluded that the housing shortages’ main effect is that it continuously becomes harder for young adults to obtain accommodations. In a survey conducted in 2017, The Swedish Union of Tenants concludes that 24,3% of all young adults between 20-27
9The amount of homeless individuals in Sweden between 1993-2017. Blue = total count, red = non-Swedish background, green = parents with children under 18 (SOU 2018:32: 135)
years are currently living at home and out of these, 81,8 % were doing so involuntary, which corresponds to 213 000 individuals. This result is a massive increase since the last survey conducted in 2015 that estimated that 70 000 young adults lived at home involuntary (Börjeson & Runfeldt 2017: 5).
10
Sweden has further encountered difficulties in the housing market and housing policies. The political changes that took place during the 1990s have resulted in reduced production of new apartments, increased overcrowding, closed housing agencies, growing segregation, and expansion of housing companies driven by profit. In the National Board of Housing, Building and Planning’s survey from 2017 it was found
that 255 of Sweden's 290 municipalities have issues with a housing shortage, this is 72 more municipalities than in the survey conducted two years earlier (SOU 2018:32: 138-139).
11
2.4. The State's Public Investigations
The State’s Public Investigations, throughout this thesis mentioned as SOUs, are investigations connected to the lawmaking process in Sweden. One of the Swedish Parliaments most essential tasks is to make decisions regarding legislation; hence,
11The figure presents completed apartments in newly built houses (red) compared to the population growth (blue) during 1993-2017 (SOU 2018:32: 139).
lawmaking helps the society transform and develop. Most often the government provides proposals concerning new legislation’s, called governmental bills, although members of Parliament can also present proposals regarding new legislation called non-governmental bills. Before the government presents a non-governmental bill to the Parliament, an investigation might be necessitated to examine various alternatives, in these cases, the government assigns an investigation that consists of one or several persons, experts, politicians or officials. The investigation then performs a proposal to the government in the form of a report, and these reports are then published in a series called SOUs (Sveriges Riksdag A). Throughout this section, seven SOUs on the topic of housing and homelessness are outlined.
2.4.1. SOU 1945:63
SOU 1945:63 is focused on a national strategy to restore the housing market following the Second World War, centered on two major issues. Firstly, solve the housing shortage and secondly to improve the general housing standard (SOU 1945:63). The investigation also concludes that the state should continue to be responsible for all financial funding to the reconstruction of the housing market; since an increased living standard is of crucial importance for the population. It is also stated that the state and not the municipalities should provide the responsibility of the financial burden in forms of loans, subventions, and other financial risks concerning the rebuilding of the housing market. The municipalities should instead be accountable for planning initiatives concerning the construction of houses and provide good living conditions for their inhabitants. The bigger municipalities additionally have a responsibility to create a plan regarding housing assistance and a financial strategy (SOU 1945:63: 573-574).
2.4.2. SOU 1967:1
SOU 1967:1 address that the matter of homelessness can cause damage to individual’s family life, health, working environment, and financial situation and additionally that injuries often increases with time (SOU 1967:1: 65-66). Further, it is declared that the municipalities should be responsible for the distribution of available accommodations within their geographical areas instead of governmental authorities. Hence, it seems
reasonable and natural as the practical activity regarding residential area has its roots in the municipalities. Moreover, it is stated that when there is a housing shortage, local housing agencies have to maintain arrangements concerning available apartments, e.g., form queue systems. Although exceptions must be made relying on urgency since the local housing agencies main task is to provide accommodations for the homeless in society. Important to notice, homeless individuals might not have the financial aid to accept newly built apartments, and therefore, the local housing agencies must strive to come up with other solutions. E.g., advise wealthy applicants to newly built accommodations and individuals with a limited economy to small cheap apartments, and further to arrange exchanges if the wealthy applicant holds cheap apartments more suited for less wealthy individuals (SOU 1967:1: 89).
2.4.3. SOU 1992:24
SOU 1992:24 has its focus on the financial-political perspective of the housing market, a well-operating housing market, housing for all, and the deregulation of the housing market. It is stated that a housing market with grounds in stability and predictability within the financial questions will provide good support for individual households. Moreover, that commercial space is needed on the market to grant freedom of choice for individuals. The housing market must be just that, a market, where the consumer is strong and where there is a balance between what is offered and requested. Further, it is addressed that consumers have not yet been able to make proper demands on producers due to existing housing policies and regulations. Therefore deregulation of existing functions such as subventions must be arranged. During the past decades, the housing market has been regulated by different policies and guidelines rather than individual requests which have resulted in unfavorable outcomes on both individual's finances and the state’s (SOU 1992:24: 13). The understanding is following that; decreased influence by the state on the housing market will open for increased creativity in the construction of new houses. Although it is also mentioned that no matter how balanced the housing market is, there is always a need for social assistance for weaker households to enable everyone good housing. The home is, after all, essential for children's opportunities in life and for parents’ opportunities to create a harmonic and safe family environment. The aim of the housing market is, therefore, to give everyone the possibility to good housing for a reasonable cost where the individual influences
his/her own housing situation (SOU 1992:24: 14). 2.4.4. SOU 1996:156
SOU 1996:156 address that housing politics is a central aspect of today's welfare system since a good living environment, and sound housing is of vital importance to a person's overall living standard. In good societies, children should have the possibility to grow up in stimulating and positive environments. Further, good housing is a right, especially held by children similar to the right they have to education (SOU 1996:156: 19). SOU 1996:156 describes the home as one of the most central pillars for an individual’s ability to live worthy and independent lives. Accordingly, housing policies main task is to solve the question of housing and assist individuals that cannot provide for themselves. Moreover, according to the Social Service Act, local authorities are essential components on the housing market, since they are obliged to provide support for people that find it challenging to be independent on the housing market. Furthermore, the municipalities must provide housing assistance to homeless individuals, and individuals threatened by evictions, hence for this category, the home can be seen as a way back or even the last connection to a "normal" life. It is also, declared that the responsibility of homeless individuals demands practical cooperation between housing companies, the Social Services, and the Enforcement Service (SOU 1996:156: 46-47). The issue of segregation is also addressed throughout SOU 1996:156, chapter 4 declared that segregation often reinforces class differences and limits individual’s equal opportunities in life, and therefore, efforts have to be made both locally and nationally to decrease the problem.
2.4.5. SOU 2001:95
SOU 2001:95 is centered around homelessness and the development of society's attitudes and efforts concerning homelessness amongst women and families. During the last part of the 1990s, homelessness had gotten increased attention as a social issue, and the public's perception of homeless individuals has to a large extent been shaped through individual meetings with homeless persons on the streets, along with media reportage. SOU 2001:95 concludes that homeless individuals on the streets often are perceived as confused and mentally ill with serious addiction problems. This picture is also often supported by media reportages and NGOs charity campaigns where homeless
people often are individualized and portrayed as social outcasts (SOU 2001:95: 27). In contrast to the individual perspective mentioned above, the structural perspective focuses on society and shortcomings in the welfare system. The Committee for Homelessness concludes in SOU 2001:95 that homelessness often is an outcome of a mix between individual and structural factors and therefore actions have to be directed towards both (SOU 2001:95: 28). SOU 2001:95 further includes a section about income differences that have kept on increasing during the 1990s and address that marginalized groups, e.g., individuals with a non-Swedish background encounter difficulties entering the job and housing market, and that segregation remains an issue (SOU 2001:95: 28). It is moreover stated that: Housing is a social right, and the housing politics should
create conditions for everyone to live in good accommodations to reasonable costs in a stimulating and safe environment within ecologically sustainable frames. The housing environment shall provide equal and worthy living conditions and especially promote a good environment for children to grow up in (SOU 2001:95: 58). Moreover, it is
declared that the municipalities have four central responsibilities concerning the housing market; (1) create good living environments for everyone (2) secure housing
support for individuals with special needs and in weak positions (3) take the overall responsibility regarding housing assistance (4) work towards integrated housing solutions (SOU 2001:95: 84).
2.4.6. SOU 2008:38
SOU 2008:38 suggest that the local housing agency's role concerning guidelines about rents should be revoked and that the legislation regarding how to set rents should change. It is more suggested that rents should be able to increase in neighborhoods with long housing queues and where the demand for rentals permanently exceeds the supply; moreover, it is suggested that rents in areas with low demand should be able to reduce. Nevertheless, to protect tenants, it is suggested that the maximum increase per year should not exceed 5% (SOU 2008:38: 25). As a consequence of these changes, it can be expected that rents in popular neighborhoods will increase and rents in unpopular neighborhoods will remain the same or be reduced. The vision is that better adaptation of rents to tenant's profits will contribute to a better functioning housing market with shorter queues, and increased production of rental apartments. Higher rents will further make it possible for the state to increase the amount that they give out in housing
allowance, and contribute to increased profit for the housing companies which in turn leads to increased government tax revenues (SOU 2008:38: 33). The investigation further mentions that the changes stated above probably will lead to increased segregation, since individuals with a limited economy, e.g., immigrants might not afford to live in popular neighborhoods. Although, these effects should not be excessive since the housing market already is, to a large extent, characterized by segregation, especially in the bigger cities. Also, since the question of segregation is a complex issue including many different factors. For example, many migrants tend to move to neighborhoods where people of their background live, and therefore segregation is not solely an outcome of class differences but also a question of individual’s free choice (SOU 2008:38: 536-537).
2.3.7. SOU 2018:32
SOU 2018:32 is focused on Social Services, the Social Service Act, and social sustainability with the individual in focus. SOU 2018:32 highlights that a preventative perspective that provides individuals with equal opportunities and rights is vital in relation to housing (SOU 2018:32). Throughout the paper, homelessness is discussed as a social problem that has to be analyzed from four different perspectives; (1) the
societal level with underlying factors in demographic patterns, city planning,
segregation, the housing market and socioeconomic conditions (2) the institutional
level with grounds in how the healthcare system is organized (3) the relational level
that is focused on relatives and networking possibilities or lack of possibilities to provide support and (4) the individual level that is connected to trigger factors such as separations, discharge from treatment institutions, or material poverty. It is also stated that these levels often intersect with each other and that efforts have to be made on all levels to enable a "solution" to homelessness and overcrowding (SOU 2018:32: 35). On the section regarding the relational level, it is addressed that homelessness impacts many more than just the homeless individual per se, children and other family members often end up in problematic situations as well (SOU 2018:32: 145).
3. THEORY
Throughout this section, the theories used in the analysis are outlined, divided into two categories. Section 3.1 outlining Esping-Andersen's theory of the Welfare State as a System of Stratification and section 3.2 focusing on Bengtsson two approaches to housing as a social right; a Selective Housing Policy and a Universal Housing Policy.
3.1. The Welfare State as a System of Stratification
Esping-Andersen (2013) defines Sweden as a Social Democratic welfare regime, also called a Scandinavian welfare Regime. The Social Democratic model is built on a
strategy of equality, socialism, justice, solidarity, and freedom. The two main arguments in favor for the Social Democratic model are first that workers require social resources, education, and health to be active socialist citizens and secondly that the socialist policy creates a precondition for financial profitability (Esping-Andersen 2013: 25-26). Until the Second World War, the Social Democratic welfare model was mainly centered on the rural class politics and benefits that attracted farmers. Therefore, farmers have had a significant role in the development of the welfare state in Nordic countries, this as the red-green alliance provided farm-price subsidies to individuals with full employment (Esping-Andersen 2013: 55). After the second world war, the welfare strategy transformation, and the main focus was directed towards the growing middle-class instead of farmers. Universal rights started to be considered more important, and public employment and social services started to expand. The new welfare that took form in new institutions and generous benefits helped shaped a middle class devoted to the ideas of Social Democracy (Esping-Andersen 2013: 56-57). Although the welfare state may grant income security and provide services, it is also true and has always been, that the welfare state is an order of social stratification. Welfare states are the fundamental systems in the structuring of social order and class. The organizational characteristics of the welfare state support and define the articulation of the division of class, social solidarity, and status differentiation (Esping-Andersen 1990: 55).
3.1.1. Stratification in Liberal Social Policy
Within liberalism, the focus is centered on freedom, individual liberty, healthy competitiveness, and equal opportunity along with a free market built on voluntarism and the ambition of entrepreneurialism. By withholding financial aid, or support the reduction of traditional practices of social security, and by denying to place nothing except the market in their position, the liberal state strived to give the cash nexus the hegemonic function in the regulation of economic and social life. The ground thought within classical liberalism was that the state had no reason for modifying the outcomes of stratification constructed within the free market since they were just, and mirrored motivation, adeptness, self-reliance, and efforts. Therefore, social policies were usually associated with unwanted stratification results such as elitism and paternalism and
complex dependency on the state. With no monopolies12 or with no state, classes would
not exist, just freely operating individuals, atomized possibly, but defiantly equal before the contract, the law, and the cash nexus. However, when the market was left unregulated to scale its members along with the free market the liberal state fast developed a category of market failures that became stigmatized, poor, and in need of social assistance (Esping-Andersen 1990: 61-62). Also, to apply the concept of liberal individualism within state policies were found to be complicated since the interest in identifying individuals need and only target the genuinely poor resulted in dualism and stigmatization. Therefore another approach is often used within the liberal system today13 relying on private insurance, bargained occupational welfare, and social
insurance, though this creates class dualism as well. The outcomes of these policies often provide a mix of dualism and individual self-responsibility with a privileged upper-class capable of obtaining their central welfare from the market, a middle-class relying on social insurance and a bottom class primarily dependent on stigmatized support (Esping-Andersen 1990: 64-65).
3.1.2. Stratification in Socialist Social Policy
Esping-Andersen explains the Social Democratic welfare logics by stating, "socialist reformism was always pursued with stratification outcomes in mind. For labor movements, it was the construction of solidarity that mattered" (Esping-Andersen 1990: 65). The significant will for social solidarity linked with the necessity to bring adequate elective support directed the Social Democrats towards proceeding politics that indicated universalism beyond class lines combining state policies with the idea of social rights (Scruggs & Allan 2008: 645). Scruggs and Allan claim that the systems of social stratification within social policies are most visible in the idea of the Swedish
people’s home originally aroused by the Social Democratic leader Per Albin Hansson
in the 1920s that declared that: "In a good home there prevails equality, thoughtfulness, cooperation, helpfulness. . . . [The] citizens' home . . . implies a breaking down of all social and economic barriers which now divide citizens between the privileged and the forgotten, the rulers and the dependent, the rich and poor." (Heclo & Madsen 1987:
12E.g. different working-class unions
157). Although this is a form of stratification, the principles in the people's home were, also, a form of popular universalism with the incorporation and extension of democratic rights (Esping-Andersen 1990: 67). The social policies at this time were mainly centered on the working-class interests, though this became a problem when the working class no longer held the majority of electoral votes. Therefore the Social Democratic politics needed a new angle to reach more people; this resulted in cross-class universalism, also called people's universalism. This shift was not merely based on increased vote-maximization, but it also seemed consistent with the current social structures and with the socialistic view on solidarity. In the process of modernization, the socialist universalism was put to a huge test, with the disappearing working class the social security had to be upgraded, to ensure that the growing middle-class would not turn towards the more liberal privet market systems, with other words the social policies had to match the middle-class standards. The Social Democrats in Sweden were the first party to implement the new middle-class universalism, for the ordinary worker, the outcome was a happening of upward fluidity. For the welfare state, the outcome was the incorporation of a large public majority wedded to its support (Esping-Andersen 1990: 67-69).
3.2 The Welfare State and Social Rights
Welfare states and social rights are often connected, and having rights are often considered as something that individuals are entitled to without having to pay for it. In democracies, this is often true, for example, the right to legal justice or the right to political vote does not cost anything, nor does the right to basic education and basic medical care in many countries. However, with such a description, the right to housing would not truly exist in any state, since individuals in principle universally are expected to pay for their accommodations. In the majority of the western countries, housing policies are best understood as the state administrating correctives to the national
housing market. To clarify, this indicates that market contracts work as the primary tool
for distributing accommodations and state interference functions as correctives determining the institutional and financial framework of those contracts (Bengtsson 2001: 256-257).
If the market is the primary distributive device of accommodations, the state then has two options for the assistance of the housing market and to increase conditions
for its inhabitants. The first is to designate housing to households that are incapable of providing for themselves in the general market and second is to operate in the functioning of the market to enable a better market where housing more effectively fulfills the needs of all households (Bengtsson 2001: 261). Bengtsson makes distinctions between the two approaches and calls the first one a Selective Housing
Policy and the second a Universal Housing Policy. Both the Selective Approach and
the Universal Approach views the market as the central distributive mechanism of accommodations, though they differ in the form of state interventions. The Selective
Approach separates the housing provision into two subgroups; (1) the Open Market,
and (2) the Protected Sector. In the Open Market, state intervention does not exist besides general regulation ensuring the right to freedom of exchange and ownership in a capitalistic market and the Protected Sector usually consists of clear housing stock with everybody needs testing, good regulation, and very selective subsidies. The necessity of the Protected Sector is to secure a minimum standard for the inhabitants’ housing situation. Due to this, it is reasonable to view the right to housing as confirmed by law, this as within the Selective system the right to housing indicates a legal safety net for people that find it difficult to cope in the housing market. Although, some people argue against any state intervention on the market and claim that just distribution only can be found as an outcome of an uninterrupted series of voluntary agreements of property owned by independent and free individuals (Bengtsson 2001: 262).
The Selective Approach mentioned above is usually connected to states such as the United States of America and England, and the Universal Approach explained beneath usually is what Sweden is categorized as. In contrast to the Selective Approach, the Universal does not believe in a Protected Sector but rather that all households; even the worse-off should be able to fulfill their accommodation needs in the general market. Moreover, the Universal Approach does not view the right to housing as a legal right, for example, in Sweden there is no specific rights act concerning housing in the same way as there are rights documents regarding social care, medical care or education. Rather than granting constitutional guarantees, the Universal Approach aims to support households in their status as market players and increase the individual households market control. In Sweden, this support has operated through subsidies and tenure legislation; however, in modern times not directed at specific households but rather within the general market (Bengtsson 2001: 263-264). Bengtsson connects the
rights, where Marshall breaks citizenship into three sections based on certain sets of rights. The first section has its ground in civil rights, the rights required for a person's freedom, e.g., the right to legal justice and the right to own property. The second section has its grounds in political rights, outlined by democracy. The third section has its grounds in social rights, in other words "the whole range from the right to a modicum of economic welfare and security to the right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live the life of a civilized being according to standards prevailing in the society" (Marshall 1964: 71-72). Marshall uses housing as an example to demonstrate the relation and differences between social rights and civil rights whereas he describes that civil rights are rights that the state has to provide in every individual case and social right are rights that the state should provide to the society as a whole. In the Universal
Housing Policy described by Bengtsson, the right to housing is seen as a social right,
designating that an adequate norm of housing is a necessary condition of the full membership of the society or community. Also, that housing as a social right needs to be understood as such that all individuals shall be able to resolve their situation through voluntary activities in the general market. With other words, the Universal Housing
Policy does not provide a legal right to go to court if the state fails to provide housing
but instead focuses on the citizens' position to provide for themselves in the general market (Bengtsson 2001: 264-245).
4. METHOD
4.1. Historical Method
Using a Historical Method within the social science context often means "using approaches associated with the discipline of history to build a better understanding of contemporary society" (Jacobs & Manzi 2017). Historians use various parts of evidence concerning the past to build a narrative regarding what happened and what form the evidence comes in can vary greatly from books, letters, newspapers to media such as television and websites. These kinds of evidence can be beneficial within the context of social science as well since a historical method might help increase the understanding
currently are. Moreover, it can help to demonstrate that claims or concepts that we usually see as self-evident, in fact, are socially constructed or historically contingent. Much research within the field of social science, including studies concerning housing, typically have a short section about the history as an introduction to the primary research to set out the circumstances of the research and present a chronology. However, to research in this manner is to assume that the facts of history are obvious and self-evident in contrast to the facts of the present society that is not, which is both arguable and contestable. A Historical Method, on the other hand, provides a deeper engagement and understanding. Also, the Historical Method assists in reaching the perspective of the present moment by looking at ideas, events, and developments that have created that specific moment or outcome. Historical Methods "can help us to answer questions about how things have come to be the way they are, and they can remind us that things have not always been this way—which can open up space for us to imagine how things could be different now" (Flanagan, & Jacobs 2018:10).
4.2. Document Analysis
Document Analysis is a well-organized method for evaluating or reviewing documents, both electronically and printed. Just like other scientific methods in qualitative studies, Document Analysis demands the material to be interpreted and examined to gain understanding, obtain meaning, and develop empirical information. Documents can be referred to as social facts, which are created, used, and shared in socially constructed ways (Bowen 2009: 27). Document Analysis can include a variety of documents; however, for this thesis, it is mainly used to investigate institutional material such as SOUs.
The method involves selecting, finding, assessing, and manufacturing data retrieved in documents and further to categorize the findings into fields of interest (Bowen 2009: 28). Documents can assist several purposes as a component of a study project (Bowen 2009: 29). E.g., documents provide a mechanism of tracing development and changes. When several drafts of a specific document are available, the researcher can examine and compare them to recognize the variations and similarities (Bowen 2009: 30). Institutional and organizational documents have been crucial in qualitative studies for many years due to its many advantages such as it is less time-consuming and more effective than other methods due to its selection of data
rather than a collection. It is reasonably easy to access documents especially since many documents are in the public domain and on the internet and further it is cost-effective since the data in documents already are gathered and only needs to be evaluated by the researcher. Though there are negative aspects of Document Analysis as well, such as the fact that all documents are produced for a reason, a reason that is not connected to your research project and therefore they might not provide complete answers to the research question (Bowen 2009: 31-32)
4.3 Choice of Method and Material
In this thesis, the Historical Method will assist the understanding of how the right to housing has occurred in Sweden and further how it has been expressed an articulated throughout the given time frame. The historical method will also help to understand how the situation has come to be the way it is today by studying ideas such as Myrdal and Myrdal's welfare logic, events such as political changes, and developments such as policy changes that have created specific moments or outcomes. The reason for the extended time frame is due to the importance of the development of the Social Democratic welfare state and its crucial role in studying the aim of this thesis. The decision to select 1903 as the starting year for this thesis was made relying on that the first attempt to form a national housing policy was enacted then.
Throughout this thesis, document analysis is used to analyze SOUs conducted between 1945-2018. The choice to examine SOUs and not governmental bills or non-governmental bills was made relying on two main reasons. First, there is a rather small amount of SOUs compared to governmental bills and non-governmental bills, which makes the research time-effective and suiting for this thesis time-frame. E.g., in 2018, 2938 non-governmental bills (Sveriges Riksdag B) and 185 governmental bills were handed into the Parliament (Regeringskansliet A) in contrast to the 89 SOUs that were conducted (Regeringskansliet B). Second, non-governmental bills can be handed in by any Member of Parliament and are therefore not connected to the government at the given time and were therefore not found of importance to analyze, since this thesis, solely focus on the Social Democrats and the Moderate Party. Moreover, SOUs provide very ingoing and reliable information, provided by experts within a specific field and are therefore reliable and good research material for a thesis of this kind. Moreover,
SOUs are fairly easy to access compared to other documents, since most SOUs have been digitalized.
Furthermore, in the finding of specific investigations, seven documents were chosen to analyze, it would have been interesting to include more investigations although this was not possible due to the word count and time limit for this thesis. The selection of specific SOUs was mainly based on the thesis topic; all SOUs addressing housing and homelessness was considered important. Although, due to the significant time frame, there were many documents available, and years of considerable importance for the Swedish housing market was singled out. The years were found to be of interest due to a variety of reasons, found in previous research used in this thesis Historical Background section such as political changes, policy reforms, development, or new initiatives. E.g., SOU 1945:63 was found to be of interest since the recommendations in it resulted in a new housing policy centered on solving the housing shortage and increase the overall living standard, and since public housing started to be a part of the general welfare around the same time. SOU 1967:1 was picked since many changes were happening on the housing market around this year, e.g., the Million
Program had just been initiated, and housing benefits had just been institutionalized.
SOU 1992:24 were chosen as it is carried out during the Moderate Parties first governance time in 50 years that shifted the housing politics completely with several deregulations. Furthermore, the SOUs were chosen to represent the political sides that have been in governance during the given time frame. SOU 1945:63, SOU 1967:1, SOU 1996:156, SOU 2001:95 and SOU 2018:32 were performed on the initiative from the Social Democrats and SOU 1996:156 and SOU 2001:95 were performed on the initiative from the Moderate Party. The reason why this thesis includes more SOUs initiated from the Social democrats than the Moderate Party is since they have been in governance for most of the given time. The purpose of picking several drafts of a specific document as the SOUs was made to trace the development of Swedish housing policies since many documents of the same type can assist in examining similarities and changes.
