A critical discourse analysis of public-private partnerships in education in Black Africa

(1)

Master’s Degree Studies in

International and Comparative Education

—————————————————

A critical discourse analysis of public-private partnerships in education in Black Africa

A case of basic education in Liberia

Habib Ssenyonjo August, 2020

Department of Education

(2)

2

Abstract

With many countries in Black Africa immersed in external debts and yet others grappling with effects of civil wars and pandemics, social services such as basic education and primary health care pose challenges to them. To mitigate such shortcomings in the region, innovative ways to provide basic education are sought by the private sector. To meet the goals of education for all, national governments fall short of alternatives which gives rise to options like low fee private schools (LFPSs). But these innovative ways which are basically home-grown have got foreign competitors who provide the same basic education services. This thesis does not address the element of competition; rather it explores latest global changes that affect almost all aspects of social life – particularly basic education. This thesis looks at the public-private partnerships (PPPs) in education with low fee private schools (LFPSs) as one of the

‘innovative’ ways of providing basic education; this has had an effect of having entire basic education systems contracted out by national governments in the region. With weak public service systems, how can Black Africa implement PPPs with LFPSs?

Using Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis – theory and method as well as operationalised space-times theory by Harvey (1990), this thesis probed PPPs with LFPSs in Liberia. The objectives were to understand the nature of educational reforms advocated in PPPs with LFPSs and to examine the kind of relationship between government and private sector service providers in PPPs with a view of locating the power within such relationships. Another objective was to probe how equitable and inclusive these basic education services provided by PPPs with LFPSs were. The study revealed that PPPs with LFPSs are implicated in denying access to the rural communities, limiting equitable and inclusive education to many social groups like the poor, girls and people with disabilities as well as seeming to undermine national and local governments due to power and ideology.

Key words: critical discourse analysis, Fairclough, LFPSs, PPPs, neoliberalism,

‘disaster capitalism’, Black Africa, basic education, structural adjustment programmes.

(3)

3

List of abbreviations

ACS American Colonisation Society CDA critical discourse analysis

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women

CIA Central Intelligence Agency

DAC Development Assistance Committee

DFID Department for International Development

EFA education for all

ESSP The Education and Sports Strategic Plan

EU The European Union

GDP gross domestic product GERs gross enrolment rates GOL Government of Liberia

GPE Global Partnership for Education

ICE International and Comparative Education IFC International Finance Corporation

IMF International Monetary Fund IOs International organisations

LEAP Liberian Education Advancement Programme LFPSs low fee private schools

MoE Ministry of Education

MoU Memorandum of Understanding

NGOs non-government organisations

NPM New Public Management

OECD The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development PPPs public-private partnerships

(7)

7

PRSPs poverty reduction strategy papers PSL Partnership Schools for Liberia

SABER Systems Approach to Better Education Results SAPs structural adjustment programmes

SDGs Sustainable Development Goals

UN The United Nations

UNESCO Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation

UNICEF United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund UPE universal primary education

US The United States

USAID United States Agency for International Development

(8)

8

List of tables

Table 1.1. Definition of four levels of progress in primary education 20 Table 1.2. Summary of themes under textual and discursive practice 90

List of figures

Figure 1.1. Extracting surpluses from abroad 18

Figure.1.2. The flow of tribute into the US 19

Figure 1.3. Growth in access to primary education in 45 Black African countries 20 Figure1.4. Gross enrollment ratios of primary education, rural versus urban 23 Figure1.5. Evolution of government budget and share allocated to education 28 Figure 1.6. Fairclough’s three dimensional model48

List of maps

Map 1.1. Duration of primary education cycles in Black Africa, by country 21

List of Appendix

Concept note 114

(9)

9

Acknowledgments

First, I would like to register my utmost appreciation to the Swedish Institute for funding my studies for these two years in Sweden. I am exceptionally grateful to my supervisor Susanne Kreitz-Sandberg, who has guided me at every stage in my writing. The long hours on Zoom and exhaustive feedback through text made a difference to my thesis. And to you my colleagues in the Study Buddies group – Alex, Bogi, Irene, Merel and Sofia, I must say that you have made my life amazingly comfortable in Stockholm. Alex and Merel, I appreciate the profound critical feedback to my work especially in summer. Sofia and Irene - you two ladies, I appreciate every bit of your support throughout the writing of this thesis. It is because of you, Study Buddies, that I did not miss Uganda and Black Africa that much! I would like to thank Husna, my teenage daughter back in Uganda for all the encouraging messages. I thank my Ugandan PhD student Innocent, for all the support, care and love during these two years in Stockholm. Last, I thank my angelic land lady, Agnieszka for the motherly care and for providing me a nice reading atmosphere.

(10)

10

Chapter One: Introduction

1.1 Educational dilemma

As a little boy in the 1980s, I would foot a total of sixteen kilometers to attend primary education in a government school in an urbanized district area in Central Uganda. Born to a poor family of a semi-illiterate father and an illiterate mother, I would make the daily trek together with the great many village children of similar backgrounds who attended other similar urban government primary schools. Without shoes nor back-packs and amid the 1981–86 civil war, we would excel in our weekly tests like our counterparts in the Capital City schools just as we would in the national terminal examinations – the Primary Leaving Examinations. I was part of those children determined to break the vicious circle of illiteracy and poverty through education. Now as a high school teacher in one of the top six schools in the nation, I have noticed over the years the shifting neoliberal time zones in my country. Today all the popular primary schools of the 1980s in the Capital City cannot send any child to my school. They just cannot compete with private schools in the current neoliberal time zone. And neither now can such children of my background back in the villages and elsewhere disentangle themselves from the social class in which they have been born; theirs is an immutable lower social class the current public education may not alter. Neither will they easily join any good secondary school nor attain university education as I did. And rarely will they get any chance I have got to attend one of the top 100 universities in the world. Such children are now part of the statistics of a destroyed public primary education system in the world today.

Many of them are part of the 254.4 million children, adolescents and youth at primary, lower and upper secondary levels respectively that were out of school globally in 2018. 97.5 million of this number were from Black Africa¹, 52 million of whom were females (The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation [UNESCO], 2019a) – and they were part of these statistics too. They are part of the UNESCO data of 32 million out-of-school primary age children living in Black Africa. They are part of the endless dismal statistics of the ever declining public education system. Black Africa’s problems come in tons; across this region, four million girls will never have chance of attending school as compared to 2 million boys. Of the 32 million children of ages between 6 and 11 in the region, 46 percent will start school at a later age but a fifth will remain entirely locked out of the formal schooling system (UNESCO, 2019b). The World Bank puts the out-of-school rates in the region at 24 percent for primary and lower secondary combined. Liberia and Niger have the highest out-of-school rates at 61 and 51 respectively (Bashir, Lockheed, Ninan &

Tan, 2018).

The preceding data are antithetical to the Post-2015 Sustainable Development Agenda, notably Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 4 and 5. Goal 4 enjoins countries to “[e]nsure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all” (UNESCO, 2019b).

By 2030, target 4.1 of this goal enjoins all countries to “ensure that all girls and boys complete free, equitable and quality primary and secondary education leading to relevant and effective learning outcomes” (UNESCO, 2019b, p.2). Goal 5 enjoins all countries to achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls; target 5(c) encourages states to “adopt and strengthen sound policies and enforceable legislation for the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of all women

1 In this thesis Black Africa refers to the 48 countries categorized as Sub-Saharan Africa by the World Bank.

Black Africa comprises those countries south of the Sahara; it does not include North Africa. This thesis avoids the use of Sub-Sahara Africa due to its negative connotations.

(11)

11

and girls at all levels.”² The universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 26 section (1) partly states: “[e]veryone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory” (United Nations [UN] Assembly, 1948). Yet the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child Article 28 section 1 (a) and (b) proclaim:

“[s]tate parties recognize the right of the child to education, and with a view to achieving this right progressively and on the basis of equal opportunity, they shall, in particular: (a) make primary education compulsory and available free to all; (b) encourage the development of different forms of secondary education, including general and vocational education, make them available and accessible to every child, and take appropriate measures such as the introduction of free education and offering financial assistance in case of need” (United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund [UNICEF], 1989).

To stress the importance of education, the International Covenant on the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Article 13 calls upon states to recognize everyone’s right to education. To realize this right, section 2 of this article instructs state parties to ensure that primary education is compulsory and available free to all children (Programme on Women’s Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 2015). To elevate the status of women, the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) Article 10 calls upon countries to have measures that eliminate discrimination against women and promote equal rights between either sex.

Section (f) of this article recommends for the reduction of female student drop-out rates and putting in place programmes that help girls and women who have left school prematurely (UN, 2014).

Notwithstanding the above conventions and articles therein, Black Africa still faces a plethora of educational problems related to access, equity, quality, attainment, equality and so forth. Blame is laid on national governments for the predicament in their respective education systems. The World Bank identifies gaps in quality basic education provision, financing, managing and supporting teachers and operation oversight (Bashir et al., 2018).

Be that as it may, there are issues about the most appropriate interventions to the dismal education situation in Black Africa. Most international organizations like the World Bank, the Department for International Development (DFID) and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) emphasise that the private sector should partner with national governments to improve public education yet it is a vital SDG. Their view is that governments in developing countries should not be main providers of education (Patrinos et al., 2009; Curtis, 2015);

this is very problematic given that education is a right and a public good. Private management of public is problematic both in the short and long run. The best option should be – in case of gaps in public education provision, donors and international agencies should provide funds and expertise to existing education systems. Investment in Public education, quality teacher training, robust education management systems and better accountability mechanisms should be the avenues to improve basic education services in the region (Mulbah &Johnson, 2019). This is because democratic accountability in public service delivery is simple by involving trade unions and ordinary people in the running of those services (Curtis, 2015).

The general consensus among donor communities today on the improvement of education in Black Africa is through the involvement of the private sector (Patrinos et al., 2009; Bous & Farr, 2019). The World Bank (Curtis, 2015) – the biggest funder of education on the globe supports this initiative. DFID’s education position too calls for the engagement of partnerships on public-private

2 https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal5

(12)

12

spectrum and the promotion of low fee private schools (LFPSs) in developing countries (Education International, 2009). But there is controversy about the involvement of the private sector in the provision of education services. High quality education that is publically provided and universally accessible is the foundation of a society that cherishes equality and shuns discrimination and oppression (Curtis, 2015). On the contrary, private education turns this basic need into a commodity governed by the market logic (Ball & Youdell, 2008; Curtis, 2015). In the long run, access and quality is dependent on the amount of money a person has; this leads to discrimination and oppression in the future (Curtis, 2015). Therefore privately managed basic education needs further inquiry as it could be implicated in undermining SDG 4; in the same vein international institutions under-funding public services could be an ideologically inspired conspiracy (Miller & Gerson, 2008) to promote private education.

This thesis explores the forces affecting basic education in Black Africa. Chiefly, the inquiry focuses on the latest global changes that affect almost all aspects of social life, in particular education. This is partly important due to the interconnectedness of global economies today. The inquiry also focuses on structural or institutional forces that directly and indirectly affect basic education in Black Africa. Some of the institutional forces in focus are those that promote public- private partnerships (PPPs) in education with low fee private schools (LFPSs). The incorporation of LFPSs in PPP frameworks is now being piloted and adopted in low income countries (Verger, Fontdevila, & Zancajo 2016). The international school chains involved in PPPs are also LFPSs that are providing private education services to rural, urban and semi-urban disadvantaged communities in Black Africa, but their services are wanting (Education International, 2009). As noted above, it is difficult to fully trust the private sector that it will do what is best; some will perform to their best, some will manipulate the good partnership relationship in a bid to get maximum profits with blatant disregard for the social costs and yet others will walk away when unpredictable problems emerge, passing on the cost to the public sector (Draxler, 2012). This thesis probes the nature of educational services provided under PPPs with LFPSs. The thesis probes whether under the PPPs model, the national governments in Black Africa, and Liberia in particular, have the capacity to ‘steer the boat’

and the private education service providers to ‘row the boat’.

Liberia is chosen as a case in this thesis as it is the first Black African country to privatize its basic education yet the biggest private providers contracted had not previously worked in that country. The purpose for selecting Liberia is therefore to fully understand their educational challenges that necessitated the reforms. Ugandan context is used to inform my case since the two countries have some similar past in education and political systems. The biggest private provider contracted by Liberia provides private basic education services in Uganda.

(13)

13

1.2 Aims and objectives

The aim of this thesis is to explore the kind of the proposed basic education services provided under PPPs with LFPSs, focusing on three documents: Concept note, Memorandum of Understanding and a press release by Bridge. It has the following objectives:

a) To understand the nature of educational reforms advocated in PPPs with LFPSs.

b) To identify the nature of the relationship between government and private sector bodies in PPPs and locate the power within these relationships.

c) To identify the equity and inclusiveness in the basic education services provided by PPPs with LFPSs.

To meet the above objectives, the following research questions have been formulated:

a) To what educational challenges are PPPs with LFPSs promising policy solutions in Liberia?

b) How are these challenges and solutions articulated in the documents?

c) What discourse is constructed about basic education in Liberia in the documents?

1.3 Significance to the field of international and comparative education

The aim of this thesis is to explore the kind of proposed basic education services provided under PPPs with LFPSs. Specifically this thesis attempts to understand the nature of educational reforms advocated in PPPs with LFPSs, probes the nature of the relationship between government and private sector bodies in PPPs and locate the power within these relationships, and attempts to identify the equity and inclusiveness in the basic education services provided by PPPs with LFPSs.

Whilst PPPs became a global phenomenon since late the 1980s (Linder, 1999) as policy reforms in governance in sectors like health and energy, they only featured greatly in the field of education in 2009 in a World Bank report The Role and Impact of PPPs in Education (Patrinos et al., 2009).

Moreover PPPs in education have not favoured low income countries owing to their low financial capacity (Robertson & Verger, 2012). This study explores PPPs in education in Black Africa specifically in the provision of basic primary education. However this global phenomenon is under researched in the context of Black Africa, especially where international LFPSs (international school chains) are contract schools with national governments. The only limited research is about international LFPSs as private schools. This thesis therefore intends find more insight about these schools in regard to nature of services they promise to deliver.

PPP is one of the avenues through which the global North and global South relate in terms of international development programmes, specifically in matters of power asymmetries (Menashy, 2020). Earlier the Washington consensus had caused a crisis in the South economies in the mid- 1990s as recipients of aid were not fully engaged in development projects. Therefore, through PPPs, the global North and South solidarity was envisaged to be strengthened (Menashy, 2020). PPPs in education are supported by OECD and Development Assistance Committee (DAC) members as well as other donors as a means of engaging recipients of aid in their projects. But equally vital is the fact that PPPs are about Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 17, also known as partnerships for the goals (Menashy, 2020). Menashy clarifies that goal 17 is a foundation of the 16 goals. This calls for solidarity as a starting point in which all the 16 goals are implemented, especially in developing

(14)

14

countries. Generally this goal seeks to globally strengthen the means of implementation and revitalise global partnership for sustainable development³. In the field of education, all the 16 goals can be achieved if free equitable quality education is provided. Specifically quality education (Goal 4) and gender equality (Goal 5) as well as reduced inequalities (Goal 10) may be achieved by providing holistic education. An educated population can avert hunger (Goal 2) and reduce poverty (Goal 1) by making use of the attained skills from schooling. Issues of access to quality education for the marginalized groups relate to poverty reduction (Goal 1) as income increases with the level of education⁴.

The revitalization of all SDGs as Goal 17 tasks all countries is a good step, but one not without its own problems. Neoliberal educational reforms are implicated in undermining Goal 4, especially in the process of prioritising private education, yet PPPs are a measure to limit any injustices as envisaged by DAC. Inequalities in educational access and attainment may have a negative spiral effect on SDGs 1, 2, 5, 10 and 17. An uneducated population is susceptible to hunger, poverty, gender inequalities, increased inequalities and Goal 17 may have no effect in achieving unity in SDG implementation and let alone strengthening the global North and South solidarity envisaged by DAC. How can all these Goals be achieved through PPP with LFPSs in Black Africa? What avenues are available to ensure the SDGs are part and parcel of PPP with LFPSs in this region?

Since education assistance is one of the major fields in which development aid is channeled, then this inquiry is significant to the field of ICE.

The study is also relevant to ICE as it focuses on aspects of education and society, specifically educational finance and management options (Bray, Adamson & Mason, 2007). This thesis focuses on how national governments contract private providers of education with a claim to have value for money in education. The governments also share the responsibility of supervising the provision of those educational services. In short this inquiry is relevant to the field of ICE as PPPs in education majorly focus on finances and management of schools. My first research question probes the kind of educational challenges and solutions that are articulated in documents to improve primary education in Black Africa.

This inquiry is significant to the field of ICE in as far as comparison at national level is concerned (geographical level) (Bray et al., 2007). Through earlier research and material analysis, displays of educational achievements and challenges in Black African countries are visible. This may be a good step as forces that shape educational systems and processes (Marhall, 2014) within Black African settings can be appreciated and some lessons emulated in the improvement of education systems.

1.4 Limitations

The government of Liberia has many private providers of basic education services under Partnership Schools for Liberia (PSL), now Liberian Education Advancement Programme (LEAP).

This study used data from three documents. Although these documents have plenty of information, they are related to only one private provider of basic educational services in Liberia. It is difficult to confirm or deny, for example that the contractual agreement between the government of Liberia and Bridge International is similar to other providers as they belong to one programme – PSL, now

3 https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal17

4 https://blogs.worldbank.org/education/strong-link-between-education-and-earnings

(15)

15

LEAP. This study therefore may be denied some vital information in other documents somewhere that are not accessible.

Another limitation of the study is that the methods used to analyze data are highly language based. Given the fact that I am not a native speaker of English, some information may be perceived differently. To minimize this problem, I try to be reflective in the process of analysis. I also use a method of analysis which is very comprehensive. This is Fairclough’s three dimensional model which I complement with additional analytical tool, Harvey’s textual analysis of space-times (operationalised by Fairclough). This inquiry is not an empirical one; it is highly theoretical and it may not reflect any changes of reality in the field. The inquiry relies on public documents. However the documents are comprehensive and therefore provide ample information. Lastly, this inquiry does not look at text production and consumption as required by CDA. I follow Fairclough’s practice of not sociologically examining ways in which texts are produced and interpreted (Jorgensen &Phillips, 2002). As a normal practice by Fairclough, the analysis will commence from a linguistic angle in concrete texts. The last limitation of this thesis is the kind of limited research on PPPs with LFPSs in Black Africa, which slightly affected scope of this thesis.

1.5 Structure of the study

This thesis is divided into eight chapters. Chapter one is general introduction about education in Black Africa, aims and objectives as well as the significance of the inquiry. Chapter two gives a background of Black Africa in terms to its economic standing and its place in relation to the global forces that shape the political economy in which it is constituted. The chapter briefly highlights background information about the nature of education Black Africa cherished and how it evolved with colonial education. The chapter cites the current trends in basic education in the region and specifies current developments in some three countries before giving a brief contextual background of Liberia where material for the study is picked. It also gives the context of Uganda to inform the thesis about education in the region. This background information is key to fully comprehend the nature of basic education terrain in which educational reforms are being introduced. Chapter three provides earlier research on PPPs in education in Black Africa and similar low income regions elsewhere. The chapter also provides insight about LFPSs in the same region. Chapter four outlines concepts and theories used in this inquiry. It describes neoliberalism, ‘disaster capitalism’, PPPs and LFPSs. The key theories of space and time as well as CDA are described in this chapter. Chapter five comprises all the methodological considerations of the thesis. One of the aspects in the chapter is CDA as theory and its methodological signposts as well as techniques. The methodological approach this paper uses is the three dimensional model by Fairclough. The thesis integrates this model with space-times as a discursive device adopted from Harvey’s theory of space and time.

Chapter six comprises the analysis and results. Chapter seven develops the results into a broader discussion, relating them to earlier research on PPPs with LFPSs. Chapter 8 concludes the inquiry with ideas for future research. It is important to note that although research (a) to (c) are in that order, in practice the analysis will be reversed, with question (a) being discussed last in chapter 7 under social practice and questions (b) and ( c) first in chapter six. In CDA, research questions are formulated bearing in mind that discourses are socially embedded.

(16)

16

Chapter Two: Background

This chapter therefore displays the educational terrain of Black Africa on which PPPs in education are destined to operate. The first sub-section synopses the ethos of the people of Black Africa, linking their indigenous concept of education to the Western one. The second sub-section recounts how independent Black African states underwent an economic crisis that plunged them into an international politico-economic regime in which they have been entangled for decades. The third sub-section is a description of the contemporary state of basic education in Black Africa. The fourth sub-section concisely pinpoints at the progress and /or setbacks of three countries in basic education hinted on in the third section. The fifth section is about the context of Liberia, the case study. The sub-section also presents Uganda, a country that will inform my thesis in relation to my case study.

2.1 Evolution of education in Black African

Black Africans cherish the values of collectivism as opposed to individualism. They cherish the public good, as opposed to individualistic dispositions. Before the commencement of colonialism, studies show formal and informal education was rife in Africa in which knowledge was transmitted to the young generation (Ezeanya-Esiobu, 2019). Ezeanya-Esiobu notes that education was conducted, not in isolation but involved a collection of individuals such age grades. Education stressed physical and metaphysical realities. Society demanded parents, nuclear and extended family members to be well socialized, and the primary responsibility of achieving that fell on the shoulders of the head of the family. Traditional education in Africa relied heavily on community efforts .The high regard attached to education gives rise to the most popular saying that goes: “It takes a village to raise a child” (Ezeanya-Esiobu, 2019, p.22). By extension, it takes an entire nation to raise a child.

This ensured that even children born to very poor parents could surmount their economic disadvantage by being taught by both the rich and the poor alike. It is from this background that Black African states have been providing formal education as a public good to all categories of children, no matter their background. Sadly, this collectivism of the public spirit is systematically and methodically being destroyed by the Western individualism (individual agency) that stems from individual freedom that is central to the Western liberal tradition (Hickel, 2014). This is manifested through educational reforms.

2.2 The Black Africa debt crisis of the 1970s and its aftermath

Making sound interventions aimed at improving the education system of a country cannot be divorced from its economic standing. The first major step should focus on the country’s economic stability notably its resources – both natural and human, trade and so forth. Black Africa’s economic

(17)

17

status is linked to the global economic power houses. Black African countries constitute the world and they are constituted by the world in the sense that whatever happens at one point of the globe affects other parts in terms of economy or world politics. These occurrences may be natural such as climatic changes or socially engineered changes. Examples are cases global capitalism orchestrated by global structural systems such the World Bank, World Trade Organisation and a plethora of international organizations

Before 1973, New York investment banks had surplus funds being recycled within the US financial establishments. Other funds were invested in oil and telecommunication within US, Europe and Latin America (Harvey, 2005). Harvey notes that in 1973 these banks focused on international lending of capital to foreign governments. This required liberalization of international credit which the US government promoted and supported. During the 1970s, developing countries were hungry for credit and were encouraged to borrow heavily from New York investment banks. The author notes that these loans were designated in US dollars and any rise in US interest rates would push vulnerable countries into default, thereby exposing these banks to losses. Hickel (2014) contends that this is what really happened; that lending resulted into Third World debt crisis in the 1970s and early 1980s. To correct the situation that had wrecked the stability of Wall Street banks, the US Treasury and International Monetary Fund (IMF) decided to roll over the debt but in return for neoliberal reforms (Harvey, 2005).

Indebted countries were required to cut welfare spending on health, education and so forth and implement privatisation and have flexible labour laws (Harvey, 2005). This arrangement is referred to as structural adjustment programmes (SAPs). Hickel argues that during the 1960s and 1970s, per capita income in Black Africa grew at a modest 1.6%, but after the enforcement of SAPs it began to fall at the rate of 0.7% per year; poverty almost doubled in in Black Africa in the 1980s. Economist Robert Pollin asserts that poor countries lost $480 billion per year in gross domestic product (GDP) as result of being coerced to relinquish “the protectionist policies that they used to relatively good effect in the first decades following decolonization” (Hickel, 2014, p.1354). One of the IMF senior economists that designed SAPs for Latin America and Black Africa in the eighties by the name of Davison Budhoo did admit at one time that "everything we did from 1983 onward was based on our new sense of mission to have the south 'privatised' or die” (Klein, 2014, p.164). This created an ignominious economic bedlam especially in Black Africa.

It must be noted that before SAPs, Wall Street lending banks would be liable by law to suffer losses for bad investment decisions but at the onset of the neoliberal era, borrowers were forced by international powers to pay the debt notwithstanding the consequences for the livelihood and wellbeing of the local population (Harvey, 2005). The major effect was to allow owners of capital in the US to extract high rates of return from the rest of the World, including Black Africa. As a result, the economic elite or upper class in the US and elsewhere in the global North became very rich through international flows and structural adjustment practices. (See figures: 1.1 and 1.2).

This is how Black Africa was open to the international monetary regime of free trade characterized by deregulation, direct foreign investment, labour mobility and all ‘virtues’ of the neoliberal market. This has various effects. Black Africa succumbs to a net loss of 58 billion dollars per year. Honest Accounts calculates money outflows into the region and compares it to the resources that flow in each year. Research shows that Black Africa loses, among other resources, 46.3 billion dollars in profits by multinational corporations, 35.3 billion dollars in illicit financial flows facilitated by the global network of tax havens, 21 billion dollars in debt payments - quite

(18)

18

often following irresponsible loans and 6 billion dollars due to migration of skilled workers from the region (Sharples et al., 2014). According to Global Financial Integrity, multinational corporations are stealing 48.2 billion dollars through trade mis-invoicing (Curtis & Jones, 2017).

Yet with all these resources and potential to develop, Black Africa still faces multiple problems. At the same time, the global North advances economic models that fuel poverty and inequality in all aspects of social life (Curtis & Jones, 2017). Education in the region is one of the spheres affected negatively by economic models from the West. Educational privatization for instance is a driver of social inequities in a region already grappling with other social problems such as disaster and civil strife.

From 1980s the education sector has been under the influence of neoliberalism that favours the market logic (Murphy, 2018). In developing countries, neoliberalism has influenced policy in direction of privatization of schools and cutbacks in teachers’ job security (Murphy, 2018). In this case international organizations like the World Bank and the Organisation for Economic Co- operation and Development (OECD ) trade regulations push developing countries to adopt structures such as PPPs and accommodate international LFPSs (Robertson, 2011, cited in Murphy, 2018). The cardinal goal in this case is to influence educational systems in the region to meet the needs of multinational business interests – notably profit making (Murphy, 2018) at the expense of the local populace.

Cast in the tempest of neoliberal capitalism, Black Africa is now vulnerable to all forms of economic, political, ideological and social manipulation. Global forces now determine the destiny of Black Africa. Public-private partnerships in education is one of such global forces

Fig. 1.1. Extracting surpluses from abroad: rates of return on foreign and domestic investments in the US, 1960–2002 (Harvey, 2005, p.30)

(19)

19

Fig.1.2. The flow of tribute into the US: profits and capital income

from the rest of the world in relation to domestic profits (Harvey, 2005, p.30)

2.3 Education in Black Africa today

This section is based on the 2018 World Bank report Facing Forward: Schooling for Learning in Africa. It provides insight about the state of basic education in Black Africa. This thesis draws on this report to illuminate two major issues: children enrolment and factors affecting access to basic education in Black Africa. These issues are very important as educational reforms in education in Black Africa partly rotate on access and enrolment. This report therefore may inform my thesis in the direction whether PPP in education relying on LFPSs is the best option to solve issues of access and learning outcomes.

This report shows that since the 1990 Jomtien conference (education for all) and the Dakar 2000 World Education Forum, various education systems in Black Africa have flourished; tens of millions first generation pupils have enrolled in primary grades (Bashir et al., 2018). Between 1990 and 2013, enrolment in primary schools soared from 63 million to 152 million. The net enrolment increased dramatically from a regional average of 54 percent in 1999 to 78 percent in 2013 (Bashir et al., 2018). The pace of access to primary education differed according to individual countries. For example, just 20 percent of the girls who should have been in the final year of primary education in Ethiopia, Togo and Mozambique in 1990 were enrolled in that grade. In year 2015 the percentage share had grown to 45 percent in Mozambique, 53 percent in Ethiopia and 79 percent in Togo (Bashir et al., 2018). To this effect, this report categories Black Africa into four different groups of countries according to their primary gross enrolment rates (GERs), the percentage of primary school age children that are not in school and rate of retention of children from grade one to six. In the following figure, all percentages exceeding 100 suggests that there are overage pupils in those grade levels; the excess numbers beyond reflect such pupils.

(20)

20

Figure 1.3. Growth in access to primary education in 45 Black African countries, by Group, 2000–2013 (Bashir et al., 2018, p.10).

The four categories are described as Established (Group One), Emerged (Group 2), Emerging (Group 3) and Delayed (Group 4) in the table below. The Established (Group 1) shows that in 2000 the GERs were high and close to 100 percent around 2013; the out-of-school rates of primary school age children are low; and the rates of primary retention are nearly 100 percent in 2013. The Emerged (Group 2) shows the GERs are high in 2000 and equally high by around 2013; the out-of-school rates for children of primary age children are low and the rates of retention at primary are low in 2013. The Emerging (Group 3) shows the GERs are low in 2000 and high around 2013; the out-of- school rates for primary school age children are high and the rates of retention are low in 2013. In Delayed (Group 4) the GERs are low in 2000 and around 2013; the out-of-school rates for primary school age children are low around 2013

Table 1.1. Definition of four levels of progress in primary education across Black African countries, 2000–

2013 (Bashir et al., 2018, p.11).

(21)

21

Most countries in Black Africa have their primary education lasting six years. However the duration is seven years in ten countries, eight in six countries and five in three countries as shown in the following map. In terms of age, most countries expect pupils to be enrolled in primary by age seven. In 36 countries, the enrolment age is six and in one, the age should be five.

Map 1.1. Duration of primary education cycles in Black Africa, by country (Bashir et al., 2018, p.12).

In terms of retention rates (not shown in figure 1.3), the report shows different groups exhibit diverse patterns. In Group 1 (Established) the rates are high; they range from 80—100 percent which shows more established education systems in which children remain in school - illustrated by high GERs and low out-of-school rates. In Group 2 (Emerged) most children are in school, illustrated by relatively low out-of-school rates. However the retention rates are relatively lower than Group 1 at about 80 percent. Countries like Uganda, Rwanda and Malawi have a lot lower retention rates which portrays inefficiencies in their education systems. Group 3 (Emerging) shows that many children are out of school, with some countries retaining less than 50 percent of children. In Group 4 (Delayed) many children are out of school, but rates of retention vary; 80 - 85 percent rates of retention are noticeable in Burkina Faso and Sudan whereas fragile and conflict-prone states like Chad, Eritrea, Liberia and Equatorial Guinea the rates are less than 60 percent.

(22)

22

The second issue this report addresses is universal access to education in terms of equity. To attain full universal education equity is a vital aspect since poor children, rural children and girls may disproportionately be impacted by limited access to education (Bashir, et al., 2018).

Socioeconomic status, gender, disability or ethnic origin should not be impediments to achieve education. There should be certainty that basic minimum standard of education to everyone is in place - that is to read, write and performing simple arithmetic (Bashir et al., 2018). The report urges that any educational programmes in Black Africa should ensure that access to education is implemented in rural areas since more than 62 percent of the region’s population lives there. In Group 4 countries for example, only about 50 percent of primary school age children in rural areas are enrolled, yet almost 100 percent of those in urban areas are enrolled in school. The following figure shows rural and urban enrolment according to groups. In the following figure, all percentages exceeding 100 suggest that there are overage pupils in those groups levels; the excess numbers beyond reflect such pupils.

(23)

23

Figure1.4. Gross enrollment ratios of primary education, rural versus urban location, in Black African countries by group (Bashir et al., 2018, p.173).

In terms of gender parity, almost all countries in Groups 1 to 3 have achieved gender parity in primary education, with group 4 still lagging back (Bashir et al., 2018). The report shows that generally, two thirds of Black Africa have a gender parity index of 0.95 or above in primary education. In the same vein, disparities in access to primary schooling based on income exist in Black Africa, but are more pronounced in French–speaking states like Senegal, Benin and Mali.

Countries that have achieved universal access to primary education do not show any differences in access by wealth status

In conclusion, this report frames the current educational terrain in Black Africa. If PPPs in education are preferred educational reforms, can they improve learning outcomes as opposed to strengthening existing national educational structures? In the following section, three countries –

(24)

24

two from Group 1 and one from Group 3 are described, highlighting their input in providing basic education. This section is important as it helps to illustrate that some countries have viable solutions to extending access to education that is equitable; it also shines torch on some that lack commitment to the same cause.

2.4 A concise amplification of basic education in three countries

The aim of this thesis is to find out what educational challenges national governments in Black Africa need to solve through PPPs and how international LFPSs can offer viable solutions in such partnerships. This section therefore helps to inform my thesis whether educational reforms through PPPs is the best option or Black African countries can emulate others in the region to improve their basic education.

Mestry, DU Plessis and Shanubi (2017) conducted research about access to public education in South Africa, Zimbabwe and Nigeria. Their study gave an overview of basic education provision from colonial to post-colonial era. The access to education in this study was explained in reference to universal primary education (UPE) and education for all (EFA) of the 2015 millennium development goals (MDGs). In South Africa, public funding for the promotion of educational access is done at national and provincial levels. At the national level, the study showed that parliament allocates the highest amount of money to the education sector to increase access to schooling and develop infrastructure. The study shows no-fee schools were introduced in 2007 and in 2016, at least 60% of the schools did not charge fees. At the provincial level, the study reveals that the Provincial Education Department allocates 90% of their budget to pay salaries of educators, non-educators and department officials. The provincial departments also allocate resources keenly focusing on equity and social justice in public education to create greater access to the children. The study shows there is a pro-poor funding policy in education ministry where schools in quintile 1,2, and 3 are non-fee schools, serving the poor communities. The policy states that schools in quintile 1 and 2 should receive seven times more funding than quintile 4 and 5 (the rich schools). The study reveals the wealthiest 20% of schools in any province received 5% while the poorest received 35% of the resources. In the same order, the three quintiles receive 15%, 20% and 25% of the resources. The study reveals that no-fee schools provide access to a great many children from poor communities.

The study illustrates that South Africa achieved the goal of UPE before 2015.

In Zimbabwe, access to basic education is problematic. In an attempt to reach MDGs by 2015, the government provided per capita and tuition grants. Rural schools receive 45% of the vote, followed by high density suburbs (low income areas) at 30% and high income areas schools receive 25%. The study reveals that without donor funds, education in the country was destined to deteriorate much further. The study also reveals that dependency on donor money and failure by government to fund public education as well as user-fees or tuition had prevented the country from achieving MDGs of UPE and EFA.

In Nigeria the study reveals that access to basic education is limited by funding. Nigerian public schools face many problems such as limited number of classrooms and other infrastructural facilities. The country’s inequality by socioeconomic status affects basic education, with poor areas finding it hard to provide basic education to all children. This is due to user fees levied in non-public schools as well as poor facilities in public schools. In summary, this research shows that South Africa, to some degree, has been able to offer UPE and EFA due to its high commitment to funding

(25)

25

public education whereas Nigeria and Zimbabwe are grappling with problems of limited funding of basic education due to economic and budgetary constraints.

2.5 Context

This section provides a broad overview about Liberia from which data for analysis is drawn.

The section predominantly focuses on the historical background of the country and its basic education provision. The section also presents Uganda’s context. Its historical and educational background is vital in informing my thesis in relation to my case study and the broader global education industry.

2.5.1. Liberia

Liberia was founded in 1822 as a settlement country for freed Black American slaves; the American Colonization Society (ACS) established this country which became a republic in 1847 (Offutt-Chaney, 2019). Between the period 1820 and 1860 the ACS facilitated emigration of over 11,000 African Americans to Liberia (Schiller, 2011, as cited in Offutt-Chaney, 2019). Liberia is located in Western Africa, bordering the North Atlantic Ocean between Ivory Coast and Sierra Leon. It has a population of 5,073,296 people, more than half of whom live in urban areas. English is the official language and the national literacy rate of Liberians of 15 years and above is 48.3 percent (CIA, 2020a). However, the country is a multilingual society as there are over sixteen indigenous ethnic groups. The biggest group is Kpelle in Central and Western Liberia (World Bank, 2016).

Liberia is a low income country that runs a deficit budget; it relies on foreign assistance and remittances from the diaspora to stabilize its economy (CIA, 2020a). Liberia is a post-conflict country. In 1979 Samuel Doe led a coup d’état which set forth almost three decades of civil war and general chaos. Political sanity resurfaced in 2003 when a transition to democracy was initiated (World Bank, 2016).

In terms of education, the 2019/2020 projection on education expenditure in the country was 15 percent of the national budget, which is 4.02 percent of education expenditure as percentage of the gross national product (GDP). With the above budget it is not possible to provide free universal quality basic education in the medium term; 20-30 percent in recurrent expenditure is needed (World Bank, 2016). The 2014-15 budget share was 11 percent on early childhood education (ECE) and 40 percent on primary education. Females, the poor and rural populations are less likely to read and write than their male, rich and urban counterparts (World Bank, 2016).

Liberia Education Sector Analysis, a report by World Bank and Global Partnership for Education shows that some children in Liberia are prone to exclusion as opposed to others; poor food security, extreme poverty, poor health or disability all contribute to cases of vulnerable situations. Other disadvantageous variables in Liberia are being a girl child, having rural status and being in a household where a head is illiterate; all these are associated with some children being more susceptible to exclusion from education than others.

The report reveals that basic education provision is a challenge; in 2015 only 59 percent reached grade 9. There are four categories of primary schools in Liberia. The government schools are operated and financed by the government of Liberia. In Monrovia, the Monrovia Consolidated School System oversees management and operation of government primary schools. The next

(26)

26

category are private schools that are created and operated by secular groups or individuals with no support from the public sector or national government. The third category is the Mission schools that have been existing since 1800s. These schools are operated by institutions with religious connections such as Methodist, Catholic, Islamic faith and so forth. Funds are generated from tuition and other fees by parents. However, many receive support from religious organisations. The last category are community schools; these are established and operated by local communities and are normally located in rural and remote areas. They are established with the hope that government would take over their finance and management. Private schools in Liberia account for over 50% enrolment of basic education pupils. In short, this is a brief overview of the country where data is drawn. Since 2016, Liberia has developed a policy of contracting out its public schools to LFPSs in a phased manner. One of the schools in the partnership is Bridge

2.5.2. Uganda

Uganda was under British imperial rule and in 1962, it gained independence. Prior to colonial rule, the country was composed of different political systems of kingdoms and chiefdoms (CIA, 2020b). The 1971 coup d'état saw Idi Amin rule Uganda under a military dictatorship until he was deposed in 1979. The I980-1985 period in Uganda was characterized by a guerilla civil war that brought the present day President, who has ruled the country since 1986 (CIA, 2020b). Uganda is a landlocked country located in East Africa, west of Kenya and east of Democratic Republic of Congo. The country has fertile soils and a population of 43,252,966 people; English is the official language but there are many indigenous languages from different ethnic groups. Uganda has a rapidly growing population; the literacy rate is 76.5 percent. Majority of the labour force of 71 percent is involved in agriculture (CIA, 2020b).

Uganda’s pre-primary education is exclusively private, paid for by parents and guardians;

however this education is governed by an Education Act of 2008. The age of enrolment is 2-5 years (Begue-Aguado, Byamugisha & Muhwana, 2020). Universal primary education (UPE) was introduced in 1997 but little attention was paid to quality and equity (Ssebaggala, 2015). Ssebaggala (2015) notes that the number of primary school children tripled from 2.6 million in 1997 to 7.6 million in 2004. Ssebaggala’s analysis shows the rapid increase compromised quality issues as there were limited classrooms, few trained teachers and stagnant low salaries. The conversion of previously good schools into UPE schools caused a vacuum in quality education provision. Limited staff to carry out inspection of primary schools led to deteriorating conditions in UPE schools. Ghost teachers and pupils are not uncommon occurrences in such schools. UPE schools are associated with poor performance. This led to shrewd investors to start private schools, having noticed that keen parents had started avoiding UPE schools (Ssebaggala, 2015). To ‘support’ UPE, the government provides capitation grants to UPE schools to pay for indirect expenses. These grants are fixed at Uganda shillings 10,000 (2.7 US dollars) per pupil per year (Begue-Aguado et al., 2020). Since the introduction of UPE, private fee-paying primary schools are part of a fastest growing service industry in Uganda (Ssebaggala, 2015). Such spaces brought about by poor funding are exploited by international school chains like Bridge to set up business in slums and urban centres. Disparities are not uncommon in terms of access; literacy rates in the capital city Kampala are 30-40 points higher than in the poorest regions in rural areas. The private sector now composes 100 percent of pre- primary enrolment and 20.8 percent of primary education (Begue-Aguado et al., 2020).

(27)

27

The author of this thesis is Ugandan; he was born and raised in that country from where he completed three levels of education. Uganda’s primary schools are divided into two categories – private and government schools. The latter are either government-aided or government schools.

Government-aided schools are missionary-founded schools or religious founded but aided by the government in terms of teachers’ salaries and other available grants. The founding bodies of such schools have a say in management and may reject any principal posted in those schools. Purely government schools have no religious connections and are purely day schools fully managed by the government. Government-aided schools are mainly mixed (co-educational). Government-aided boarding schools majorly rely on user fees from parents; they are all religious-founded schools.

Purely government day primary schools rely on capitation grants from government. On the other hand, there are private primary schools. These are either day or boarding, yet others are day and boarding schools. Some are religious founded and others are purely secular. Some schools run a dual curriculum, like those of Islamic faith – teaching the national curriculum and the theological curriculum. Private schools are both in rural and urban centres and cater for all types of parents, from low income to high income clients. Some primary private schools charge tuition higher than that for university. Except for government-aided boarding schools, there is no government school that can rival private schools in learning outcomes. Therefore, rich parents prefer private or government-aided boarding schools, but the latter are very few and competitive.

In terms of equity, the Ministry of Education and Sports has very few interventions for the 38 percent of vulnerable children in Uganda; this vulnerability is by age, social class, location, disability and limited income (Begue-Aguado et al., 2020). The Independent assessment (appraisal) report on the education and sports sector strategic plan 2017-2020 commissioned by the Department for International Development (DFID) shows there are 2.5 million children that live with some form of disability and majority do not have access to education but the Education and Sports Strategic Plan (ESSP) 2017-2020 does not include special needs education as a vital issue, not even as a subsector (Begue-Aguado et al., 2020). As a result there are very limited resources allocated to education to cater for vulnerable children in primary schools. It is not a surprise therefore that the budget for general education has been reducing over years notwithstanding the continuous economic growth in Uganda as seen below.

(28)

28

Figure1.5. Evolution of government budget and share allocated to education (2011-2017) (Begue-Aguado, Byamugisha & Muhwana, 2020, p. 11).

In conclusion, Uganda’s pre-and primary education is highly stratified due to neglect by national government that has stifled its expansion. This chapter has highlighted the context of Black Africa, a region that is undertaking many educational reforms such as PPPs with LFPSs. The next chapter is about earlier research so that a clear understanding of PPPs with LFPSs is put in perspective.

(29)

29

Chapter Three: Earlier research

This chapter on earlier research is a narrative review; its purpose is to generate more understanding on PPPs with LFPSs in general (Bryman, 2012), and specifically highlight the Black African context in which this arrangement operates. I used Stockholm University database to search for the articles.

However due to limited research done on PPPs with LFPSs in Black Africa , there were few relevant articles I could get.

This chapter provides earlier research about PPPs in education in Black Africa and similar low income regions elsewhere. The chapter also provides overview about LFPSs in the same region.

This thesis focuses on PPPs in education in which LFPSs are contract schools. However, due to limited research about LFPSs as contract schools in the region, the LFPSs in section (3.2.) are like other private schools providing private services. Therefore LFPSs in (3.2) are not contract schools under PPP with national governments. The information presented in (3.2.) however helps to inform my thesis about such schools that national governments in the region are set to contract under a PPP arrangement to provide basic education. Before presenting the two sub-sections of this earlier research, it is important to motivate this thesis with a concise brief about basic education in Black Africa by Lewin (2009).

Lewin (2009) analysed access to basic education in Black Africa. He used data from 44 countries from the region. His research focused not merely on enrolment rates but also on attendance, achievement, progression and completion at suitable ages. Though this research also focused on basic education at secondary, it informs my thesis as it included results on basic primary cycle. The study examined patterns of access overtime. In general the study reveals that despite the high gross enrolment rates (GERs) and net enrolment rates (NERs) in many countries in the region, the major increase has been the persistent over enrolment in the lower grades. It shows that attrition was very high and the massive enrolment at lower grades through EFA was not reflected at higher grades. In terms of patterns of participation by household income, the study relied on data got from the Demographic and Health Survey. Supposing these data sets were separated into the richest 20 percent and the poorest 40 percent, the study revealed that children that belonged to the wealthiest 20 percent of households in Black Africa had on average more than six times the opportunity of reaching Grade 9 as opposed to the poorest 40 percent of households. Overall this study showed that patterns of access in education in Black Africa were not always those anticipated by EFA. The study showed household income is a very powerful factor of progression to Grade 9 and beyond. This implies poorer households have more of their children drop out of school before completing the primary cycle. This study is crucial as policy makers ought to emphasis on increasing access to the most vulnerable groups in society. As PPPs with LFPSs are spreading in Black Africa, this equity dimension should be a factor to consider. My thesis only relates to this study as far as income disparities are concerned in the provision of basic education in Black Africa.

(30)

30

3.1. Public-private partnership in education in developing countries

PPPs came to be known the 1970s when the US federal government used them as a tool to stimulate private investment in inner-city infrastructure development, and their record in that decade is mixed (Linder, 1999). PPP in education is a new trend in Black Africa promoted by donors and the World Bank (Klees, 2008; Ball, 2012). Be as it may, there is limited research on PPPs in education in Africa (Ssenyonjo, 2020). The first article majorly draws on research made on PPPs in high income countries. Verger and Moschetti (2017) explore PPPs at basic education level majorly focusing on their risks and challenges. Their paper is a review that examines specific implementations of PPPs in education. They note how PPPs in education adopt neoliberal market logic in the education systems. The authors explore issues of equity and accountability frequently cited in support of PPPs. The study strictly focuses on PPPs in the delivery of educational services – that is schooling rather than other services like infrastructure development. In practical terms, the authors aver, PPPs could breed complex organisational structures that may fail to meet a ‘balance’;

public-private organisational structure entails cardinal tension between public accountability and commercial preference. This article reveals that the first major publication about PPPs in education focusing on low and middle income countries appeared in 2009 as a World Bank report to address policy solutions on access and quality issues that many education systems were grappling with.

World Bank’s conceptualization of PPPs ranges from co-existence of public and private schools to complete, or total private sector takeover through voucher system – where funding follows the students. The authors note that there are challenges with PPPs in education such as accountability issues. This includes among other things students’ admissions and teacher training. Monitoring and enforcing good performance by national governments demands a strong regulatory and management capability – which is lacking in many countries. In practical terms, balanced risk and responsibility sharing is not attained by both the state and the private partners as the former have a duty of providing goods and services like education as a social and human right. Should a partnership fail, the authors contend, the state grapples with its own unmet goals and responsibilities. This article addresses issues of learning outcomes and equity goals. The authors observe that existing literature in support of PPPs in education in promoting expanded access, improved quality and equity as well as educational innovation is questionable. They contend existing academic evidence suggests not quite clear results across those dimensions. They conclude that PPPs in education generally replicate the long-standing privatization interventions marketed since 1980s. They advise that countries looking forward to adopting PPPs in their education systems should look for other alternatives to improve schooling. They state that multi-stakeholder partnerships for capacity building are a viable option as they do not undermine the core principles of public education and future developments of educational systems. This article is crucial to my thesis. It cites issues of oversight by national governments over private providers given their limited personnel. In Black Africa, this oversight may be a major problem given the effects of SAPs that force governments to have a skeletal work force. With limited funding to the public sector, PPPs with LFPSs may not be appropriate in Black Africa as such private providers could exploit the gaps in the education systems in a bid to gain profit.

Aslam, Rawal and Saeed (2017) conducted probably the biggest study about PPPs in education on developing countries. Their study is a rigorous review of evidence of 22 studies from Africa, Asia and Latin America. This study looked at three key types of PPPs in education – subsidies to non- state providers, voucher schemes and contract schools. About studies on contract schools done in Pakistan and Colombia using quantitative methods, evidence is inconclusive as to whether such

A critical discourse analysis of public-private partnerships in education in Black Africa

A critical discourse analysis of public-private partnerships in education in Black Africa

A case of basic education in Liberia

Abstract

Table of Contents

List of abbreviations

List of tables

List of figures

List of maps

List of Appendix

Acknowledgments

Chapter One: Introduction

1.1 Educational dilemma

1.2 Aims and objectives

1.3 Significance to the field of international and comparative education

1.4 Limitations

1.5 Structure of the study

Chapter Two: Background

2.1 Evolution of education in Black African

2.2 The Black Africa debt crisis of the 1970s and its aftermath

2.3 Education in Black Africa today

2.4 A concise amplification of basic education in three countries

2.5 Context

Chapter Three: Earlier research

3.1. Public-private partnership in education in developing countries