Reindeer husbandry and Wind Power
Discourses surrounding the construction of IKEA’s wind park on Glötsvålen and its local effect on reindeer husbandry
Adam Augustsson
Environmental Science Bachelor thesis
15 hp VT – 2021
Supervisors: Johanna Nygren Spanne & Felicia Folkeryd
Abstract
The exploitation of land in Northern Sweden has caused a significant depletion of grazing grounds for semi-domesticated reindeer. This is a threat to the indigenous Sami reindeer herders of Sweden, who rely on the grazing ground in order to sustainably feed their herds. In the last decade, a significant amount of grazing land has been lost due to the construction of wind power parks (WPP) in important grazing regions. This thesis examines the discourse surrounding a WPP built in Härjedalen for IKEA. The WPP was built on Glötesvålen, a unique highland used for grazing by Mittådalen, a local herding community. Through a dissection of electronic sources and semi-structured interviews, the author conducts a discourse analysis to identify the most prevalent narratives surrounding the construction of IKEA’s WPP on Glötesvålen. An inductive approach is used to identify underlying ideologies present in the discourse through a relevant theoretical framework. The results show a pervasive enthusiasm for the WPP as a pivot towards renewable energy which mirrors the ideology of ecological modernization. The results also find a critical narrative which lifts the uneven power dynamic experienced by reindeer herders. This narrative is understood through the lens of Spivak’s (2010) “Can the Subaltern Speak?”. An additional discourse found is the symbolic issue between industrial ecological transitioning and the right to reindeer husbandry as a cultural heritage.
Key words: reindeer husbandry, sapmi, wind power, ecological modernization, discourse,
renewable energy, climate change, lichen, Spivak, IKEA, OX2
Sammanfattning
Exploateringen av mark i norra Sverige har orsakat en betydande förlust av betesmarker för renskötare. Detta hotar den svensk-samiska rennäringen, som förlitar sig på betesmarken för att hållbart mata sina hjordar. Under det senaste decenniet har en betydande mängd betesmark gått förlorad på grund av den ökande mängden vindkraftsparker (WPP) på, eller intill
renbetesmarker. Denna avhandling undersöker diskursen kring en WPP byggd i Härjedalen för IKEA. WPP byggdes på Glötesvålen, ett låg-fjäll som tidigare haft strategiskt viktiga
betesmarker för samebyn Mittådalen. Genom en dissektion av elektroniska källor och halvstrukturerade intervjuer genomför författaren en diskursanalys för att identifiera de
vanligaste narrativen om IKEAs vindkraftpark på Glötesvålen. En induktiv metod används för att identifiera underliggande ideologier som finns i diskursen genom ett relevant teoretisk ramverk.
Resultaten visar en genomgripande entusiasm för vindkraft som ett steg mot förnybar energi.
Detta narrativ speglar ideologin för ekologisk modernisering. Resultaten hittar också ett kritisk narrativ som lyfter den ojämna maktdynamiken som renskötarna upplever. Detta förstås genom Spivaks (2010) "Kan den underordnade tala?". Ytterligare en diskurs som upptäcks är
symbolfrågan mellan industriell ekologisk omställning och bevarandet av renskötseln som kulturarv.
Nyckelord: rennäring, sapmi, vind energi, ekologisk modernisering, diskurs, förnybar energi,
klimatförändringar, lav, Spivak, IKEA, OX2
List of definitions and abbreviations
Agenda 2030 – Global sustainable development goals drafted by the UN General Assembly
(2015)
EM – Ecological modernization
Energimyndigheten – The Swedish Energy Agency works on behalf of the Swedish Government towards securing Sweden’s energy demand through research and funding for renewable
investments (Energimyndigheten, 2021)
Herding community – A community and organizational structure from which the locally
coordinated efforts of individual reindeer herders are planned and organized (Sámediggi, 2021) Miljööverdomstolen – Sweden’s Supreme Environmental Court is the highest court for legal disputes regarding environment, water and sanitation (SverigesDomstolar, 2020)
Mittådalen – A herding community situated in the municipality of Härjedalen, Jämtland (Sámediggi, 2020a)
Natursvårdsverket – The Swedish Environmental Agency works on behalf of the Swedish Government in securing the environmental quality objectives set for Sweden (Naturvårdsverket, 2020)
Renewable Energy – As opposed to energy secured through finite resources which can be
depleted or emit greenhouse gases, renewable energy comes from natural resources which are constantly replenished and do not cause harm to the atmosphere (NRDC, 2018)
Sámi – An indigenous group from Northern Scandinavia and Russia (Lundmark, 1998)
Sápmi – Area historically occupied by Sámi and stretching between the northern half of Sweden, Norway, Finland and the Russian Kola Peninsula (Sámediggi, 2020b)
Time immemorial – In the context of this paper, is the right of a group to use land, based on the
continuous use of that land since beyond record or memory (Skogsstyrelsen, 2020)
WP – Wind power WPP – Wind power park
Table of Contents
List of definitions and abbreviations... 3
1.0 Introduction ... 6
1.1 Aim ...7
1.1.1 Research questions ... 7
2.0 Background ... 8
2.1 Background on reindeer ...8
2.1.1 Time immemorial and the Härjedalen trial ... 8
2.1.2 Reindeer herders and the Swedish State ... 9
2.2 The transition to renewable energy ... 10
2.2.1 WPP and Reindeer ... 10
3.0 Theoretical framework ... 11
3.1 Neoliberalism and Ecological Modernization (EM) Theory ... 11
3.2 ‘Can the Subaltern Speak?’ ... 12
4.0 Method ... 13
4.1 Method theory - Discourse as ideology ... 13
4.2 Selection ... 13
4.2.1 Literature review ... 13
4.2.2 Interviews ... 14
4.3 Execution and Analysis ... 15
4.3.1 Literature review ... 15
4.3.2 Interviews ... 15
4.4 Considering the translated word ... 16
5.0 Results ... 17
5.1 Informants ... 17
5.2 EM and technical optimism ... 18
5.3 The Subaltern Speaks ... 19
5.4 Sustainable company... 22
5.5 Transition to renewable energy or social land rights ... 24
5. 6 Summary ... 25
6.0 Discussion and Conclusion ... 27
6.1 Discussion of results ... 27
6.2 Discussion of method ... 28
6.3 Conclusion ... 29
7.0 References ... 30
7.1 Background references ... 30 7.2 Literature review ... 34 7.3 Informants ... 35
1.0 Introduction
Reindeer husbandry in Sweden is a cultural tradition of the indigenous Sami people of the northern hemisphere (Norstedt et al., 2014). Most of the Sami population reside in Sápmi, an area that covers four national borders, Northern parts of Sweden, Finland, Norway and the Kola peninsula in Russia (Lundmark, 1998).
While the majority of Sami indigenous people have other occupations, reindeer husbandry is maintained as a cultural way of life by a subset of the Sami population. This tradition is recognized internationally by the United Nations (UN, 2015) as well as by the
Swedish Constitution (SFS 1971:437). While derived from nomadism, the tradition is maintained today through a modernized industry (Abrahamsson et al., 2013). The constitution (SFS
1971:437), recognizes reindeer herders right to grazing land in Sápmi. In Sweden this grazing area covers roughly 50% of the land surface and is divided into 51 sami communities (Axelsson- Linkowski et al., 2020). Sami communities are herding districts from which the organization and management of reindeer herding is managed locally through coordinated efforts (Sámediggi, 2021). Despite the constitution’s recognition of reindeer herders right to land, this law does not necessarily protect grazing areas from other exploits (Össbo & Lantto, 2011). Many reindeer herders in Sweden face an ongoing struggle in their access to grazing ground and their right to maintain their cultural tradition. This struggle is often against ventures made by forestry, mining and more recently wind power (Skarin et al., 2014).
The boom in wind power is part of a global ambition to phase out fossil fuels through renewable energy. With rising pressure on countries to combat climate change, large investments are being made to lead the transition towards renewable energy (Nässlund, 2020). In Sweden over 1,013 wind power parks have been built with another 1,696 approved for construction (Skarin et al., 2018). While the looming threat of climate change is causing an outcry for a departure from “business as usual”, the worlds energy demands is not showing any sign of decreasing (Zhou et al., 2020). This consequent immediate and pressing demand for renewable energy lends itself to the reliable and relatively cheap technology of wind turbines. In Sweden, the majority of wind power parks (WPP) are being built in Sápmi (Berard, 2021). While there are still a lot of knowledge gaps regarding how WPP’s affect reindeer and other species, many studies have shown them to have perilous implications for reindeer herding (Strand et al., 2018).
WPP projects in Sápmi can therefore create conflicts of interests (VindRen, 2010).
One such conflict occurred in Härjedalen, Jämtland where the wind company OX2 built an extensive WPP for IKEA on the unique highland of Glötesvålen. The application to build on Glötesvålen was contested by many parties, including the herding community of Mittådalen. By 2010 the conflict had made its way to the Swedish Supreme Environmental Court
(Miljööverdomstolen, 2010), who decided in favor of OX2. The 30 turbine WPP was inaugurated in 2015 and handed over to IKEA, making them energy self-sufficient in Northern Europe
(Leijman, 2015). Mittådalen, who had appealed over fear of losing important grazing land, were forced to adapt to the situation without any financial compensation (Zachrisson, 2021). This thesis will examine the discourses surrounding the WPP on Glötesvålen.
1.1 Aim
The aim of this thesis is to identify the prevalent narratives that actively shaped the discourse surrounding OX2's construction of the WP on Glötesvålen in Jämtland, Sweden. The main narratives will be studied through a discourse analysis in a literature review. This thesis will also explore the context of these narratives and analyze them further through qualitative interviews.
The analysis is carried out using two inductively chosen theoretical frameworks, Hajer’s (1995) description of Ecological modernization (EM) and Spivak’s (2010) “Can the Subaltern Speak?”.
1.1.1 Research questions
What are the main narratives presented in the discourse surrounding the WP in Glötesvålen and
to what degree can they be understood using EM theory and “Can the Subaltern Speak?”
2.0 Background
2.1 Background on reindeer
Reindeer are semi-domesticated animals that rely on being able to travel between different biotopes in order to graze (Grönvall & Löf, 2020). Reindeer in Swedish Sápmi have evolved to subsist on the flora provided by the open mountain range in the summers and lichen from the forest during winter (Inga & Danell, 2012). Surviving on lichen during the winter is a recurrent bottleneck for reindeer herders across Sápmi (Horstkotte et al., 2016; Uboni et al., 2020).
According to some estimates there has been over a 70% decline in the area of lichen rich forest in the last sixty years (Axelsson-Linkowski et al., 2020). With the pressure to maintain herd size, this entails that herders need to do more with less, forcing new methods and additional feeding with pellets and fodder (Uboni et al., 2020). Being able to access different grazing grounds ensures that reindeer can subsist on lichen each year without exhausting the same reserves (Axelsson-Linkowski et al., 2020). Rotating frequently also ensures a more sustainable system, where the same lichen rich areas are not exhausted every season. Another important element which necessitates access to multiple winter grazing grounds are the effects of climate change (Naess, 2013; Sámediggi, 2016a). Warmer temperatures can cause lichen to be trapped under compacted snow and be inaccessible (Axelsson-Linkowski et al., 2020). Loss of habitat means less ability to rotate and can occur from areas becoming inhospitable to reindeer from nearby human activity, light or noise (Strand et al., 2018). One such disturbance is wind energy and the rising number of WP’s that are becoming increasingly common in Sápmi (VindRen, 2010).
2.1.1 Time immemorial and the Härjedalen trial
Reindeer herders legal right to grazing land is based on time immemorial (SFS 1971:437). This
entails that their right to grazing areas for their animals is based on their historical continuous use
of the land (Sámediggi, 2016b). The concept of time immemorial is complicated because it
cannot always be strengthened through the standards of evidence that the majority society
demands (UN, 2009). Furthermore, it relies on a critical perspective of history which directly
challenges the homogenous notions and norms of majority society (Löf, 2016). This became
evident in Härjedalen when a large number of private landowners came together to demand
exclusive rights to their land (Borchert, 2001). While the herding communities argued they had
right to graze based in time immemorial, the court demanded evidence of their continuous use of the land. This demand for proof ignores the historic subjugation of Sami and the subsequent disregard for reindeer herding in historic source material (Rumar, 2017). Furthermore, it fails to recognize that reindeer herders haven’t historically kept written documentation. Nonetheless, the court ruled that reindeer herders did not have a right to the private lands, and where thus forced to pay for using it (Salvesen, 2017). This decision opened up for additional exploitation plans in Härjedalen (Värjö, 2021).
2.1.2 Reindeer herders and the Swedish State
While herders view their work as meaningful, many witness accounts express sentiments of being devalued by Swedish society (Daerga et al., 2012; Kaiser et al., 2013; Sjölander, 2011).
This may have various implications, from not seeking out healthcare for fear of being
misunderstood, to not taking advantage of other social services due to an inherent distrust rooted in the colonial governance of the state (Ahlm et al., 2010; Löf, 2016). Another factor which may cause reindeer husbandry to be devalued by society is its low profitability in comparison to other industries (Bostedt & Lundgren, 2010; Widmark, 2019). Bostedt & Lundgren (2019) challenge this bottom-line view, claiming that the cultural heritage of the husbandry tradition should have an inherent value that motivates greater efforts for its preservation.
When reviewed by the UN committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
(CERD, 2018), Sweden received critique for their failure to secure the rights of Sami indigenous
people. Among the areas of concerns brought up was the issue of retrieving proper consent for
exploitation projects occurring in Sápmi, “The committee is concerned at…the insufficient
legislation to fully guarantee the right to free prior and informed consent, while natural resource
extraction, industrial and development projects continue […]” (CERD, 2018:4). This report has
been criticized within Sweden. A speaker for the conservative political party Moderaterna, called
the criticisms of CERD “post-colonial nonsense” (CRD, 2018). Such rhetoric illustrates that the
view of Sámi people in general as a colonized indigenous people is still not recognized by many
people in Swedish society (Löf, 2016). Another criticism which Sweden meets recurrently is
regarding their failure to ratify the International Labor Organizations (ILO) convention 169
(UNA Sweden, 2020). Ratifying this convention would strengthen the Sámi’s position as an
indigenous people and help secure their rights in civil society.
2.2 The transition to renewable energy
Wind power (WP) is one of the fastest growing forms of energy production globally, which can be attributed to it being one of the most-cost effective forms of renewable energy
(Naturskyddsföreningen, 2020). Clean and affordable energy is a main goal of the UN’s Agenda 2030 goals for sustainable development (UN General Assembly, 2015). In Sweden, there has been a political commitment to increase the production of renewable energy with ambitious goals to make 50% of energy renewably sourced by 2020 (SverigesMiljömål, n.d.). These targets went beyond the collective EU goals of 20 percent by 2020 (Energimyndigheten, 2020a). While wind energy still constitutes a small amount of the total energy production, there has been an explosive expansion of WP from 2010 (Nässlund, 2020). The transition to renewables by sectors previously reliant on fossil fuels is causing the demand to continuously expand
(Energimyndigheten, 2020b).
2.2.1 WPP and Reindeer
There is currently a growing body of knowledge regarding WP and reindeer (Strand et al., 2018).
Recent studies have shown that the presence of wind turbines can cause reindeer to avoid
important grazing and calving areas due to stress from noise or visual disturbances (Strand et al., 2018; Skarin et al., 2018). While the construction of WPP’s causes an increase in human activity, there is evidence to suggest that WPP’s cause more disturbance when in operation (Skarin &
Åhman, 2014; Strand et al., 2018). These disturbances can cause reindeer to avoid nearby passages and lichen reserves, rendering those areas unusable despite not being directly exploited (Skarin et al., 2015).
While Sweden does hold a rigorous process for exploitation which must include an
environmental impact assessment (EIA), the cumulative effects of an industrialized landscape is
significantly impacting reindeer husbandry in many parts of Sápmi (VindRen, 2010). In some
regions, there has been a stigmatization of herding communities that go against exploitation
efforts by the local municipalities (VindRen, 2010: 26). Due to their geographical location and
dependence on the land, reindeer herders are heavily affected by climate change (Furberg et al.,
2011). However, studies have also shown exploitation ventures in Sápmi to be a larger obstacle
to the adaptive capacity of reindeer herders than the effects of climate change (Buchanan et al.,
2016).
3.0 Theoretical framework
3.1 Neoliberalism and Ecological Modernization (EM) Theory
Neoliberalism as a political mechanism has been given many definitions since the word was first introduced (Saad-Filho & Johnston, 2005). It is often defined as the political economic theory championing market mechanisms and privatized leadership (Harvey, 2007). Neoliberalism has been segmented as the dominant hegemon in contemporary environmental politics (Humphreys, 2009). Critics of market-based approaches towards renewable transitioning argue that it is impossible to achieve ecological sustainability as long as the economic stability rests on exponential growth (Connelly et al., 2012).
In contrast, proponents of “free market environmentalism” (Connelly et al., 2012: 64) argue that environmental degradation is the result of undefined property rights and a lack of market mechanisms. In this more market friendly interpretation of sustainable development, a concept which is close to follow is EM (Connelly et al., 2012). EM is defined by Hajer (1995: 25) as
“[…] the discourse that recognizes the structural character of the environmental problematique
but non the less assumes the existing political, economic, and social institutions can internalize
the care for the environment”. While green environmental ideology stems from criticism of the
status-quo in businesses and political governance, EM goes against these assumptions (Connelly
et al., 2012). EM champions business innovation and market mechanisms to drive the change
towards a green future. Central to this rethinking is the phasing out of “end-pipe” technology and
fossil fuels towards renewable energy sources. Rather than aiming to lower societies energy use,
EM promises a green transition without needing to compromise with the way of life that has
been created (Ewing, 2017). This approach has been criticized for ignoring the social disparity
prevalent in the current system (Hajer, 1995). With a lack of critical upheaval and reevaluation
of the disparities in ownership and access to resources, Hajer (1995) argues, EM will not achieve
equal prosperity for all humans. More ecologically focused criticism draws from Malthusian
notions of a limited good and argues that despite investments in renewable energy and
sustainable material, limited goods remain incompatible with an exponential market demand
(Connelly et al., 2012, Ewing, 2017).
3.2 ‘Can the Subaltern Speak?’
In ‘Can the Subaltern Speak’, originally published 1988, Spivak (2010) presents a critique of positivist imperialism. Spivak (2010) states that networks of power, desire and interest are so heterogenous that they cannot be properly traced through a single narrative – rather it requires a persistent critique. Spivak (2010) also makes the point that intellectuals must attempt to know the discourse of the othered. With othered, Spivak (2010) means groups which are not
represented in the majority society.
Spivak (2010: 26-27) argues that positivism negates a critical perspective, thereby
legitimizing the hegemonic status of capitalism. Spivak (2010: 27) critiques the “valorization” of the subject without critical reflection, or “counter hegemonic ideological production”. Such discourse, she argues, allows for a justification of “advanced colonial capitalism” (Spivak, 2010).
To simplify this sentiment, without critical discourse the “subject” or “other” risks not being heard as members of majority society uncritically accept the hegemonic narrative of imperialism (Spivak, 2010: 27). A way to understand this is that members belonging to a society will carry the values and norms of that society without critical reflection, if not actively invoked to do so.
Positivism plays into this by promising a scientifically objective narrative which allows majority
society to ignore counternarratives (Spivak, 2010). This can be illustrated through the use of
economic narratives. In reference to Marx, Spivak (2010: 21) writes” …the mode of production
narrative is so efficient because it is constructed in terms of the most efficient and abstract
coding of value, the economic”. This “coding of value” essentially entails a narrative which
desensitizes us through rationalism. This, Spivak (2010) argues, illustrates the need for proper
representation of the other, as the lack of visibility paves the way for a positivist mindset which
uncritically accepts the path of exploitative expansion. In this thesis, Spivak (2010) and Hajer
(1995) were selected for their perceived applicability in understanding the underlying ideologies
present in the discourse surrounding Glötesvålen.
4.0 Method
4.1 Method theory - Discourse as ideology
This research conducts a critical discourse analysis connected to ideologies. According to Gill (2000), discourse is a form of action, in which the author aims to impose their version of reality through a rhetorically organized line of reasoning. This presents itself through how the author attempts to align the reader with their epistemic view of a certain event through language.
Humphreys (2009) draws a distinction between discourse as an ideology and discourse as knowledge. Ideological discourse can entail two different forms, descriptive and prescriptive.
Descriptive ideology entails a narrative description, often with an inferred criticism (Humphreys, 2009). Meanwhile, the prescriptive part is presented as the solution to the problem. When
referring to ideology henceforth, it will be done in reference to Humphreys (2009). EMT (Hajer, 1995) and “Can the Subaltern Speak?” (Spivak, 2010) will thus be considered as forms of ideological discourse, as they are reflected in the results. These theories were chosen inductively (Bryman, 2008: 27-29) in the course of the research based on their usefulness in understanding the themes presented through the narratives.
In critical discourse analysis, discourse is studied through the background of social constructions (Bryman, 483-485), allowing the researcher to study relations of power and knowledge within the use of language. Humphreys (2009) acknowledges relativisms role in shaping different forms of discourse in that epistemically varied narratives can still gain momentum as ideologies. In the results, the variations in discourse will be compared without attempting to find an objective truth. Rather the aim will be to understand the discourses and connect them to ideologies using the theoretical framework.
4.2 Selection
4.2.1 Literature review
The articles selected for the literature review were acquired through a purposeful sampling approach (Eriksson Barajas et al., 2013: 137) with Google as a search engine. The motivation for using Google (n.d.) was to acquire a variety of source types that reflected a variance in opinions.
This method was considered appropriate seeing as how the aim of the research was not to
accumulate scientific knowledge, but rather to enrich the understanding of discourse within a
specific area (Bryman, 2008: 112).
The search was conducted on the 19
thof April 2021. The search words “Glötesvålen” and
“Rennäring” [reindeer husbandry] were Google searched. This search yielded 4 580 results. The first 20 search results were selected and examined. A second search was conducted with the words “Glötesvålen” and “IKEA”, yielding 6 490 results. The first 20 results were selected and examined here as well. The reason for choosing the first 20 results was to acquire the most prevalent narratives based on Google’s (n.d.) algorithm for relevance. The two separate searches were decided in order to gain a wider variety of narratives which included both reindeer herding and IKEA in relationship to the WPP on Glötesvålen. Three results were discarded from the first search, two for being irrelevant to the topic and one for presenting identical information. One result was discarded from the second search for having a paywall. The criteria for being relevant to the topic was that some narration had to be included, and not simply facts and figures. This yielded 16 sources in total. The sources varied from newspaper articles, opinion pieces, legal documents, a radio program and corporate videos.
4.2.2 Interviews
From the literature review, several narratives were detected by different individual stakeholders and media. With the interest of receiving an additional perspective on these narratives, the identified stakeholders were contacted via email through a consecutive sampling method (Bryman, 2008: 194-196; Martínez-Mesa, 2016).This method was conducted with the intention of retrieving narratives from the literature selection in order to further analyze these perspectives.
Out of the thirteen different emails sent out, six responded and three agreed to participate in an
interview. Through one of the informants that agreed to participate, an additional informant was
secured. A limitation in the lack of responses was that the perspectives in the interview did not
include the local or regional municipalities, OX2 or IKEA. The four informants interviewed all
gave consent to have their names and professions included. This consent was given with the
principles of free, prior and informed consent (SSR, 2019) and treated in accordance with GDPR
principles (MAU, n.d.).
4.3 Execution and Analysis 4.3.1 Literature review
The articles and other media files received through the literature review were first read
systematically and categorized through Bacchi’s (2009) “What’s the problem represented to be”
approach. This approach was originally intended for analyzing discourse in public policy. Bacchi (2009) argues that problems are constructed through language and can therefore be subjectively framed to fit the intended narrative of the speaker. Bacchi (2009), uses six categories for
analysis, three of which were appropriated for this thesis. Thus, the data was categorized based on (1) how the issues were framed, (2) the assumptions they carry, and (3) what perspectives are ignored (Bacchi, 2009). This was an organizational tool for processing the vast amounts of data retrieved.
The documents were then analyzed through the discourse analysis described in the method theory (4.1) (Bryman, 2008: 474-485; Humphreys, 2009). Discourse analysis aims to dissect how the use of language surrounding a topic forms an understanding of said topic. The aim in pursuing discourse analysis was to deconstruct the epistemic knowledge produced by different actors surrounding Glötesvålen. Therefore, the analysis was carried out through a constructivist lens, in order to emphasize the versions of reality expressed by the actors (Bryman, 2008: 475). These constructed realities were analyzed using the theoretical framework.
4.3.2 Interviews
The interviews were held by phone call, except for one which was carried out on Zoom upon request by the informant. The interviews followed a semi-structured format (Bryman, 2008: 206- 207) which allowed the informants to talk openly and elaborate to get their points understood.
The interviews were held in April 2021 and were all recorded and transcribed in accordance with Bryman (2008: 428-432).
The transcribed material was first categorized using Bacchi’s (2009) approach, as
described in 4.3.1. The data was then dissected through discourse analysis in accordance with
Bryman (2008: 474-485) in order to uncover the social constructions, present in each informant’s
narrative. While each informant offered a form of expertise, the discourses expressed were
analyzed as subjective ideologies (Humphreys, 2009) rather than expert opinions. This was not
to discredit each informant’s extensive knowledge and experience, but simply to answer the research question within the scope of the project.
4.4 Considering the translated word
The interviews and the majority of documents handled for the literature review where translated
by the author from Swedish to English. As acknowledged by Sheridan in the translators note of
Foucault’s (1977: ix) Discipline and Punish, the translation of a word or phrase may shift its
meaning depending on that words cultural context. While consideration has been given to this,
the findings have not been so focused on the meaning of particular words. The emphasis in
analysis has rather been focused on the constructed narrative which is shaped by the whole. As
the focus in discourse was on ideology and constructed truth, the cultural differences between
English and Swedish did not appear significant enough to compromise the results.
5.0 Results
5.1 Informants
The author acknowledges that the WPP on Glötesvålen has affected many individuals, local landowners, public officials, private interests and animals. Through the limited scope of this research, the aim is to provide a dissection of the most prevalently features narratives and their ideological implications.
The interview informants that agreed to openly participate in the thesis all represented, or were featured in, some of the main narratives found in the literature review. Two perspectives which were prevalent in the literature review were IKEA and OX2, neither of which responded to interview requests.
Per-Jon (2021)
Per-Jon is a reindeer herder and a former president of Mittådalen between (2001-2011) during OX2’s (Värjö, 2021) application process and the legal battle which went up to
Miljöverdomstolen (2010). Per-Jon therefore has extensive knowledge over Mittådalens motivation for resistance towards the construction of the WPP on Glötesvålen.
Anja (2021)
Anja grew up in Mittådalen and is a herder as well as a representative for the youth council in the Sami Parliament.
David (2021)
David is an analyst for renewable electricity at Energimyndigheten and works actively with
strategies for sustainable expansion of WP. Through his role as an analyst, David is well versed
with the ecological and practical challenges of transitioning to renewable energy. David agreed
to participate in an interview without specific knowledge of the Glötesvålen case. Therefore, he
spoke generally about the application process and his views on the challenges of integrating
WPP’s in natural landscapes.
Anna (2021)
Anna Skarin is a biologist and researcher at the Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences.
Skarin’s work is referenced extensively in the background of this paper because she is an
academic authority on the effects of WP on reindeer. However, due to the nature of the research,
“Anna” will be used to distinguish the scientific sources from the informant.
5.2 EM and technical optimism
A discourse of ideology expressed by many of the OX2 and IKEA sources is EM (Andersson, 2015; IKEA, 2015a; IKEA, 2015b; OX2, 2020; OX2, 2016). This is done as a “prescriptive”
(Humphreys, 2009) ideology as it presents the solution to two issues, namely climate change and lack of rural job opportunities. These issues are not directly mentioned, as the articles instead focus on how business innovation can create sustainability and local development
simultaneously (Ekholm, 2015; OX2, 2016;
Bergström, 2021). An article which illustrates this dual narrative is titled “IKEA awards more than SEK 485,000 of local funding from the
Glötesvålen wind farm” (OX2, 2016). While the main story, as shown in the heading, is the local funding received from IKEA’s electrical surplus, an included quote from an IKEA spokesperson tells a grander narrative, “If we are to be able to grow and meet our vision of creating better everyday life for most of the population, we must take into account both the people and the environment in which we operate” (OX2, 2016). This is an acknowledgement of responsibility, that company growth is to be done responsibly and with care for people and the environment.
The promise for a “better everyday life” is promised through a dual emphasis on people and environment (OX2, 2016). This discourse mirrors Hajer’s (1995) definition of EM, as the
“problematique” is acknowledged while the expansion of a major company’s energy production is presented as the solution. An emphasis on company innovation as a prosperous method is also expressed, mainly in the corporate sources from the stakeholder companies. The following two quotations are both from a representative of Energimyndigheten speaking about the Glötesvålen WPP,
“The inauguration of Glötesvålen is very significant. The wind farm shows that through long- term investments and responsible ownership, Swedish business can take the lead.” (IKEA, 2015b)
“It sends out an incredibly important signal when companies lead the way and set their own ambitious targets, and say ‘this is what we are doing, follow us and we will create a better world together.” (OX2, 2020: 4.41-4.56)
EM is mirrored through wording such as “responsible ownership”, “leading the development”
and “create a better world together” (IKEA, 2015b; OX2, 2020). Such wording helps emphasis the ethical role of the exploitation as a catalyst for sustainable development. It also infers that the innovation into sustainability should be championed primarily by private capital in order for Sweden to “take the lead” (IKEA, 2015b).
5.3 The Subaltern Speaks
In contrast to the articles championing EM narratives through “prescriptive” discourse, a
“descriptive” (Humphreys, 2009) discourse is presented by the narratives that infer a criticism against the WPP (Andersson, 2015; ATL, 2010; Hållen, 2010; Sandström, 2021). This
perspective is especially emphasized by Mittådalen members (Miljöverdomstolen, 2010; Anja, 2021; Per-Jon, 2021). Spivak’s (2010) main argument is that The Subaltern is not listened to due to a colonial legacy of othering and a subsequent culture of norms within a self-affirming culture.
This sentiment is reflected primarily in the interviews in the experienced lack of institutional support by Per-Jon and Anja.
A narrative presented by OX2 in the Miljööverdomstolen trial (2010) is that reindeer do not frequent Glötesvålen and would not be significantly affected by exploitation. This is
communicated with reference to the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) published by OX2 on the WPP’s potential effects on reindeer husbandry. Uniform for Anja (2021), Per-Jon (2021) and Anna (2021) was the notion that the Glötesvålen proceeding was carried out with a lack of knowledge about reindeer husbandry. Per-Jon remembers the concerns raised by Mittådalen to be treated dismissively by the court, “It was surprising how lightly the court took it. They were supposed to do an excursion up there. But they just ended up driving by the other side of the valley to look at it. Then they were done” (Per-Jon, 2021). This recollection infers an unfair treatment by the court and is reminiscent of the experience of being “othered” (Spivak, 2010).
This sentiment is mirrored by Anja (2021) as well, who despite being younger during the time of
the trial, clearly remembers the frustration felt by the community at the time, “Everyone agreed
that it was a devastating impact which couldn’t be allowed. If you look at Glötesvålens
importance, it’s a very important grazing area, even back then despite not having as big problems with climate change” (Anja, 2021).
Anja (2021) and Per-Jon (2021) both expressed grazing on Glötesvålen becoming
impossible following the construction of the WPP. The importance of Glötesvålen is affirmed in Mittådalen’s former development plan (Nordstrand, 1990), where it is mentioned as an important feeding area for lichen reserves. Anna was quick to affirm the effects of losing Glötesvålen and on the potentially detrimental effects WPP can have on some herding communities. In a radio interview, Anna said the following about OX2’s EIA,
“It doesn’t feel like a particularly solid basis for deciding whether it affects the reindeer or not. It says nothing about how reindeer husbandry works, whether there have been good or bad winter grazing years, for example. Because that affects which areas are used” (Värjö, 2021: 21.37-22.00).
In this statement Anna points to the importance of acknowledging the conditions within which herders operate. Anja (2021) says this perspective is constantly lacking and expressed frustration over being continuously met with a lack of understanding for her profession in the face of local politics, regional planning or private interest,
”It means we have to guard each point very very carefully. And it’s very frustrating because you put in so much energy just to show that “this is your responsibility”, based on Swedish law and
international commitments that Sweden has chosen to follow. I would say that is the hardest part, needing to constantly guard different areas and point out things in order to educate” (Anja, 2021).
In speaking about other exploitative industries in the region, Anja (2021) also witnessed of being met with distrust and misguided generalizations when dealing with some regional officials and industries. Anna (2021) argues that the reindeer herders are often painted as biased because of their personal interest and that this creates a power imbalance in judicial processes when herding communities go up against big companies,
“And the companies go along with it, “They have a stake in this”. Well so do the companies…. It’s an uneven process. The companies have tons of resources and money to invest while reindeer herders need
to put aside a day from their job. So instead they need to skip a pay-day to participate in a consultation meeting. The whole process is very unbalanced” (Anna, 2021).
David (2021) offers some general criticism of EIA standards for focusing too much on a natural science perspective and excluding social and cultural factors,
“[Environmental law in Sweden] is not well equipped to take social factors into account. The social dimension of sustainability falls short. It’s a very scientifically anchored legislation […] Subjective, social and cultural factors are not particularly integrated [...] I think one would benefit from [The Swedish Environmental legislation] and other legislation integrating social factors into the review process to create a more uniformly sustainable process” (David, 2021).
David (2021) attests to the importance of integrating socially sustainable solutions and argues that this is lacking in today’s processes. Anna (2021) takes it a step further by criticizing the notion that “objective” assessments can be made without consultations with the affected parties,
”Sometimes I get the feeling that they think themselves able to make a neutral assessment. That there’s some form of [truth] somewhere. That the effect on reindeer husbandry can be assessed in an objective manner. But that’s a hard thing to do. We have to bring in knowledge from husbandry in order to know how they’re affected. We can’t ignore that. And you’ll never be able to do a neutral assessment because everyone has a different starting position” (Anna, 2021).
Anna (2021) argues that all perspectives are subjective and criticizes the implication that
reindeer herders are the only non-objective party. This notion mirrors Spivak (2010: 27-28), who challenges the notion of “concrete experience”, especially within the construct of the hegemonic narrative of society.
Sources that included a reindeer herding narrative included demonstrated a more critical tone to the WPP being approved for construction (Andersson, 2015; ATL, 2010; Hållen, 2010;
Sandström, 2021). A national newspaper from the literature search (SVD, 2010) included the following statement from Per-Jon,
“Now that even such heavy parties as the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency have spoken out and said no to wind power expansion for various environmental reasons, it should, together with the
major disruptions that the expansion has for the reindeer industry, have weighed so heavily that the building plans were stopped. But no, sighs [Per-Jon].” (SVD, 2010)
The article invites the reader into this perspective by adding that Glötesvålen has been of
significant importance to the reindeer herders. In a description of the court ruling an inference of power imbalance is also made, “The national interest in energy production is judged to outweigh the national interest in both tourism and outdoor life as well as reindeer husbandry” (SVD, 2010). While written with seemingly objective language, there is an underlying criticism to the decision to weigh energy production over the other mentioned interests. The same critical tone is formulated in other sources (Andersson, 2015; ATL, 2010; Hållen, 2010; Sandström, 2021;
Värjö, 2021). In these articles, the critical perspective is mainly achieved by including a
perspective from Mittådalen, thereby focusing on the loss of grazing land rather than renewable energy.
5.4 Sustainable company
In contrast to the narrative told to by Mittådalen and their sympathizers, a counter narrative acts to both explicitly protest the narrative of Mittådalen, and also to highlight the sustainability of the Glötesvålen WPP (Andersson, 2015)
In the trial (Miljööverdomstolen, 2010) and in a later statement (Värjö, 2021), OX2 argue that their EIA proves little to no reindeer activity on Glötesvålen. When asked about the critique of the EIA by a journalist, a spokesperson for OX2 replies,
“We present the facts that we believe, and it’s the same thing as the reindeer husbandry
presenting their facts that they believe in. Then we have to judge these facts in some way, and that’s done by our Swedish courts.” (Värjö, 2021: 23:43-23.59)
This is an interesting statement because it explicitly addresses the relativity of knowledge. Rather
than striving for a scientific consensus, the spokesperson acknowledges that the different sides of
truth are prevalent for the opposing sides of the conflict. In recognition of the courts role in
judging, the spokesperson displays a trust in the legal system that a balance will be reached
through due process. In another article (Andersson, 2015), an Energimyndigheten official is asked about competing interests, such as reindeer herding, to which they reply,
“Yes, of course it is, and it is important to have a good balance there. Some parks are not good to develop because there are, for example, reindeer grazing or rare species and such. But we have an incredible amount of space in Sweden to do this” (Andersson, 2015).
The narrative in the last sentence is that Sweden has a lot of space for expansion of WPP’s. This is meant to play down concerns over rare species and reindeer herding by implicating that Sweden is so vast that there are areas where there won’t be conflicting interests.
In a video from OX2’s website, the focus is heavily emphasized on the sustainable solutions for building on Glötesvålen. This is brought up in an interview with a project manager who says the following, “We faced strict requirements that there should be as little impact on the countryside as possible” (OX2, 2020: 47-49s). The topic of the areas sensitive nature is brought up as well, with an emphasis on the extra considerations given to assure a sustainable production.
In reference to current research, David (2021) expressed that the overall effect of WP on reindeer is inconclusive,
“There is a certain effect, but it is varied, which makes it hard to distinguish what is caused by wind power and what is caused by other factors […] But the impact needs to be evaluated from case-to-case”
(David, 2021).
Something which David (2021) stressed multiple times was the importance of reviewing cases individually and not making broad sweeping statements about the conditions, or the motivations of herders. David (2021) also suggests that preserving herding rights isn’t unproblematic due to some herders being more favorable towards WP,
“I know that Sweden has received criticism for its disregard of indigenous rights. There’s absolutely a case to be made here. At the same time, it’s hard to define these rights because individual Sami may have different views and desires. They are not a [homogenous group], they have different ideas about what is good and bad” (David, 2021).
Anja was very skeptical towards the notion that any herding community could see exploitation as a positive force. Rather, she argued that the amount of voiced resistance more likely depended on a lack of resources to counteract exploits.
5.5 Transition to renewable energy or social land rights
A narrative which was featured by critics and proponents of the WPP was the framing of the interests as a conflict between preservation and renewable energy (ATL, 2010; Hållen, 2010;
Miljööverdomstolen, 2010). This conundrum is expressed by David (2021) when speaking generally about wind energy,
“
If the transport sector and industrial sector becomes electrified then we’ll see a doubling or tripling of our electricity demand. And of course we don’t want to use coal or another energy source that releases CO2. Wind power happens to be the cheapest alternative right now. Therefore, we believe that a large portion of the electricity we are going to use in the future will come from wind power. But on the other hand, this isn’t without consequence. This isn’t a win-win situation. Sometimes wind power will come to negatively affect other values, for example reindeer husbandry or the landscape.” (David, 2021)David (2021) attests to the demands placed on adapting to renewable energy and the subsequent need to increase WP production in Sweden. While he expresses sympathy towards the difficulty in prioritizing land use, the outcome is a sort of necessary evil in order to meet future energy demands.
In contrast, a critique can be implicitly read in many articles addressing the court decision to allow a WPP on Glötesvålen (ATL, 2010; Hållen, 2010; SVD, 2010). This can be seen in an article titled “Wind energy more important than reindeer husbandry” (ATL, 2010), which infers a critique through juxtaposition of the two competing interests. This juxtaposition continues throughout the article, “In their judgement, the court states that the governments expansion target for wind power outweighs the interests of reindeer husbandry in the case in question” (ATL, 2010). A noteworthy element in this article is that the author has chosen to highlight the
“government’s expansion target” as a motivator against reindeer herding. This very subtly shifts
the narrative from exploitative company versus reindeer husbandry, to reindeer husbandry versus
expansion of renewable energy. This positioning is brought up by another article as well (Hållen, 2010), shifting the narrative focus from OX2 to the government’s renewable energy goals.
Out of the three expert opinions heard in court, Naturvårdsverket (the Swedish
Environmental Protection Agency) and the Geological Survey of Sweden strongly advise against the project, while Energimyndigheten argues for the WPP (Miljööverdomstolen, 2010).
Naturvårdsverket reason that the biological diversity will be threatened by the exploitation and that the project should be relocated, “The wind power expansion would mean significant damage to the area's natural values…” (Miljööverdomstolen, 2010: 7). In contrast, the Swedish Energy Agency suggests that “the competing interests should be able to collaborate”
(Miljööverdomstolen, 2010: 8), and bring up the national interest of transitioning towards renewable energy. Per-Jon acknowledges a discrepancy between exploitation projects and herding interests,
“Reindeer herding is a break-pad in development. If there are other big exploitation interests, then they won’t take herding into account. And they don’t want reindeer husbandry to be a national interest. If that happens, we’ll have problems. But we already have problems with the current exploitation we can’t make claims against” (Per-Jon, 2021).
