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Narrating Scotland: in pursuit

of a nation

A case study of nation and nationalism as utilized

in the Scottish National Party

Master’s dissertation

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ABSTRACT

The nationalist party in Scotland, the Scottish National Party (SNP), has attracted attention through the years for its election successes as a party and as a movement utilizing a modern type of nationalist approach. This thesis seeks an answer to the research question “How does the leader of the Scottish

National Party depict the nation of Scotland?” to explore what nation of

Scotland this modern nationalist party depicts. The answer lies in what is called “civic nationalism”, an approach void of ethnocentrism. The depiction revealed a nation of Scotland where anyone can belong, and where an approach of openness and inclusion in civic interests from democratic concerns, social issues, economy, business, immigration to the outside world ruled the narration. The great aims driving this approach is the vision of realizing Scotland’s “great potential” and role as an equal partner in the world arena.

Keywords

Scotland, SNP, Nationalism, Nation, Democracy, Economy, Independence, Case study

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Table of contents

1 Introduction 1

1.1 The distinct Scotland 1

1.2 Purpose and research question 3

1.3 Limitations 3

2 The case of Scotland: a history 4 3 The theoretical framework 7

3.1 Nationalism 7

3.1.1 Down to the roots 7

3.1.2 Whose nation? 8

3.1.3 How does it work? 10

3.1.4 State and sovereignty 12

3.1.5 Nation is narration 13

3.2 Previous research 15

3.2.1 The nationalism of the SNP 15

4 Method 19

4.1 A case study design 19

4.1.1 Content and thematic analysis 19

4.1.2 Source and materials 21

4.2 Operationalisation: Finding Scotland 22

4.2.1 The people of Scotland 22

4.2.2 Democracy 22

4.2.3 The Economy 23

4.2.4 The Outside World 23

4.3 The analysis process 23

4.4 Validity and reliability 24

5 Analysis 26

5.1 Category 1: The people of Scotland 27

5.1.1 The importance of words 27

5.1.2 Defining belonging 29

5.2 Category 2 – Democracy 30

5.2.1 Life in Scotland 30

5.2.2 The society of the nation 32

5.2.3 Democratic interests in Scotland 34

5.2.4 Brexit and independence 36

5.2.5 Protecting Scotland’s interests 38

5.2.6 Who is in charge? 40

5.3 Category 3 – The Economy 42

5.3.1 A nation and its economy 42

5.3.2 Economic growth 43

5.3.3 The competitive Scotland 44

5.3.4 Brexit troubles 46

5.3.5 The economy and the world 47

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5.4 Category 4 – The outside world 50

5.4.1 Scotland in the world 51

5.4.2 Scotland in Europe 55

5.4.3 Immigration rhetoric 57

5.4.4 The relationship to the UK Government 59

6 Conclusions 62

6.1 Civic nationalism 62

6.2 Narrating Scotland 63

6.3 Contribution to future studies 64

7 References 66

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1 Introduction

In the spring of the year 2021, with the implementation of Brexit and management of a global pandemic under way, another political issue has been revived in the United Kingdom. On the 6th of May 2021, the Scottish National Party (SNP) was re-elected for their fourth consecutive term in the Scottish Parliament on an election manifesto promising a second Scottish independence referendum (Sturgeon, 2021:2). The independence issue is far from new, but the recent election has accelerated the simmering discussion on what has been termed “the break-up of Britain”; a hypothesis that has engaged both British and world media lately (e.g., Regan, 2021; Birrell, 2021; Geoghegan, 2021; Forrest, 2021; Smith, 2021). As the Prime Minister of the UK, Boris Johnson, declared he will oppose a second independence referendum (Brooks, 2021), to which the SNP leader and First Minister of Scotland Nicola Sturgeon has warned that a rejection of a new referendum will be tantamount to a UK Government refusal of Scottish democracy (Parker, 2021), there is no denying the situation has become taut. The debate about Scotland’s constitutional future is up on the table again, that is not the matter of debate. The real question, instead, lies beyond dispute among Leavers and Remainers, media speculations and exercise of political rhetoric: What is this Scottish nation which future has sparked so much controversy?

1.1 The distinct Scotland

Scotland as a distinct unit within the UK has been described as a stateless nation (Greer, 2007b:15) and a political community separate from the rest of the union (McCrone & Bechhofer, 2010). The Act of Union of 1707, which dissolved the Scottish state into the United Kingdom, never ceased the nation of Scotland’s existence (Keating & McEwan, 2017:5) keeping, for example, its legal, educational, and religious institutions (Agnew, 2018:5). In the context of the larger picture of the UK as being not one nation but a “country

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of four nations”, as former Prime Minister David Cameron pictured it (Cameron, 2014), Scotland having retained a national status is not a strange concept. Calls for independence in Scotland have reoccurred ever since 1707, although few have been as supported as the current one led by the SNP. A left-leaning party, the SNP has attracted unprecedented support in Scotland governing the country since their first election victory in 2007 (BBC, 2019). This in a country previously known to only allow a party two back-to-back victories (Harvey, 2020:57).

The SNP and Scotland have been at the forefront of European independence movements for years and the journey has garnered interest from the outside world. If not for curiosity, then for the impact an eventual secession in the UK would have on the surrounding world, inspiring other independence movements (Olmos Giupponi & Hofmeister, 2015:212). There is no doubt what is happening up in the north of the British Isles is not only of British, but European and worldwide interest as well. Even so, nationalism in Scotland has puzzled researchers for a long time. Scotland is breaking new ground as a modern country with a strong secessionist movement within a European, democratic society (Keating & McEwan, 2017:1) which falls outside known models for nationalist movements. Neither are there any modern European precedencies to compare. Previous research has therefore been busy trying to understand the independence movement’s place in the discourse of modern politics, as well as its origins and its causes. Often, previously published articles and books focus on modern Scottish nationalism and identity (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015; Agnew, 2018; Arnott & Ozga, 2010), the arguments for and against independence (Liñeira & Cetrà, 2015; Keating et al., 2017), party politics in Scotland (Harvey, 2020; Duerr, 2015) and the legal perspective of independence (Tierney, 2013; Kenealy & MacLennan, 2014; Olmos Giupponi & Hofmeister, 2015). However, what this thesis seeks to do is not to explore

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the independence movement, but to pursue the fundament it stands on: the nation of Scotland. The interest in this thesis lies in investigating, in their own terms, what constitutes the nation of Scotland; the nation that the SNP seeks to secede from the UK.

1.2 Purpose and research question

The purpose of this thesis is to explore what narrative about the nation of Scotland the leader of the Scottish National Party and First Minister Nicola Sturgeon employs, using the research question:

How does the leader of the Scottish National Party depict the nation of Scotland?

1.3 Limitations

The results of this thesis are specific (Gillham, 2000:7) to the case of Scotland. The knowledge derived from this study is not claimed to be generalizable to other similar parties or movements since each case is specific to itself. The study’s function is to inform on the idea of the nation of Scotland in the SNP as an empirical example of a modern, western European and civic nationalism.

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2 The case of Scotland: a history

Before the 18th Century, Scotland had been an independent country for hundreds of years. That changed in 1707 when the Scottish Parliament passed the Act of Union, formalizing Scotland into the United Kingdom of Great Britain. A long time has passed since, yet Scotland as a nation and a nationality have never disappeared (Keating & McEwan, 2017:5). Articles of the Act of Union themselves confirmed the continuation of a distinct Scotland through, for example, preserving Scots law and retaining the Kingdom of Scotland (Article XXIV). While Scotland did assimilate during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries to a wider British state Labour’s peak in Scotland in 1966, winning half the vote, marked an all-time high for a UK main party. Since, all UK main parties have gradually lost their support in Scotland (Keating & McEwan, 2017:5) in favour of the Scottish National Party (The SNP). A party that has gone from the outskirts to dominating Scottish politics (Keating & McEwan, 2017:6).

Established in 1934 through the unification of the National Party of Scotland and the Scottish Party (Broughton, 2021), the SNP struggled with support for a long time (Mycock, 2012:55). Slowly growing since the 1960s, a milestone for the establishment of the party known today was the election in 1990 of Alex Salmond as party leader (Hassan, 2009:3). Led by Salmond, the SNP refashioned itself rejecting, for example, its previous understanding of Scottish identity as ethnic, leaning instead on civic nationalist terms with recognized borders of which holds “separate education and legal systems, banking and professional bodies, civil service and a legislature” (Mycock, 2012:55). “Scottish values” became equality, humanity and decency. The transformation seemed successful as the SNP’s election results were invigorated (ibid). Shortly after, the SNP turned out a fierce advocate for devolution in the late 1990s, supporting Labour in opening the Scottish Parliament in Holyrood,

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Edinburgh in 1999. In 2007 the party, led by Alex Salmond and his deputy Nicola Sturgeon, won its historic first minority government in this same Parliament ending Labour’s 50 years long dominance in Scotland (Keating & McEwan, 2017:6). A leading position they have not lost since. According to the Scottish Social Attitudes surveys, there has always been considerable trust in Scotland for the devolved government. The Scottish Governments were consistently considered to be trusted by 50 to 60 per cent of the respondents asked between 1999 and 2006 although there was a slight increase in 2007, the same year the SNP entered government, fluctuating since between 60 and 70 per cent. In comparison, trust in the UK Government has, in the same period, swayed in the 20 to 30 per cent area (Reid, Montagu & Scholes, 2020). Though, the continued election wins and trust do not necessarily reflect support for the SNP’s affair of the heart: Scottish independence.

Support for Scottish independence in surveys has balanced between yes and no for the last 23 years (Cairney, 2012:4297z). Familiarly, an independence referendum was held in 2014 and won by the no side with 55% of the vote after which Salmond resigned both as First Minister and party leader. He was replaced by the long-time deputy First Minister Nicola Sturgeon who was elected leader of the party (Castle, 2014) and subsequently sworn in as First Minister of Scotland on the 20th of November 2014 (gov.scot, 2021). Sturgeon, raised in western Scotland and a Bachelor of Legislative Law Honours, had joined the SNP in 1986 and was one of the first SNP politicians elected to the brand-new Scottish Parliament in 1999 (Sim, 2017). A self-described “life-long nationalist” (Speech 5) Sturgeon pushed the SNP into 2015 and another milestone in the General Election where the party went from representing six Scottish constituencies to 56, also ending Labour’s dominance in the representation of Scotland in Westminster (Broughton, 2021). A little over a year later the EU Referendum 2016 was held and resulted in a UK wide vote

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in favour of leaving the European Union (51.9%), while Scotland voted in favour of staying with 62 per cent of the vote (BBC, 2016). A situation of discrepancy between Scotland and the UK general that re-awakened the independence issue once more. On the 6th of May 2021, the SNP was re-elected for their fourth consecutive mandate in the Scottish Parliament (Sim, 2021), promising their voters a second independence referendum. What this distinct nation so widely spoken of by the SNP will be explored in the chapters below.

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3 The theoretical framework

The focus in this thesis lies on the concept of “nation” and, consequently, theory on and around nationalism is driving the analysis. Nationalism is a broad term used in a range of disciplines that prompts for a comprehensive examination of the concept itself before its use. Accordingly, a theoretical perspective follows in the section below.

3.1 Nationalism

Theory on nationalism has been around for over a hundred years, though thorough research on the concept did not begin until after the World Wars (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:3). Yet, the material covering the subject today is vast and multi-disciplinary (ibid), complicating the study further as there is no established general definition of nationalism among scholars (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:3-4). Thus, instead of looking for a recognized definition, a description will have to be defined for this study specifically.

3.1.1 Down to the roots

Nationalism has long been known for a nostalgic undertone with its endorsers referring to the past, idealizing it with romanticized nuances. This version of nationalism also has a complicated relationship to history. Growing out of the 19th Century and the Romantic era “the nation” was a central concept to the building of nation-states at the time in Europe (Greer, 2007a:15). Henceforth, the concept of the nation spread rapidly throughout the world, from the myth of redemption for Catholic Poland to a yearning back to “an idealized ethnic and religious past” in India (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:8). Though exactly where nationalism, as it is known today, began is not agreed on, the last decades of the 18th Century seem to be a recognized time frame (Smith, 2001:5; Kohn, 1944:3). Smith (2001) mentions the German philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder and the French counter-revolutionary cleric Abbé

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Augustin de Barruel active at the end of the 18th century (p. 5). However, an early example more popular to refer to today is Ernest Renan’s lecture “Qu’est-ce qu’une nation?” (What is a nation?).

Presented in 1882, Renan described a “nation” as a concept between remembrance of the past and the desire among a group of people to collectively devote and sacrifice for the care of this heritage in their future. Perhaps Renan best summarised this in: “To have suffered, worked, hoped together” (Renan, 1882:26). The nation, as understood from his definition, is a story of a heritage endorsed by a particular group of people devoted to its protection in the future and claiming companionship through it. Since 1882, Renan has been accompanied by multiple scholars in the area building on his concept. For example, Renan’s voice echoes in Benedict Anderson’s renowned book “Imagined Communities” where Anderson introduced the nation as an imagined political community (2006:6) adding that nations “always loom out of an immemorial past and /…/ into a limitless future” (2006:11). This is a fundamental concept of nationalism. When contemplating nationalism, words like “community”, “sovereignty” and referral to “a homeland” which both in history and in the future belongs to “its people” (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:4-5), are important keywords to understand the mechanisms at work. Collectively, these words suggest that nationalism has to do with belonging and legitimacy.

3.1.2 Whose nation?

From the definition of nationalism presented above, it becomes clear that nationalism in its very fundament is a divisive concept. Nationalism discriminates between insiders and outsiders (Stephens, 2013:1) where the insiders are the group of people that belong and either everyone else or certain groups on the outside form a definition on who does not belong. Therefore,

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one of the very first questions encountered when exploring nationalism in practice is to determine who belongs. When studying nationalism in theory, one is constantly presented with the vague words “group”, “people” and “community”. Though defining classifications and determinants on who belongs to these groups, “whose nation” it is, and whose it is not varies in their basis in practice. The foundation of these classifications is, according to scholars, either built on a belief in a shared descent or citizenship/residency (Geertz, 1963:31; Hutchinson, 1987:12; Kohn, 1944:4-5; Weber, 1948:172; Berghe, 1978:403; Brass, 1979, 35; Breuilly, 1982:335; Greenfeld, 1992:7; Anderson, 2006:6). The former definition, ethnicity, haunted nationalism for a long time.

The involvement of ethnicity in defining who belongs, especially during the World Wars, was perhaps what prompted John Dunn in 1978 to write “nationalism is the starkest political shame of the twentieth century” (p. 55). Nationalism’s relationship to racism and “its roots in fear and hatred of the Other” (Anderson, 2006:141) has been observed time and again. In 1945, at the end of World War II, nationalism was a haunted ideology regarded as belonging to history rather than the future. Even so, nationalism’s revival started as early as the 1960s. This time in a modernized and democratized Europe, which surprised scholars (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:9-10). Since its revival, the degree of xenophobia and hatred of “the Other” within modern nationalist groups has been debated back and forth. Brass (1979) wrote during this time that nationalism is a political process where elites within an ethnic group draw on culture and symbols to mobilize this group, which will defend and compete against other groups (p. 87). The word “compete” drawing violent examples from history to mind. Yet, a nation is a self-defined unit (Connor, 1978:46) and no two nationalist movements travel by the same rulebook. Despite an ugly past, there are current cases of nationalist

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movements said to be void of traces of xenophobia in them, for example in Scotland and Catalonia (Greer, 2007b:15; Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:19). Instead, these types of nationalist movements, or rather their endorsers, are what John Hutchinson calls “political nationalists” (1987:122).

Hutchinson (1987) wrote that to a political nationalist the ideal nation is the civic polity with educated citizens united by common laws. Maintaining a cosmopolitan and rationalist outlook their vision for the future is a common humanity transcending cultural differences. These groups might work within a specific regional field, although their objective is to secure the place of their community and its participation as an equal in the development of the modern, rationalist civilization (p. 122). A political nationalist is not “competing” (comp. Brass, 1979) with other groups and the “Others” are not the enemy, they are allies working towards a united world. Furthermore, from Hutchinson’s perspective, these nationalist groups do not connotate belonging with ethnicity but with citizenship in the civic polity, making blood ties (both real and imagined) irrelevant. Already back in 1963, during the revival of nationalism, Clifford Geertz observed the shift from nations based on imagined blood ties to allegiance to a civic state where a much broader group of potential members are welcomed (p. 31). An interesting development to the previously narrower demands on ethnicity. This is a clear shift and especially noteworthy considering that nations are self-defined groups where the essence is psychological bonds (Connor, 1978:379). In other words, the definition is the group’s own choice no matter if it ends up based on ethnicity or citizenship.

3.1.3 How does it work?

The processes driving the gears of nationalism have been up for debate. Writers disagree whether nationalism is an ideology or just a rhetoric of “inchoate sentiments” (Smith, 2001:21) divided among several differently

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expressed nationalisms that, in comparison with other ideologies, seem to be characterized by “philosophical poverty” and incoherence (Anderson, 1991:5). These different kinds of nationalist ideologies are, for example, religious, secular, imperial and secessionist nationalism (Smith, 2001:21) which all have well-defined goals of collective self-rule, territorial unification, and cultural identity along with an often clear political and cultural programme for achieving these goals. What combines them, according to Smith (2001), is that they all pursue the same ultimate goal of nationhood (ibid). It is this belief system that separates nationalism from other ideologies and helps us see a common thread between them (Smith, 2001:21-22). Nationalism, according to Smith, has three generic goals: national autonomy, national unity and national identity (2001:9). It seeks these goals through, for example, creating distinction. Nationalism creates a distinctive language and symbols in attempts to invoke a feeling of common destiny among its designated population (Smith, 2001:7-8). Symbols can be anything from a capital to academies and museums (ibid). Having something to share as specific for the nation is also crucial. Smith (2001) brings up everything from having a homeland to having common myths and shared history, a common public culture, a single economy and common rights and duties for all members (p. 13).

To divide the concept of nationalism into manageable parts, Smith’s “core doctrine” outlines six basic propositions: 1) the world is divided into nations and each nation has its own character, history, and destiny, 2) the nation is the sole source of political power, 3) loyalty to the nation overrides all other loyalties, 4) to be free, every individual must belong to a nation, 5) every nation requires full self-expression and autonomy, 6) global peace and justice require a world of autonomous nations (2001:22). These six fundamentals make up the framework of the nationalist vision of the world. In these principles, we find most of the keywords that encircle nationalism: nation,

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history, destiny, loyalty and autonomy. The last of the five, autonomy, is especially important to consider when working with the political aspect of nationalism.

3.1.4 State and sovereignty

It is known that a primary concern and mobilizing question for nationalist movements is the issue of autonomy (Lynch, 2009:619). Smith’s (2000) definition of nationalism as the “attainment and maintenance for autonomy” (p. 3) within a specified nation hints at this relationship. According to Clifford Geertz (1963) nationalism consists of two objectives. The first is the aforementioned debate on belonging. The second objective owes up to the demand for a better life: for higher living standards, for greater social justice, for more effective political order and influence on the world stage of nations (p. 30). In other words, claiming autonomy.

Weber wrote of the nation as a “community of sentiment which would adequately manifest itself in a state” (Weber, 2013:176). The underlying statement is that a nation by its very existence has a right to be independent and self-governing (Reynolds, 1984:251). To Stephens (2013), nationalism is relying on state sovereignty and as a movement, it can either accept or delegitimize a state’s monopoly on force (p. 2). A nationalist movement that is discontent with its state has a reason for secession served. The subordination of the nation under another which does not share the same identifications and subscribe to a generalized commitment can be seen as a threat to the autonomy and risk that the people of the nation will be left to exist and act at the will of the “other people’s” order. Most people in the subordinate nation would be aware, to different degrees, that the objectives of progress and living standards they demand are due to increasing independence (Hutchinson & Smith, 2012:31). Geertz (1963) writes: “Civil discontent finds a natural outlet in the

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seizing […] of the state apparatus” (p. 32). In other words, the object of interest is autonomy and the state is the tool to reach that aim. Smith (2001) presents the same analysis and added that nationalism is “an ideological movement for attaining and maintaining autonomy, unity and identity for a population which some of its members deem to constitute an actual or potential ‘nation’” (2001:9). There is a desire, a will, involved. Though, it is important to clarify that a nation and a state are not the same. The post-Westphalian power structure evoked the term “nation-state” (Nairn, 2003:xiii), intermixing the nation with the autonomous state. According to Connor (1978), this is the malpractice of two separate theoretical concepts (p. 40). A state can contain several nations, a nation can stretch between states (ibid). They are not synonyms. A state is a tangible organization that has autonomous institutions and a legitimate monopoly on coercion and extraction within clear geographical boundaries (Smith, 2001:12). Meanwhile, a nation can legitimize a state (Reynold, 1984:251) but has no autonomy or legitimate power of coercion, which is the reason why it is seeking a state. A nation is sharing the idea of a homeland, a history, common rights and duties for all members, a public culture and a single economy (Smith, 2001:13). The nation is in people’s minds, a fact of belief (Reynolds, 1984:253) and social engineering (Hobsbawm, 1983:13). “A nation is a soul”, as Renan (1882:26) wrote. It cannot be touched, but it exists between people and within us. Therefore, a nation is a product of imagination and language. Simply, a nation is narrated.

3.1.5 Nation is narration

It is the stories we tell each other and ourselves about the nation which constitutes the nation (Berger, 2008:1). The narration of the nation creates and forms the nation in our minds, which is the only way the nation can make full realization of itself; in “the mind’s eye” (Bhabha, 1990:1). According to Bhabha, the nation draws from the traditions of political thought and literary language to become a symbol for the Volk (the people) (ibid). Anderson

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pinpointed the phenomenon when he wrote of nations as imagined political communities (2006:6), the concept of nations as something imaginary which is shared among people. In Smith’s definition of a nation, he uses the very word “sharing” writing that a nation is “sharing common myths and memories” (2000:3). Even back in 1945, Hans Kohn fixed the nation as an “idée-force” which animates the common conscious (p. 18). However, such vague and invisible workings make it complex for an outsider to be able to comprehend a particular nationalism. The researcher must find a way to fixate and examine nationalism from the outside. According to Bhabha (1990), that opportunity lies in the narration.

Bhabha (1990) is not so much interested in the psychological workings of nationalism as he is in what he states is the only way an outsider can see the nation: in the written language (p. 2). To review the current language about a nation is to invite oneself into the construction of the grand idea, and at the same time coming face to face with the ambivalence and half-made truths as the narrative is caught in the act of its composition (Bhabha, 1990:3). It is in the tradition of political thought and literary language that the nation emerges as a powerful historical idea (Bhabha, 1990:1). There is political rationality in the nation as a form of a narrative containing textual strategies, metaphoric displacements, sub-texts and figurative stratagems (Bhabha, 1990:2). The narrative is made of discourses that are an attempt to make the idea of the nation a continuous narrative of national progress (Bhabha, 1990:1). What logic can be obtained from this is that if a nation is a belief system constructed of a character, a history, a society, and an economy then someone who wants to understand a certain nationalism must dig into the very core of these ideas. In the next section, we will observe how previously published research has utilized the concept of nationalism in the case of Scotland.

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3.2 Previous research

The nation of Scotland and nationalism is a topic that has been continually researched for decades. Given the developments leading up to a growing nationalist movement in the Scottish political landscape since the 1990s, this is perhaps not a great surprise. Tom Nairn’s book “The Break-Up of Britain” foreshadowed the future of Scotland seeking independence already in 1977. That same year Christopher Harvie published “Scotland & Nationalism” debating the same theme. Ever since then, the increasingly louder campaign for an independent Scotland has been followed by a tail of researchers looking to explain or discover the phenomenon from different angles. However, how these researchers have come to understand the nation of Scotland is hard to discern in most cases as this idea often appears implicit to considerations about the SNP style of nationalism. In this section, previous research about SNP nationalism will be outlined.

3.2.1 The nationalism of the SNP

First of all, there is general agreement that the nationalism of the SNP of today is civic, void of ethnocentrism and historic grievances (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:14; McAnulla & Crines, 2017:478; Agnew, 2018:5; Engström, 2019:99; Harvey, 2020:56), even if this view has its critics (Mycock, 2012). The old ethnocentric tales with the romantic undertones have generally not been associated with the SNP’s modern nationalism by the majority of authors on the subject. In a study on Alex Salmond’s rhetoric during the 2014 independence campaign (McAnulla & Crines), it was noted that the leader emphasised, through his promotion of civic nationalism, “the themes of equality, tolerance and the idea of an independent Scotland gaining legitimacy from the active citizenship of people in Scotland, regardless of their nationality, race or cultural background” (2017:478). This is a definition akin to Hutchinson’s (1987) “political nationalists” presented in 3.1.3 Whose

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Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon, both have recognized the problematic connotations of nationalism (The Newsroom, 2017) showing awareness in the leadership of the party. However, what “civic” (McAnulla & Crines, 2017:479; Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:22; Agnew, 2018:12; Engström, 2019:99) means to the nation in practice is not made entirely clear. This is problematic considering that the SNP has been adorned the title as the world’s leading civic nationalist movement (Paul, 2020:167), further motivating this study.

Secondly, in recent years the story of the distinct Scotland and this story’s importance to the SNP has become a well-visited subject in research. A point which is repeated is that the SNP’s type of nationalism aims for preservation and promotion of the “distinct” Scotland (Hassan, 2011:366; Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:10; McAnulla & Crines, 2017:478). Part of this promotion, according to Paul (2020), is differentiating Scotland from England, picturing the two as ideologically incompatible (p. 168). This “Scotland-the-outlier” perspective has been observed in research for years. In 2003, Tom Nairn explored the development of the Scottish “differentness” (p. 134) and in 2011 Hassan depicted a Scottish distinctiveness that sets the country apart from the rest of the United Kingdom, especially England (p. 366). This was underscored in Mycock’s article (2012) as well. Meanwhile, Keating and McEwan attributed factual distinction in Scotland from the rest of the country to a political distinction, particularly in how the people of Scotland vote (2017:5). They also noted the utilization of the myths of Scottish egalitarianism during the 2014 independence campaign on the Yes side, which was run by the SNP (2017:17). Before them, Gunn and Schmidtke (2015), had observed that the SNP pursuits distinction with Scotland’s “national traits” and “values” (p. 10). In McAnulla and Crines’ study of Alex Salmond’s rhetoric in 2014, they also found that the former SNP leader referred to the distinction of Scottish society

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and politics and let the rest of the UK work as contrast (2017:478-479). There is a sense of alienation from UK key political decision-making and a plea that Scotland’s integration into the UK stifles the prospective “great potential” an independent Scotland could have (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:13). There seems to be general agreement in that there is a process of differentiation happening in the SNP’s nationalism, although what that distinction lies in depends on who you ask.

Third, part of the making of a distinct Scotland, diverse from the rest of the UK, is a feeling of interconnection with Europe and the world (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:10). In the 2014 independence campaign, the SNP depicted itself as open, diverse, and welcoming of anyone who wanted to join no matter where in the world they are from, denying exclusionary terms. Immigration was also described as a key element of the economic policy of an independent Scotland (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:20). Mycock (2012) also observed that the SNP has a positive attitude towards multiculturalism, arguing that it makes the country stronger, and claiming the Scottish identity to be open (p. 57).

Lastly, research has marked upon what objectives the SNP means to create or safeguard with an independent Scotland. In other words, what their interests are. The two concerns which authors often come back to are democratic processes and economic interests (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:8 & 22; Agnew, 2018:8; Arnott & Ozga, 2010:96; Hassan, 2011:367). Associated with these statements is the description of the SNP nationalism with the terms “social democracy” (Arnott & Ozga, 2010:96; Hassan, 2009:5) and “left-wing” (Harvey, 2020:56; Hassan, 2011:366). These political observations and their focus feed the previous statement that the SNP type of nationalism does not lean on ethnic foundations but political interests. If believing the picture research lays out, the SNP’s nationalism has an interest in democratic

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processes and concerns about the economy. However, this wholly political perspective has been criticised. An article, which in its aims comes close to this thesis, is Andrew Mycock’s (2012) article on Scottish nationalism which focuses mainly on the SNP and their relationship to identities and unionism. Mycock’s article contradicts several of the statements above. First of all, he challenges the SNP’s claim that they build on civic nationalism entirely. He suggests that the SNP’s nationalism is not “wholly civic” (2012:64), that the SNP portrays Scottish nationals who are for the union to be disloyal (ibid) and delegitimize other voices who seek to speak for Scotland (ibid, 55). A majority of Mycock’s material comes from the first decade of the 21st Century, and

therefore builds much on the position of the party before they were elected into the Scottish Government. His statements are not supported by the material of the majority, although his criticisms are taken in as weighted consideration in the analysis. Another article which aim comes close to this thesis is McAnulla and Crines (2017) article on the rhetoric of the former SNP leader Alex Salmond during the 2014 independence campaign. However, McAnulla and Crines analyse their subject from an Aristotelian perspective, focusing much of their interest on the character of Alex Salmond rather than the nationalism of the party. Even if this thesis relies on a similar framework of material the final aim is not the leadership or rhetoric of the current SNP leader, but to explore the nation of Scotland.

To sum the previous research up there can be derived three main ideas about SNP nationalism which will be used in the following analysis. SNP nationalism has been described as 1) civic, 2) differentiating, 3) reliant on democratic and economic interests. There is also criticism in that the UK and England are being posed as opposites and the civic nationalism of the SNP perhaps not being as wholly civic as suggested to be considered as well. These observations aid the rest of the thesis in the framework for the analysis.

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4 Method

To answer the research question “How does the leader of the Scottish National

Party depict the nation of Scotland?” this thesis is making use of a

methodological design of a case study using content and thematic analysis. In this chapter, the choice of method and material, as well as the operationalisation of the research question and the methodological process along which the analysis was conducted, will be presented and discussed.

4.1 A case study design

The research design was formulated after a non-experimental strategy using the case study format (Robson, 2002:88-89). The case study was conducted in qualitative method for the most part but did contain quantitative features. According to Gillham (2000), case study research can blur the lines between these methods since all evidence related to the case is of interest (p. 10), which was true in this thesis. Keeping to a strict dichotomy between qualitative and quantitative method would have impeded the collection of the data. The primary interest in a case study is the collected data, the inductive approach, while theory surrounds the setting developed (Gillham, 2000:12). Employing one single case and one research question the focus was to develop in-depth knowledge (ibid; Hamel, Dufour & Fortin, 1993) about the case of the nation of Scotland. To reach that depth in the analysis the study needed to be limited to a feasible framework both empirically and analytically. One strategy employed for restriction was to structure the study using an analysis strategy that would collect the proper knowledge. In this case, content and thematic analysis were employed.

4.1.1 Content and thematic analysis

The choice of analytical strategy in this thesis was thematic analysis combined with influences of content analysis. The motivation behind using both was

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their ability to collect a full body of data as intertwined, which they are in many aspects (Vaismoradi, Turunen & Bondas, 2013:398), and as two different methods with apparent differences which aid the analysis. Thematic and content analysis are alike in that they both cover, structure, analyse and report patterns within data (Vaismoradi, Turunen & Bondas, 2013:400). Content analysis has been described as “the study of recorded human communications” (Babbie, 2013:295) and is a descriptive rather than an interpretative approach (Vaismoradi, Turunen & Bondas, 2013:399), although Pierce (2008) argues a certain degree of interpretation is needed for the analysis (p. 3). Content analysis is often leaning heavily on a quantitative method (Vaismoradi, Turunen & Bondas, 2013:400). Thematic analysis also aims to break down text into units of analysis for their description, although it goes deeper into the material (Vaismoradi, Turunen & Bondas, 2013:400). Braun and Clarke (2019) find thematic analysis as a qualitative approach to be about telling stories, interpreting and being active and generative in a prolonged data immersion rather than “finding the truth” and using advanced coding (p. 591). In this study, thematic analysis with its narrative approach was employed for the major part, while content analysis did offer some quantitative measures, structuring a more constructive and tangible overview of the substantial body of data, and inspired a stricter, less immersive, interpretation.

The methodical point of the thesis, as is foundational for both thematic and content analysis overall, is to put content within its context as a part of social life (Braun & Clarke, 2019:591). Just as thematic and content analysis are shaped to explore material, not the thinking of the creator, in a more rigorous and systematic approach (Braun & Clarke, 2019:591), the interest in the analysis lies primarily in the content and not in the motifs or beliefs of the speeches’ creators or messengers.

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4.1.2 Source and materials

A second way to restrict the data was to regulate the material itself. The data was collected from a reliable source according to a certain set of parameters. Since this thesis aims to explore the nation of Scotland by observing how the leader of the SNP depicts the nation the material needed to be in written language and as close as possible to the main source. Therefore, the material on which the data was collected was retrieved from the open-access collection “First Minister’s speeches” published on the Scottish Government’s website1

; A collection that consists of transcribed speeches held by the SNP leader Nicola Sturgeon in different settings, before different audiences and in different locations both in and outside of Scotland. The period of interest was set from the start of the collection, May 25th 2016 to May 16th 2018, which

comprised two years of 62 transcribed speeches in total.

When collecting and working through data gathered from any source it is critical to keep the reliability of the material a priority. Because of the transcriptions’ place of publication, their author’s and a government web page, as well as the thorough account of their background the transcripts were considered reliable. The study could have been developed through, for example, interviews but this was disregarded considering the limited time frame and space. Set with a research design, theory and the material the process of collecting suitable data and the subsequent analysis of its narrative came next.

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4.2 Operationalisation: Finding Scotland

To operationalise the research question variables structuring the set of data were needed to guide and ground the question empirically. Relating the material to the concept of nationalism, considering that a nation is a community (Smith, 2001:13), the task in practice was to outline the depicted community of Scotland. Therefore, context and an emergent design (Gillham, 2000:6) were important to the conduct of the study which started with a holistic approach to obtain relevant variables for outlining the nation. Thematic analysis was employed crafting themes from a random choice of ten speeches with equal representation from the year 2016 to 2018. During this process, the themes, hereafter called categories, were not created with a specifically aimed number in mind. The focus in the initial read-through of eight of the ten randomly chosen transcribed speeches was on obtaining recurring talking points related to nation and nationalism as well as to previously concluded key concepts from theory and previous research. Four categories sprung from the first eight speeches and the last two speeches confirmed these categories, which became the following.

4.2.1 The people of Scotland

This category is based on the ethnic/civic dichotomy in theory and research on nationalism. It aimed to discover what terms the SNP leader uses describing the people in her country, in what context she uses what terms and who is defined as belonging within these terms as a member of the nation.

4.2.2 Democracy

The category is drawn from previous research in the area which has concluded that democratic processes are a main feature of the SNP type of nationalism. The importance of the concept of sovereignty and society in both previous research and the theoretical literature goes into

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this category as well. The category’s scope is the broadest of the four, seeking not only the concept of democracy and who is rightfully sovereign over Scotland but also the idea of what society and nation Scotland is portrayed as. This means that, for example, internal affairs and the formation of society, equality and diversity are of interest as well.

4.2.3 The Economy

This category has its roots in previous research as well. The economy has been an important argument and debating point to the SNP in the independence question for many years. Hence, in this category, the Scottish economy is outlined as part of mapping the narrative of the nation.

4.2.4 The Outside World

The question of how a nationalist party view the surrounding world is a defining feature when deciding whether it is cultural or political nationalism at work. The category took an interest in the relations and the meaning of out-of-border relationships to Scotland, including the relationship to the EU.

4.3 The analysis process

The speeches were read chronologically from May 25th 2016 to May 16th 2018. From each speech, all relevant examples for each respective category were collected in tables on a sheet counting the occurrences of the examples from every speech in every category. The tables also gave every speech a number in chronological order. After the read-through, the tables were processed, accounted for by occurrences, and divided by coding of the location to track changes based on audience. At the next stage, preparation for the analysis

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began with collecting the data in a bulleted list mapping common subjects and statements between speeches within each category. This was also to increase the validity as it showed where speeches covered the same subject or opinion, relating them in a pattern. This document and the quantitative result laid the foundation for the analysis.

The aim of the operational part of the analysis was threefold. First, the focus was on outlining what depictions and statements were communicated in each of the categories. Secondly, the interest lay in exploring what the four categories jointly conveyed about the nation of Scotland. Third, there was also a quantitative aim in keeping track of which of the categories and subjects were most reoccurring in the First Minister’s communication to the surrounding world (Table 1.1).

4.4 Validity and reliability

This thesis was carefully structured and uniform in instrumentation to retain the reliability and validity of the study and its results. Through keeping distance between subject and researcher, beliefs about the social world can become knowledge, according to Pinnegar and Daynes (2012:8), though this is not a scientific study based on prediction but explanation (Sayer, 1992). To maintain the reliability of the study transparency was employed throughout the thesis both in the account of using only credible materials and the analysis. Less interpretation and subjectivity needed for the analysis in employing a stricter, quantitative tone, was to increase the reliability of the study, although there must be awareness that research will rarely be completely free of subjectivity as facts do not speak for themselves (Gillham, 2000:10). Interpretation of the data must happen for the study to be conducted at all. However, the study has been conducted independently from the SNP and without hidden interests. As for validity, judgement is, according to

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Hammersley (2008) always involved and dependent upon background knowledge and practical understanding. Retaining the validity of the study was the motivation behind the thorough account of the study process above making an assessment for the study’s quality and replication by others possible.

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5 Analysis

In this chapter, data from the 62 speeches aided by the framework of previous research and theory will attempt to find answers to the research question “How

does the leader of the Scottish National Party depict the nation of Scotland?”.

Examining the general result of the data, the four different categories ended up with a considerable difference in numbers of examples (see Table 1.1

Frequencies of examples – summary). The largest category was The Economy

with 454 examples, although The Outside World and Democracy were not far behind with 422 and 408 examples respectively. Last was The people of

Scotland with 107 examples (Table 1.1). Noting the marked difference in

material for The people of Scotland, it was interesting that talking in direct terms about the people or even just mentioning the terms was not nearly as common as the other categories. While the three other categories had a mean value of roughly 7 to 6,5 examples per speech, this category had a mean value of just over 1,7 examples per speech.

It is to be contemplated that the frequencies of each category changed depending on the location where the speech was held. While examples for The

people of Scotland and Democracy were more frequent when in Scotland, The Economy was more frequent when in the UK and The Outside World was most

frequent when the speech was held outside of the UK. This result spells out a change of weight to each category depending on where Sturgeon held the speech, although these numbers are only considered indicators since the dataset is not large enough to make them statistically reliable. Though, these numbers and comparisons sit as background to the four categories presented separately in chronological order in this chapter.

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5.1 Category 1: The people of Scotland

The first category may stand on the smallest amount of data but offered a curious picture. What terms Sturgeon used to what definitions she set on who belongs in Scotland appeared to have open definitions generally, though sometimes dependent on context. In this category Sturgeon’s own definitions on who belongs in the nation of Scotland and how she describes the people of her country will be presented.

5.1.1 The importance of words

The term that Sturgeon used most of the time describing the people in her country was “people in/of/across Scotland” (45 speeches). The terms “Scottish people” and “Scots” were rarely used, although when they were utilized, they had an intriguing context pattern to them. “Scottish people” was used in the context of a potential independence referendum (Speech 7, 19) and in a historic context, especially in relation to innovation and entrepreneurship (Speech 40, 42, 62), while deliberating on the “distinguished” Scottish history (Speech 40) and Scotland’s historic strengths and historic reputation (Speech 57, 61, 62) in engineering excellence, entrepreneurship and innovation (Speech 23, 34, 40, 49, 60, 62). She brought up examples like Scotland having been at the forefront and leading the world towards the industrial revolution (Speech 26, 40, 58, 61, 62), declaring that “Scottish people /…/ literally created much of the modern world we live in today” (Speech 40). Recalling Renan’s (1882) definition of nationalism as a story of a heritage endorsed by a particular group of people devoted to its protection in the future and claiming companionship through it and Anderson’s nation which “always loom out of an immemorial past and /…/ into a limitless future” (2006:11) the pattern fits in with the motivation of attempting to claim a common heritage which is brought into the present. The crossing, mentioning the terms while speaking of a potential independence referendum were interesting incidences as well, minding the connections between nationalism and the concept of autonomy.

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What is happening here is that Sturgeon is creating a timeline and a continuous narrative of national progress for Scotland (see Bhabha, 1990:1) saying: “So if we decide we're going to be the entrepreneurial innovators of the future, we can know we were also the entrepreneurs of the past” (Speech 40). This is context creation serving the nation’s continuity. If there is a memory of a time when Scotland was successful in trade in the past (Speech 61), it is easier to imagine it for the Scotland of the future. A clear example of how this works was how:

“This generation can have great pride when you think of the list of inventions as long as your arm, of things that originated or were invented here in Scotland or by Scots. I think one of the things we need to strive to do right now is do the things that mean, 100 years from now – when people are looking back on this period – that somebody then can write a book on how Scots invented the modern world to come.” (Speech 40)

The narration serves the purpose of giving a foundation to the vision of the future; hence it is intriguing to explore Sturgeon’s use of the term “Scottish people” and “Scots” in this context minding, especially, Mycock’s (2012) criticism that ethnic references are present in the SNP. However, these terms were rarely used compared to the frequent use of “people of/in/across Scotland”. In the modern age, citizens of Scotland are clearly described as the “people of/in/across Scotland”, even if the past and especially its glories were described as invented by Scots. Because of the clear distinction between when the “people in/of/across Scotland” were used and when “Scottish people” and “Scots” were used we can trace a choice in the use of terms in the narration. The choice to go with “the people in/of/across Scotland” instead of “the Scottish people” or ”Scots” is noteworthy in this case because the former is void of the ethnic heritage and history the latter two refer to. Another point to consider in the matter is that the sounding ethnocentricity of the term “Scottish” is arguably missing in Sturgeon’s expressed definition of the term.

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5.1.2 Defining belonging

When discovering Sturgeon’s own reasoning and very open description of who is “Scottish”, which she addressed directly on several occasions (Speech 23, 36, 40, 47), the reasoning behind her concept on who belongs in Scotland became evident. In a speech held in the Scottish Parliament just two weeks after the Brexit vote she stated:

“Whether we have lived here for generations or are new Scots, from Europe, India, Pakistan, Africa and countries across the globe, we are all of this, and more. We are so much stronger for the diversity that shapes us. We are one Scotland and we are simply home to all those who choose to live here. That is who and what we are.” (Speech 4)

In the quote above it is unmistakable that being part of Scotland does not mean that you must have been born or have ancestry from Scotland. In two later speeches held in 2017, she extended the definition to people not living in Scotland (Speech 40) and to people that are “Scots at heart” (Speech 47). Scotland’s modern identity is, according to Sturgeon, an inclusive identity free to use by people around the world who want to call themselves as such, even if they do not have Scottish ancestry (Speech 23), stating that “as far as I’m concerned, if you want to be Scottish, nobody, least of all me, is going to stop you” (Speech 23). In that way she is voiding the term of ethnicity and fitting it with belonging being founded on citizenship/residency, as known from theory (Geertz, 1963:31; Hutchinson, 1987:12; Kohn, 1944:4-5; Weber, 1948:172; Berghe, 1978:403; Brass, 1979, 35; Breuilly, 1982:335; Greenfeld, 1992:7; Anderson, 2006:6). Sturgeon’s definitions also aligned with findings from the majority of previous research into SNP nationalism which has analysed it to be not ethnocentric, but civic (Gunn & Schmidtke, 2015:14; Agnew, 2018:5; Engström, 2019:99; Harvey, 2020:56; McAnulla & Crines, 2017:478). The question about who belongs in the nation is fundamental to nationalism and in this first step, with Sturgeon’s open description of who

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belongs, there is not much trace of a narrative excluding people based on ethnic grounds on the description of the population of today. The rarely used potential ethnocentric terms were only mentioned two times in relation to a modern context and confined most of the time to a historic context. Mostly, belonging in Scotland was broad-based and civically founded; a statement that will become supported in the following categories.

5.2 Category 2 – Democracy

The third-largest category in the data had the broadest approach. Democratic concerns in the speeches ranged from the legitimacy and powers of the Scottish Government to concerns about Brexit to the well-being of communities in the country. Sturgeon was effective in constantly portraying a picture for her audience of where the nation of Scotland needs to head, how that is to be achieved and what hers and her government’s job is in that process. This section will go from the individual level, what it is and should be like to live in the nation of Scotland, to overriding questions about the powers of government and the future of the nation to outline the narrative.

5.2.1 Life in Scotland

In a speech on St Andrew’s Day in 2017 Sturgeon told her audience that compassion and solidarity is part of Scotland’s national identity (Speech 47). It has been noted in previous research that the SNP leans towards “social democracy” (Arnott & Ozga, 2010:96; Hassan, 2009:5) and “left-wing” ideas (Harvey, 2020:56; Hassan, 2011:366). Sturgeon did use the term “social democratic” about her government once (Speech 8), although it was not in regular use. However, her narration about Scotland had a firm standing in social equality and responsibilities of government, which summarizes the way she narrated many of the subjects related to democracy and the well-being of the nation. For example, Sturgeon expressed pride in Scotland having

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safeguarded the “social contract” delivering public service provision and a range of social benefits that she declared far exceeds what is available anywhere else in the UK (Speech 41). She also spoke about promoting “social justice” (Speech 31, Speech 48) pointing out that inequality and unemployment are lower in Scotland than in the UK in general (Speech 60; Speech 10, 14, 15, 27, 34), emphasizing Scotland’s distinction in comparison with the UK general which is a tendency supported by findings from previous research (e. g. McAnulla & Crines, 2017:478-479).

One reoccurring point was that everyone should be given a chance to fulfil their full potential and flourish (Speech 8, 23, 38, 39, 55). This was specifically related to children and young people (Speech 8, 23, 55). The care for young people was not only addressed as an instrumental issue, but a moral one and a measure of what kind of country Scotland is (Speech 55). Sturgeon stated that she was looking to strengthen children’s rights in Scotland (Speech 59), celebrating the contribution young people can have to society (Speech 59) and giving every child a fair chance to realize their potential (Speech 23). “Contribution” and “potential” were regularly mentioned words throughout the two years of speeches, and not only in concern about individuals. Fulfilling everyone’s potential, making way for their contribution, and safeguarding their dignity was equalized with fulfilling the potential of the nation (Speech 1, 8) which is to be taken note of here. The people and nation are intrinsically interwoven because, in the end, the success of the people is the success of the nation. The greater aim, and the purpose, is the prosperity of the nation, which is an essential concept to Sturgeon’s narration on the nation, mentioned in passing by Gunn & Schmidtke (2015:13), but otherwise not found in previous research.

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Turning the equation the other way; Part of caring for Scotland’s future is taking care of its people. It is valuing and protecting citizens (Speech 1), promote fairness (Speech 4, 5, 8, 11, 50), equality (Speech 4, 5, 8, 41), and creating a fairer society (Speech 11, 21, 23, 35, 36, 39). It is to respect and celebrate differences (Speech 4), for example, standing together with the LGBTQ community (Speech 4, 43). Promoting fairness was exemplified in creating a living wage (Speech 38), investing in childcare, schools, improve public services (Speech 8), eradicating child poverty in Scotland (Speech 38) and protecting the rights and improving the lives of people with disabilities (Speech 52). Equality meant promoting gender equality (Speech 38, 39, 54), improving women’s representation and participation in public life, removing barriers and make the world a better place for women (Speech 54). The aim these points all come down to is helping “all people to lead happy, healthy and fulfilling lives” (Speech 34). An articulated objective which is, according to the depiction, the backbone of the nation succeeding; of the creation of a prosperous country (Speech 11, 23, 35). In this way equality, fairness and differences are made into opportunities for the nation of Scotland to thrive to its full potential. It was also a narration of a Scotland distinct from the rest of the UK. For example, Sturgeon mentioned that Scotland is building social housing faster than the UK general (Speech 35, 36), have the best-performing hospitals (Speech 35) and have a higher proportion of workers being paid the living wage in Scotland than in the rest of the UK (Speech 15, 36). Sturgeon also pointed out Scotland’s commitment to fair work as opposed to the accusation of race-to-the-bottom she dealt the UK Government (Speech 8), distinguishing Scotland further and letting the UK stand opposite, as was Mycock’s (2012) criticism.

5.2.2 The society of the nation

In the section above it was clear from Sturgeon’s narration that a successful population is a cornerstone to the success in Scotland’s future. Therefore,

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building a supportive society, where as many people as possible can be successful, is fundamental. Sturgeon mentioned that a good society needs to build on optimism, humanity, and basic kindness to flourish and succeed (Speech 18). In speeches from 2017 and 2018 Sturgeon spoke about wanting to make Scotland the best place in the world in which to grow up, to be educated, to live, work, visit, be cared for in sickness, to live when you have a disability and the best place to grow old in (Speech 35, Speech 48, Speech 49, Speech 52, Speech 55). These aims all go in the category of “what Scotland could become” which was a subject Sturgeon thought should unite everyone (Speech 41), stating that she believes that people in Scotland:

“want world-class public services; that we shouldn’t ask the lowest earners to shoulder more of the burden; we should do all we can to make the system fairer and reduce inequality; and that supporting the economy and sustainable growth should be absolutely central to our approach.” (Speech 41)

This quote outlines the nation Sturgeon seeks to depict for her various audiences. The question about what country Scotland should become and how to build a better society (Speech 23) engaged several different perspectives and aims. A couple of practical examples which Sturgeon herself brought up was to have the highest-quality public services, a strong social contract, effective policies to tackle poverty and inequality (Speech 35, 39, 41), build a system that encourages people to work, have affordable housing (Speech 34), and improving the health and well-being of people in the country (Speech 46). To measure a society is to observe how they “care for, look after, love and support those who are most vulnerable” (Speech 55). Once again, taking care of people is raised as a crucial task to the government. Sturgeon stated in 2017 that “keeping people and communities safe is one of the most important responsibilities of any government” (Speech 35). This type of approach is perhaps what calls for the description of the SNP as social-democratic and left-wing in previous research (Arnott & Ozga, 2010:96; Harvey, 2020:56; Hassan,

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2011:366). In Sturgeon’s speeches, the narrated aim for Sturgeon and her government is to make Scotland and its people prosperous together. To make this connection between people, nation and prosperity even clearer, a term that became consistently mentioned in 2017 and 2018 was inclusive growth. A term consisting of the idea that all parts of the nation need to be included in economic growth. This idea goes from the individual level, to make sure no one is left behind (Speech 38) up to the community level of making sure that every part of the country and society can benefit from growth (Speech 34). If some people face barriers to contributing their talents, then everyone in the country loses (Speech 52). This is connected to the idea that everyone has a fair chance to contribute (Speech 34, 40, 49), going back to the potential, which is the ultimate aim.

5.2.3 Democratic interests in Scotland

Finally, what democracy means in Scotland is layered. To extend on what was found above, Scotland is portrayed as an open, welcoming and inclusive nation. It is also said to be a nation that stands strong for principles of a progressive and liberal democracy (Speech 18) and where human rights are to be valued and strengthened (Speech 1). The government is said to prioritise inclusion (Speech 23, 34), adopting policies with fairness, economic and social rights as well as human rights and inclusion at the heart (Speech 23, 24). To Sturgeon, the open and inclusive nation is the Scotland she says she represents (Speech 4). She also recognized independent academic expertise, a free and “vigorous” media and strong civic institutions as “the lifeblood” of a democracy (Speech 25), underlining democratic factors to the conduct of her government and to her narrative.

The devolved parliament and government from 1999 and onwards have been an important platform to the SNP. First of all, it is clear that the Scottish

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Government is not only considered to be the most trusted voice for acting in Scotland’s interest by Sturgeon (Speech 5), but by the respondents in surveys as well (Reid, Montagu & Scholes, 2020). Sturgeon said in a speech a month after the Brexit vote that since devolution “people in Scotland have trusted the Scottish Government more than the UK Government to act in Scotland’s interest” (Speech 5). According to the Scottish Social Attitudes survey 2019 (Reid, Montagu & Scholes, 2020) this is correct information. She also repeatedly spoke of pursuing all options for the protection of Scotland’s interest (Speech 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 21). What exactly Scotland’s interest is was not deliberated on directly, although it was said that there is a way to protect this interest in a way that can unite the country (Speech 5), recalling nationalism’s doctrine of unification.

Speaking of unity and devolution, a consistent subject was the importance of and strengthening local government around Scotland. Sturgeon spoke about strengthening local and specifically rural communities through, for example, devolving powers (Speech 1, 2, 8, 11), empowerment and encouragement (Speech 26, 35), inclusion in day-to-day decisions (Speech 11), promoting wealth-building within local communities (Speech 34) and seeing to it that all parts of Scotland can succeed and flourish (Speech 31). In other words, enabling communities around Scotland to “prosper” (Speech 46) showing the word as an aim. The united Scotland, leaving no individual and no area behind (Speech 34) is part of the great aim for Scotland and can be likened to the nationalist idea of a particular geographic area and the people within it as a unity and one community working together for the protection of the nation (e.g. Renan, 1882).The greater aim, once again, is the nation of Scotland. This became even clearer in the next section which challenged the relationship between democracy and the nation of Scotland: Brexit.

References

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