Towards Positive Change
A Case of the Textile & Garment
Industry, Bangladesh
Richard Marek Szubinski
Communication for Development One-year Master
15 Credits
VT 2020Supervisor: Anders Høg Hansen Wordcount: 13259
Abstract
In 2013, the Rana Plaza Complex in Bangladesh collapsed claiming the lives of 1134 RMG workers. This event ignited foreign stakeholders applying pressure on factories within the sector to uphold adequete safety measures and address concerns over labour rights. The ILO and EU have since conducted surveys and forwarded recommendations toward what they consider positive change, in a comittment to improve labour rights and factory safety. (Ashraf & Prentice 2019) Prior to this devasting event, women’s rights organisations/movements have and continue to actively challenge cultural and traditional norms in an effort to address issues of social injustice within the sector and in society in general. These grievances range from harassment, long hours, fairer wage distribution and equal rights. Currently, 86% of the workforce in Bangladesh works within the industry, comprising mostly of women and (children) and is its largest exporter to foreign cloths brands in the West. An estimated 4 million people contribute to this labour force and since the emergence of the industry in the 1980’s, women have faced various disparities. Women workers have faced conditions which have subjected her to unequal premises and being less privilaged. An essential part of this inquiry is discussing conceptions of womanhood, empowerment and of gender and class.
This DP examines how the Accord, OWDEB and NGWF engage, address and advocate change, together with their representatives. All three stakeholders are striving for positive change within the sector, each with a specific focus on areas of concern. This inquiry foremost examines the push for change.
Key Words: Women’s Rights, Stakeholders, Empowerment, Textile and Garment Industry
Acknowledgement
I would like to thank and express my gratitude to those participants who took part into my research and inquiry. Without their insight I would not have been able to finalise this paper. Their knowledge and experience has been a valuable source of information that has greatly impacted on my own perception and understanding of current issues regarding social change and development in the garment industry in Bangladesh.
I would also like to express a special thanks to my supervisor, Anders Høg Hansen, whom has given me valuable advice and guidance throughout the term and kept me on track.
Table of Contents Abstract...2 List of Abbreviations...6 1. Introduction...7 1.1 Background...9 2. Literature Review...13
The Bangladesh Accord...14
Bangladesh Looking Beyond Garments...15
Broken Promises of Globalisation...16
Beyond Factory Safety...17
3. Theoretical Framework...19
4. Methodology...21
Methods...22
Limitations...24
5. Analysis...25
5.1 Communicating for Change, A Comparative Analysis...25
5.2 Empowerment & Representation, A Discourse Analysis...30
6. Results...35
8. References...42
List of Abbreviations
NGWF National Garment Workers Federation
OWDEB Organisation for Woman’s Development in Bangladesh ILO International Labour Organisation
EU European Union
BGMEA Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association BKMEA Bangladesh Knit Manufacturers and Exporters Association
RMG Ready-Made-Garment (branch of the textile and garment industry) CAO Chief Automation Officer
MFA Multi Fiber Arrangement GDP Gross Domestic Product
NPWA National Action Plan for Women’s Advancement CSR Corporate Social Responsibility
1.0 Introduction
Up to 70% of the worlds textile exports come from developing countries and in Asia it is estimated that 43 million people work in the industry and woman account for 75% of the workforce. In Bangladesh, the RMG contributes to some 83% of the nation’s GDP. In an article (‘From Labour to automation-the rise of fast fashion at the cost of Bangladesh’, 2019) Bangladesh is an attractive investment because of its low minimum wage structure & trade-quota. These trade networks became part of an international economy of economic relations, internationalization, in an ever-expanding globalised world. The spread of liberalism/modernity and democracy become some of the features of globalisation and Bangladesh’s entry into it. (Hopper 2007) Murray and Overton argue though that this process of inclusion also creates a space of unevenness and exclusion that has consequences on poorer states, such as poverty and inequality. (Murray & Overton 2014)
Women workers in the textile and garment industry have been, since the inception of the industry, been neglected and subjected to social injustice. This division is attributed to gender and a society built on culture and tradition which is viewed as patrilineal and patriarchal. Women’s voice is however challenging these values and is becoming a more powerful force in current Bangladesh. Their inclusion and participation, not only in the workforce but also within the family and community is becoming more visible however many barriers still pertain. How do these ordinary workers and their representatives advocate for change?
The EU, UN and ILO have since the Rana Plaza collapse in 2013 applied pressure on the Bangladeshi government to implement strategies to address issues which harbour the safety and well-being of the sector and its employees. Through a variety of reforms, the industry would improve labour rights, health and safety conditions for workers, opportunities for women via skills training, as well as encourage responsible behaviour by businesses. Stakeholders such as the ILO are making significant contributions and recommendations towards these efforts. The ILO through its various programs, ‘Sustainability Compact’, ‘the Accord’ and ‘Betterwork Bangladesh’ are ‘westernised’ efforts promoting improvements in safety measures, labour rights and working conditions. Since the EU accounts for up to 90% of imports from this sector in Bangladesh, Kenner and Peake suggest this intervention by the EU and other foreign
stakeholders, (US and Canada) is in part considered a moral obligation to assist and address issues of concern. (Kenner, J. & Peake, R. 2019) According to an article written by the Lightcastle Analytics Wing (2019) ‘Bangladesh RMG Sector-Difficult Relationship with Sustainability’, this international collaboration between states has since 2013 seen drastic changes. As regulatory bodies in Bangladesh, the government and BGMEA, may have difficulty in conducting audits on factories, due to being understaffed, this assistance and pressure ‘on companies can lead to organised strategic change’. They include encouraging worker awareness, training and shutting down non-compliant factories.
A UN led initiative, Agenda 2030, is a ambitious framework that proposes Sustainable Development goals for governments, the private sector and civil society to achieve. This is a plan for action, which attempts to ‘align existing sustainability initiatives through a common framework and addresses the need and effort of the challenges that exist in the global textile chain.’ This agenda in part, seeks to achieve gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls all over.1
Local NGO’s and Women/Worker Rights Organisations such as OWDEB, NGWF are pushing for an awareness of workers-rights and equality within the sector and society. 2Therefore, acquiring and establishing contact with the ILO(Accord), OWDEB and NGWF became the key focus in examining how these stakeholders, all within different spheres working toward social and developmental change, advocate and engage recipients into collective decision making and action toward it.
The government of Bangladesh, in compliance to foreign pressure, amended the Labour Act of 2006 in 2013. According to a paper published by the Asian Development Bank and the ILO, (2016), ‘Bangladesh Looking Beyond Garments’, initiatives to improve labour policy were made on collective bargaining, safety in the workplace and freedom
1 The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development retrieved on 20.05.2020 from:
https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/post2015/transformingourworld
2Sustainability Compact: Various stakeholders summon together to promote continuous improvements in labour rights, safety in factories in the industry. These stakeholders include the EU, US, Canada and ILO together with employers and trade unionists in Bangladesh.
Betterwork Bangladesh: This programme incentive is a collaboration between workers, employers and government to improve working conditions within the garment industry.
of association. This Act also stipulates that registration of trade unions has been made easier.
The aim and objective of this DP is to understand the dynamics in place within the sector and how the Accord, OWDEB and NGWF who are involved in processes of change advocate for social change and engage women workers into collective/participatory action. It is recognising social and gender issues, the empowerment of women and the relationship between government, the industry, and its foreign interests.
The research question for this paper is asking what communication measures are taken to promote and encourage human growth and development in the sector. Sub questions consist of how NGO’s and social movements/organisations are working toward positive social change and how it is communicated? How do NGO’s and Social Movements engage in a debate with their employer/factory owner/government? To answer these questions a comparative analysis is conducted on the three stakeholders which this paper focuses on.
The structure of this paper here forth starts with a background and a historical overview of the sector which illustrates the stakeholders involved, the issues and challenges a labour force, consisting predominantly of women, have and still face. Therefore, I have restricted this inquiry to the industry in Bangladesh. The literature review there after discusses the quest for change in the garment industry, its challenges and opportunities. I then move on to the theoretical framework segment of this paper followed by my Methodology which illustrates the methods used and limitations. From here, I then begin my analysis which is a comparative analysis of the stakeholders, and a discourse analysis on representation and empowerment. Since women workers are subjected to unequal terms and conditions, I feel it is important to examine and highlight notions of womanhood and quest for equal recognition. This leads me to my results, the answers to my research question and sub-questions. Finally, I will conclude with my conclusion. 1.1 Background / History
In 1947 Bangladesh acquired Independence from Britain after 200 years of ruling and only in 1971 did it gain full freedom after the Liberation War with Pakistan. (Fontana & Egels-Zanden :1050) Hence, it could be argued that the state of Bangladesh is structured on past British colonial experiences. Shahidur suggests that ‘the British set up this
structure and created a state apparatus-composed of landowners, the military, and the Bourgeois to protect and anchor British interests.’ (Shahidur 2013) Much of these colonial influences are still present and inherited in contemporary Bangladesh. According to Painter & Peters, the legal system, education system, military ranking order are a few of those British influences from colonial rule that still exist today. (Painter, M., & Peters, G. 2010)
Thus, Bangladesh inherited this structure that serves the mutual interests of dominant classes rather than the interests of other social classes. (Shahidur :94) Therefore it could be argued that industrialism in Bangladesh created a working class and a middle class or a polarization of two groups, ‘the rich and the poor or the exploiter and the exploited.’ Migration to the cities contributed to the labour force in factories, increasing not only the population but also poverty, illness, and unemployment. (Balkaya pp1-8) The introduction of the industry in the early 80’s could thus be argued to have created these two groups, those running or owning the companies with economic power and an exploited labour force.
The Textile and Garment Industry in Bangladesh employ an estimated 4 million people and up to 70% of the workforce consists of woman. According to Hossain, women’s involvement into the paid labour market can also be viewed as a means for survival. This transition came in the aftermath of the hunger famine of the 70’s. The failure to protect women from security and hunger, by men, lead women to actively partake and contribute to the household. (Hossain 2016) Woman and children accumulated most of the labour force in the garment industry because they were said to be easier to manage and worked for lower wages. They are low-skilled, low-paid, come from rural areas seeking prosperity and work in conditions that are considered unsafe. (Raihan & Bidisha 2018)
The success of the garment industry in Bangladesh according to Shahidur is in part due to the collapse of the Jute Regime and the governments new focus and attention to the manufacturing sector. The main contributor though to this success lies in the global trade agreement, formally known as the MFA. This international agreement, signed and regulated by governments of 44 countries in 1979, provided ‘special rules governing trade in textiles and the clothing industry.’This arrangement was initiated by the more industrialised nations, (Global North) and is suggested to have been imposed to not only protect their domestic industries but also support local employees in the sector.
Furthermore, Bangladesh is said to have received favourable treatment. For Bangladesh to integrate actively in the global market and develop their manufacturing capabilities, the MFA laxed their quotas. Hence, Bangladesh was able to operate as a quota-free territory up until 1985 and saw minimal adjustments thereafter. This quota basically stipulates how much a state is permitted to export.Since the quotas under the MFA were bilateral, buyers and producers had been keen to move operations to quota free regions of the world. (Shahidur pp18-20) In addition, the economic growth of the textile industry is backed by foreign investment. For Bangladesh to attract these investments they had to implement liberalisation policies. (Hossain 2017) The World Bank has since the early 1980’s contributed with 30 billion dollars in financial aid3.
Two firms hold the ability to politically influence labour practices and have an active role in promoting CSR (Corporate Social Responsibility) engagement in Bangladesh. They are BGMEA and BKMEA. (Fontana & Egels-Zanden :1051) According to Vena, (2013) CSR is used to monitor ethical and socially responsible performance. By identifying issues such as internal disputes/grievances and labour conditions, the CSR model attempts to find their causes/risks and find solutions to produce a positive impact within company operations. The problem with CSR in the textile and garment industry in Bangladesh is the lack of companies enforcing this model. Since CSR is voluntary, companies do not need to promote it. Therefore, it could be argued that these tools to assist development within companies is neglected. (Vena 2013) In addition, Alam suggests that the perception of CSR by businesses in Bangladesh is seen as charity and is ‘imposed on developing countries like Bangladesh by forces of globalisation.’ Hence, the implementation of CSR is slow. (Alam, N. as cited in Visser & Tolhurst 2010)
The role of BGMEA is to ‘promote and facilitate the apparel industry through policy advocacy to the government, services to members, ensuring workers’ rights and social compliance at factories.’4 BKMEA has an objective to promote and expand knitwear from Bangladesh onto the global market. Its objective is to support sustainable
3This information was retrieved from the website of the World Bank
https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/bangladesh. Retrieved February 20, 2020 4 Taken from website, introduction to the firm. http://bgmea.com.bd/, Febuary 16, 2020
development, introduce international standards and raise awareness of basic workers-rights.5
Unionization had been a significant component in the industrial sector however when Bangladesh was nationalized in 1972, Muhammad (2011) argues that the government took over these trade unions and installed corrupt persons in leadership. With the World Bank’s privatization projects in the early 1980’s, the government of Bangladesh turned the trade unions ‘into tools of the ruling party making them alienated from the general workers,’ and created mistrust amongst workers and their leaders in the industrial sector. (Muhammad (2011) cited by Mahtab, N., Parker, S., Kabir, F., & Hague, T. 2016) Privatization facilitated the growth of capitalism and abolished ‘the traditional practises that safe-guarded the welfare of the workers in the past.’ (Mahtab, N., Parker, S., Kabir, F., & Hague, T. 2016) Furthermore, the emergence of aid agencies and the new focus on development aid, were seen as a political tool to influence and promote a new model, neoliberal/capitalistic, that works. (Hossain 2016; Momsen 2010) As such, these influences positioned Bangladesh’s entry into the global market and contributed to a division in labour that fuelled issues of inequality. In so doing, we can acknowledge a division of class, the poor and the elite.
The role of trade unions in the RMG sector in Bangladesh continue to have an important role in promoting health and safety, improved working conditions and upholding the rights and interests of workers. However, the number of workers who are actually given membership or allowed to form a union is a topic of much debate. According to a report conducted by the ILO in 2009, ‘Womans participation in trade unions in Bangladesh: Status, barriers and overcoming strategies’, the representation of women in trade unions is much lower than men.6 Women are marginalised and segregated in the decision-making processes within trade unions, widening the gender gap and making it more difficult to address issues of concern with fair treatment.
5 This statement is part of BKMEA’s mission statement, retrieved from: https://bkmea.com/, Febuary 16, 2020
6This report examines the status and barriers of women’s presence within trade unions and looks into what strategies are in place to enhance their participation. Retrieved from:
Despite these cultural/traditional and societal barriers on women, the emergence of the Textile & Garment Industry has triggered social change in Bangladesh over time. Female employment outside the family unit has made woman not only visible in the labour market but also empowered in society. The participation of women in the workforce allows them to contribute financially to the household, make decisions and build one’s own future. It has generated an opportunity to allow women to participate in the paid labour market for those entering for the first time or who had not partaking for a long time. It has also meant a decline in poverty as now both parents of the household can contribute rather than being dependant on one source of income. Hence, women’s stature in contemporary Bangladesh has achieved a more autonomous stature. (Banks 2013) Although these are encouraging aspects of positive change for women’s involvement and representation in society, the women workers in the industry still face other challenges related to social justice, equal rights and fair wage distribution.
In our current phase, Bangladesh is second to China in exports to the global market in this sector. As such, the role and power of the BGMEA has risen. According to Khan, members of the BGMEA, who regulate exports, participate in government committees on labour and security and business groups represent the majority in parliament. Since political parties are dependent on business owners for their contributions, it seems fair to say that this relationship shares a common agenda, to gain wealth and power. (Khan 2016) The brief insight into Bangladesh’s historical and political background illustrates the various stakeholders involved. Furthermore, it has demonstrated the potential rise of disparities within the Textile & Garment Industry, which contribute to a division of gender and class. It has further illustrated why organisations have taken action to address issues of concern.
2.0 Literature Review
This section illustrates the current knowledge that exists in the authors research. Here I evaluate and analyse the collected material/data which is related to the research question(s). The focus of the review is to examine the work of organisations, such as the Accord/ILO, their recommendations and measures which are subjected/imposed onto the industry and the Bangladeshi government. In addition, this review identifies the social injustice incurred on garment workers within the industry, with an emphasis on gender and class. Each source will be described, evaluated and summarized.
Over the last decade organisations and various authors have published articles/reports relating to garment workers grievances and protests of social injustice regarding long hours, wage, inequality, harassment and human rights violations. These articles/reports identify the challenges the industry faces and forward recommendations that could change current issues into positive change.
The Bangladesh Accord
In a paper written by Richard Croucher, Mark Houssart, Lilian Miles and Philip James titled ‘Legal Sanction, International Organisations and the Bangladesh Accord’, (2019) the authors argue that the regulatory model, the 2013 Bangladesh Accord on Fire and Building Safety is worth implementing to other countries and sectors. The success of this model is arguably its legal basis which binds and commits stakeholders to improving health and safety concerns within manufacturing factories of the RMG industry. This agreement between clothing brands, international trade union organisations and national garment unions, is a new development for collective action towards improving health and safety in garment factories. (Rahman 2014) It was created to improve conditions in the garment industry in Bangladesh, in the aftermath of the Rana Plaza collapse of 2013 and over a period of 5 years would identify, through inspections, health and safety standards and remedy any weaknesses. This ambitious model would attempt to improve standards in over 1,800 supplier factories.
Brands that commit to this agreement, (152 as of 2018), are obliged to uphold certain measures. These include in part, that ‘supplier factories submit to fire safety inspections…accept public disclosure of inspection reports and that suppliers make any necessary repairs and to operate in a safe manner.’ The Accord has several mechanisms in place to inspect and monitor proceedings in each of the signatory companies.
The authors suggest, where NGO’s and local unions lack the expertise to implement measures to address issues, international bodies do. A distinctive feature according to the authors between CSR programmes and the Accord is predominantly that with CSR, companies themselves control and determine ‘what and how outcomes from monitoring are reported.’ Since the CSR approach is a voluntary one, the authors suggest this approach lacks the power to obtain the rights of workers. Thus, this could imply the implementation of CSR does not hold companies equally accountable, such as the Accord. The Accord according to the authors, is ‘more inclusive of core stakeholders,
better resourced and more transparent’ than other agreements. It is more enforcement led. This legally binding agreement requires that change and addressing issues is implemented. (Croucher, R., Houssart, M., Miles, L., James, P. 2019)
Despite the certain positive achievements and effectiveness of this agreement it raises some critical questions. In order to provide protection on the industry, surely this agreement should be more long-term? Although some brands have committed themselves up until 2021, how do we really know that current signatory and compliant factories will continue to uphold these ‘new’ standards once the Accord leaves? Why haven’t domestic laws in Bangladesh provided solutions to these issues? The Accord model in this paper does acknowledge the weak worker representation in the sector which can be implied as another limitation of the Accord. This paper lacks informing the process involved between stakeholders and how it is communicated. Therefore, this became part of my inquiry with the representative from the Accord, to understand more precisely how the process of change is advocated.
Bangladesh looking beyond Garments
In a diagnostic study on employment, ‘Bangladesh looking beyond garments’, co-published by the Asian Development Bank, International Labour Organization and the Regional Office for Labour in the Pacific, this document talks about a variety of issues concerning employment in Bangladesh. The section of interest here is the RMG industry (ready-made-garment). Here, it aims to highlight market trends and analyses issues relating to employment. Recommendations are made for the government and stakeholder(s) to consider. Although, the reader is exposed to figures and graphs, constantly reminded of growth and output, increase or decreasing values, the author fails to see much text on qualitative research. The quality of life as Gilbert Rist argues is measured by an indicator, the GDP, which ‘only records market transactions and shows as a plus value.’ Development comes across as a means that suggests that constant growth of production will make the future better. (Rist 2011) Much of what is said is purely quantitative and despite the authors of this document proposing a more qualitative aspect, it could not be seen.
This report additionally mentions how improvements were made on existing policy within the Labour Act 2013. They include safety in the workplace, collective bargaining and freedom of association. This includes expediting registration of trade unions in the
industry, however according to this report, only 5% of workers in 2015 were unionized. This figure may have altered somewhat, however progression is slow and the question is why? Afterall, the amended Labour Act stipulates that registration was made easier. This became part of an inquiry to establish whether the low amount is due to, in part, gender relations between men and women or other factors.
The structure of this diagnostic study becomes rather Eurocentric, with a focus on economic growth rather than recognising human disparities in gender and class. It does not necessarily address measures/policies toward positive social change, rather recommends a more strategic developmental change that the government and industry should consider. Some interesting figures are highlighted, however there is no indication of how automation systems in the RMG industry may affect this labour force and what the government or companies may be doing to ease such a transition or propose solutions to such a imminent problem. A combination of both quantitative and qualitative research could however provide a stronger image of what’s at risk, which takes ‘all’ aspects into consideration. Furthermore, we need to consider and question how these surveys were performed. What did the questions look like? Were they pre-arranged/constructed by someone else and how many people were part of the survey?
Broken Promises of Globalisation
In contrast to the more quantitative approach we witness in reports and journals made by the ILO or World Bank, a book by Shahidur Rahman called ‘Broken Promises of Globalisation’, (2013) reveals a more personalised vision of the garment industry and social change and development in Bangladesh. Here, we are given an historical overview of the origins of the industry, its socio/economic impact and the status of woman. Rahman manages to describe the internal and external factors that contribute to the vulnerability of not only the garment industry but also the Bangladeshi government. The recurring theme of women and their struggle for fair treatment and equal rights becomes a key factor in understanding their position in society and how processes of change have contributed to women becoming a stronger voice in their community. Despite woman’s growing force in participation and voicing their plight for justice, many factors contribute to the vulnerability of the textile and garment industry. Whether it be competitiveness from foreign states, pressure to automate and meet demand or conflicting interests of the
elite and government regime in Bangladesh, this book highlights many of the challenges, consequences the industry and state faces.
Shahidur suggests that woman in Bangladesh have been dominated by a ‘patriachal, patrilineal and patrilocal social system.’ Although Bangladesh enshrined equal rights for woman in 1972, this region has been characterized by defined gender roles and sex segregation. Two key cultural features are that the ‘patriarchy-senior male in the household is often regarded as the supreme authority and that patrilineality-decent and inheritance are traced through the male line.’ The tradition of ‘purdah’, determines ‘what is allowable or forbidden for female labour inside or outside the home.’ Women are not supposed to be seen by males outside the family. In Bangladesh, the most powerful ideological operator is related to the Muslim religion and the traditional division of labour along sexual lines is reinforced thereby.(Shahidur 2013)
This book allows the researcher to further examine how these disparities are challenged and how workers actively advocate for change. Although there appears to be many references to researchers who have conducted surveys and observations, it would have been interesting to know exactly how they were conducted, when, where and how. This becomes a similar trait to the report by the ILO, they are interesting statements which raise further questions.
Beyond Factory Safety
In an article written by Hasan Ashraf and Rebecca Prentice titled ‘Beyond factory safety: Labour unions, militant protest, and the accelerated ambitions of Bangladesh’s export garment industry’ (2019) draws on ethnographic field research in Bangladesh. The inclusion of this article is not to demonstrate the economic interests of company owners or government, rather it is to illustrate the causes of unrest amongst garment workers. It demonstrates why garment workers may resort to extreme measures and aims to highlight ‘the lived and embodied experiences’ of the conditions garment workers endure within their working environment on a day to day basis and their struggle for recognition. Here, Ashraf and Prentice have conducted research that includes participant observation in the factory, observations on labour mobilizations and protests, along with interviews with workers and labour organisers. The few quotes given by workers remark to working conditions, highlights the grievances they feel and their fear of speaking out. In addition, Ashraf and Prentice give insight into how the government of Bangladesh and foreign
stakeholders like the ILO tend to neglect the concerns by workers on factory level. Although as they suggest, the ILO together with the government enforce changes, such as the implementation of better safety measures and better maintenance, (via the Accord) key issues related to the well-being of workers is neglected. There is a clear division between formal trade unions and labour workers, leaving workers exposed to and loss of labour rights. This the authors believe widens the gap of positive social change. The factories may be reinforced structurally, however little attention is given to the grievances of the worker’s, on the factory floor.
This article contributed in identifying certain limitations or gaps by foreign interventions. It recognises on a local level the effort to see and hear the ordinary low-skilled, low-paid worker’s voice. This social unrest commits those garment workers into collective action from the ground up. It is unclear if the authors are bias in their research or whether they specifically aim to propose an intended outcome of their results.
Their findings like other related articles, books, journals, and reports, do however illustrate the challenges ordinary workers face and the political structure, decision making processes in place that favour the few rather than the many. It further allowed me to do a comparative analysis on the three stakeholders in focus, which examines how they advocate for change.
The writings of Shahidur, Ashraf and Ahmed, whom are of Bangladeshi inheritance may provide and contribute to our understanding of circumstances from a local perspective. That is not to say that their views may be bias or westernised in their approach but the combination of gathering sources from both ends of the spectrum depict and illustrate either similarities or differences in how stakeholders operate, deal with challenges and issues of concern within the industry and the state of Bangladesh.
The push for change examines how the Accord, OWDEB and NGWF advocate, engage and address issues together with their representatives. Therefore, applying theories from Tufte, Mefalopulos and Wilkins incorporate arguments and ideas that coincide with the stakeholder’s involvement into actively working towards social change and development. Literature on Participatory Communication, Advocacy and Communication for Social Change is utilised here to illustrate these concepts in the comparative analysis. Exerts from Hossain and ‘The Aid Lab’, contribute to an understanding of foreign intervention into Bangladesh and women’s inclusion into the labour market from a historical
perspective. The use of Hopper, ‘Understanding Cultural Globalisation’, and Murray and Overton in ‘Globalization/localization and development’, become a brief acknowledgement of globalisation/trade and its relationship with Bangladesh.
The dominant role of woman in the labour force and their plight for social justice and equal rights focuses part of my attention to the writings and theories of Momsen on Gender and Development and Cornwall on Empowerment as this inquiry in part examines gender relations and gender roles. This literature examines the balance of power between men and women, preconceived ideas of women and development policies at work. Conducting a discourse analysis will illustrate how women are stereotyped, marginalised and segregated. Here I have incorporated theories from Hall on representation. This is to illustrate how preconceptions of womanhood contribute to subjecting women to a specific role and how this leads to grievances/disparities, which are then challenged. Literature by authors such as Chowdhury in ‘Feminism & its ‘other’, Shahidur in ‘Broken Promises of Globalisation’, Ashraf & Prentice in ‘Beyond factory Safety’ who conducted ethnographic and textual analysis research into the field, not only contribute to this discursive analysis but discuss and frame the socio/economical aspects of the industry and the role of women therein. Some reference will be made by Marx and Engels from the book ‘Communist Manifesto’ on their theory of Capitalism and the exploitation/division of labour however this will be minimal. Although their theories may be considered Eurocentric, I believe it can still be applicable to Bangladesh whom has been influenced and governed by an imperial power for two centuries.
3.0 Theoretical Framework
In this theoretical framework, I will discuss which theories and literature may best help situate historical/cultural contexts, (past and present), and how they can be applied into this specific investigation. By analysing and interpreting the data/material gathered, this framework aims to understand concepts and definitions that shape new knowledge by confirming or challenging theoretical assumptions. Hence, specific variables in this discussion encompass:
a) Identifying how communication strategies and approaches engage stakeholders into collective action for positive social change and development.
b) Gender issues and inequality. Woman’s Rights movements/organisations promoting equal rights and challenging the current patriarchal structure within society.
According to Neuman, ‘Critical social science is defined as a critical process of inquiry that goes beyond surface illusions to uncover the real structures in a material world in order to help people change conditions and build a better world for themselves.’(Neuman 2006)
A key point in this quote for me by Neuman is uncovering what is done and how and critiquing the processes of influence that have potentially put people in a difficult position. Lower paid/skilled workers face challenges in their working environment with safety, wage disputes and fair treatment. Their concern is being voiced and heard through the active involvement of foreign and local organisations. These organisations in Bangladesh are advocating for change within the sector and society and pursuing change in policy and social structure via communication approaches that encompass collective and participatory action. It is a means for achieving results, for better circumstances. These encompass addressing issues of fairer wage distribution, a reduction in working hours, safety at work and sexual harassment.
According to Tufte and Mefalopulos ‘participatory communication helps generate policy relevant-information via the participation of ordinary citizens in social mobilization, public debateand policy dialogue. The articulation of voice from ordinary citizens feeds into policy formulation processes as bottom-up advocacy processes.’ (Tufte & Mefalopulos 2009)
Drawing from Marx’s critique on Capitalism and the exploitation of labour allows me to focus on societal action and the impact policies and decisions have on the behaviour of individuals/groups in society. The specific use of cheap labour to gain high profit have further created a division of class and gender in Bangladesh. It allows for an examination into how the Accord, OWDEB and NGWF advocate for change and address issues of concern. Marx’s critique of Capitalism and how it may be applied to contemporary society becomes an examination of ideology and capitalism at work, by examining class difference and the way people live. (Marx & Engels 2008) This includes the examination of ideological forces and statements that influence human action. (Budd, 2008, p.174) As suggested by Hossain, the emergence and influence of NGO’s and development policies
aimed at alleviating poverty were tools of intervention to demonstrate the effectiveness of Neoliberalism at work. (Hossain 2016)
This inquiry in part, ‘questions the ability of a Capitalist economy to prevent inequality’. (Wilkins 2014) This is not to suggest that inequality and segregation of women is due to Capitalism, however it is a component in attributing to women worker grievances and division of class. Bangladesh’s cultural values, ideals and tradition have contributed to this division and is reinforced with language and meaning. Women here have been depicted as cheap and submissive, working with jobs that are considered traditional roles of what women should do. These notions of womanhood are discursive conceptions and they reinforce ideas of difference. Therefore, applying Hall’s theory became valuable in identifying how these discourses operate and how they have the power to uphold this division of ‘us’ and ‘them’. According to Dye, the division based on sex or gender creates something that is gendered, which ascribes characteristics of masculinity or femininity. This usually results in power and privilege. (Dye 2012) The application of Hall, Momsen, Chowdhury and Cornwall here are tools to illustrate how conceptions of gender create these binaries of difference and how they may lead to social unrest.
4.0 Methodology
The research tools used into this investigation/inquiry comprise of several methods, each with a specific aim. They begin with a basic, historical, and comparative research method, finalizing with interviews and a discourse analysis. The analysis and examination of data/material collected will contribute to gaining insight into how change is advocated by the three stakeholders under review. It will in addition emphasis the role of women in the Textile and Garment Industry and Bangladeshi society. This insight will provide and identify changing mechanisms within their social/cultural context. The acquisition of reports, news articles (past and present), statistics and literature within the field both internally and externally will contribute to a broader understanding of how the stakeholders involved advocate for and engage workers into collective action for positive social change and development. Furthermore, readings on the implementation of automative systems into the industry, which create concerns for such a large labour force, indicate potential solutions to this challenge. These solutions become part of my proposed recommendations.
Basic Research
The inquiry in question is to gain knowledge and understanding of undergoing socio/developmental change and communication strategies within the Textile and Apparel Industry. Unlike interviews and observations, written sources ‘tend to be more accessible, stable and verifiable.’(McLennan & Prinsen 2014) Since the researcher may not be able to do active on the ground fieldwork, research involving these more traditional methods of gathering and conducting development research, access to the internet and written records is more viable.
Comparative Research
The focus on three different stakeholders, each working towards positive change, allows for an ‘evaluation of the similarities, differences and associations between entities.’ It is a search for similarity and variation between the entities that are the object of comparison. Comparative research not only uncovers differences between ‘social entities’ but may also reveal details/features of a particular entity that would be otherwise be overlooked. (Mills, 2008, p.101) By comparing how the Accord (ILO), OWDEB and NGWF participate and advocate for change within the sector, we may find similarities or differences in their approach and identify various discourses in place. What ideals are imposed if any? How is communicating for change advocated by these stakeholders? How do they engage workers, women to demand their rights? These sub-questions form part of qualitative researchers’ interest in examining their findings and making comparisons.
Historical Research
This 3rd option as a research method is chosen as it reflects my assertion that Western influence into the global south, (Bangladesh) has taken advantage of a political and social arena for their benefit. Therefore, historical research provides the critical contextual link of the past to the present. Furthermore, it has relevance to the research about ‘contemporary social and cultural issues.’ Lundy suggests that this research is often associated with historiography which includes not only an analysis of the data collected but a further examination of the sources and interpretation of data. (Lundy, 2008, p.396) This method provides an overview of when stakeholders started to be involved and the evolution of social movements for women’s rights within the state.
Interview/Testimonials:
Conducting interviews is a process of acquiring knowledge from a source, to serve the interest of the researcher. The purpose of interviewing is to enable the researcher to answer the research question(s). This one-way dialogue, which is semi structured, asks questions of ‘how’ and ‘what’, leaving room for the respondent to be more descriptive. The dilemma for me analysing the material is predominantly language. Since English may be their secondary language, it requires a task of carefully interpreting and understanding what the respondent is saying. Misinterpreting material may lead to false results. Ethically, informed consent was given by respondents on the use of information acquired. (Brinkman 2012)
Although contact with various sources has been extremely difficult and time consuming, the testimonials and answers received have given feedback on issues from a local point of view. Here, I initially contacted various institutions of interest in Bangladesh that may assist me in my inquiry. They encompassed, trade unions, divisions of the government, journalists, company owners and civil rights movements. Feedback received from them would strengthen my understanding of how their interpretation, implementation and communication for change is taking shape and the challenges workers face in the RGM industry.
Those who responded, (Accord & OWDEB) preferred to have my questions sent to them (via email) rather than conducting a formal interview over the phone. This allowed for them to answer when convenient and could allow for a more descriptive response. A formal interview was conducted over the phone (watsapp) with Amirul Hague Amin, President of NGWF. The questions posed are directly linked to the Textile and Garment Industry, the role of women in the sector and how communication for change is advocated. (see appendix) These testimony accounts enhanced my understanding of how these stakeholders experience their current situation and how they engage and advocate for change.
Discourse Analysis
According to Polter, DA concerns itself with a series of methods ‘for studying language use and its role in social life.’ Other work related to DA uses the term specifically to refer to a linguistic object that can be described and counted. (Polter 2012)
The use of this analysis is perhaps more related to Hall’s theory on representation. In terms of gender and class representations in Bangladesh and the garment industry, the application of these theories by Hall, including Momsen, Cornwall and Chowdhury will identify discourses within cultural and traditional values and ideals. It will further assist my own findings relating to the specific use of terminology and their discursive nature. Limitations
Although a variety of methods have been listed and utilized, those that became prioritized are the basic and comparative research methods. This thesis has been about advancing my own personal knowledge of the sector, addressing a concern for the outcome of a large labour force and the role of women in Bangladeshi society and the apparel industry. My focus on three stakeholders allowed for a comparative analysis, which could identify how they as individual organisations advocate for change. It is understanding the process toward achieving a desired result. The approach undertaken has its limitations. Foremost, it is about space and language. The distance between myself living in Norway and addressing the role of women in the Textile and Garment Industry in Bangladesh, prevents me from conducting on the ground field research. On the ground field research would allow for observations, dialogue and interaction with various stakeholders and employees. This inquiry has relied heavily on collecting data that currently exists on the topic and evaluating its significance. Statements made by representatives from both the ILO, OWDEB and NGWF have indeed contributed to my research inquiry and without them this DP would be vulnerable. Acquiring testimonials from workers in the industry would have been of preference and added further strength to my understanding of how they perceive their own position within the factory and within society. This has unfortunately been unsuccessful.
5.0 Analysis
This section of the DP is broken down into two segments. The first segment is a comparative analysis of how these various stakeholders recommend, implement and engage workers into positive change. This looks specifically at the Accord from the ILO, OWDEB and NGWF and how they advocate for social change and development. The analysis looks at similarities and differences in their approach and the process of participation. Here I have utilised information received from all three stakeholders.
The use of a discourse analysis in this DP becomes an emphasis of women’s representation within the sector and in Bangladesh. This analysis illustrates conceptions of womanhood and how empowerment is contributing to positive change.
5.1 Communicating for Change
The Rana Plaza collapse in 2013, brought attention to the industry and measures were undertaken by the ILO to implement inspections on factories and improve their fire and building safety and occupational health and safety through the Accord. The Accord on Fire and Building Safety in Bangladesh is a legally binding agreement between global brands, retailers and trade unions, which sets out to create a safer and healthier garment and textile industry in Bangladesh. This agreement was created to prevent incidents such as the Rana Plaza Collapse from occurring again and ensuring the safety of its workers. Thus, the Accord do regular fire, electrical and structural safety inspections on signatory factories. In addition, they monitor remediation processes, via CAP, have safety training and resolve complaints by workers and their representatives on safety.7
The process of communicating these recommendations according to a representative from Accord, is a collective approach which combines the efforts of those involved to implement change. Teams in Bangladesh are given external support in terms of managerial and operational oversight by their main office in the Netherlands. These teams then, having acquired approvals by companies in Bangladesh conduct meetings, ‘face-to-face’, with representatives from both the trade unions and companies to develop a corrective action plan, (CAP). This type of engagement based on dialogue is a strategy of participatory communication, that embodies collective decision making and ‘respect for local knowledge’. (Manyozo :155) It is a means to achieve results. (Tufte & Mefalopulos)
This action plan has a timeframe and financial plan and failure to comply with it results in penalties and even the factory closing down. (R.Szubinski, personal communication, April 2, 2020) What about the women garment workers? If their membership and active participation in trade unions is very scarce, this respect for local knowledge becomes
7 The Accord on Fire and Building Safety in Bangladesh. This website provides an overview of their purpose, their partners and their success story. Retrieved from https://bangladeshaccord.org/on 01.04.2020
slightly vague since it does not involve all voices, in the process for collective decision making.
With regard to communicating the rights of garment workers, the Accord representative, explains that this information, covered by the Accord Safety and Health mechanism, addresses workers in factories in an all employee meeting and has training sessions ‘with joint labour-management factory-level safety committees.’ (R.Szubinski, personal communication, April 2, 2020) How often these all employee meetings take place is unclear, as is whether or not employees understand what these rights entail and how they can individually or collectively address these grievances productively without delay or negligence. Although these companies that are legally bound to adhere to changes within their companies on fire and safety how are basic worker rights measured?
In contrast, a women worker rally held recently on March the 6th of 2020, by the NGWF, advocated for a demand of 6 months maternity leave in the garment industry. According to the president of NGWF, Amin, the public sector already has this leave implemented however the private sector and the garment industry does not. The rally also demanded the government uphold the ILO Convention-190. (NGWF, Press Release, March 3.2020) This document, (from the ILO) states that everyone is free from harassment and violence at work, including gender-based violence and harassment. Such behaviour is a threat to equal opportunities, and it is up to companies and government to facilitate, recognize and acknowledge that this is addressed and implemented both internally within the working environment and externally in public space.8 This rally saw 200 women joined together collectively in front of the National Press Club and other visible arenas demanding fair treatment. Together with other woman worker leaders they united expressing their solidarity. (NGWF, Press Release, March 3. 2020) Social mobilization aims to promote their voice and concern to be heard by decision makers, opinion leaders and the general public and focuses on creating an awareness to collectively commit those involved into action. (Tufte & Mefalopulos 2009) It then becomes the responsibility of the government to deliver these services. Those engaged in a collective effort, and those targeted, use communication as a means to recognise problems and find potential solutions. It is an act of discovery, empathy and encouragement toward positive change. Communication sites
8 ILO Convention-190, retrieved on 03.03.2020 from:
whether a form of education or mobilization, become a means for groups to challenge understandings of problems and proposed solutions.
According to Wilkins;
‘Advocacy engages public communication in support of a particular political view. This political process may target a variety of communities, public as well as policy makers, toward creating social support on behalf of policy change.’ (Wilkins :1)
In addition, those engaged may ‘see themselves as having the capacity and the right to act and have influence.’ (Rowland 1996:87 cited in Cornwall 2016) It can be viewed as a process of ‘making sense of their worlds, their relationships, their assumptions and beliefs, practises and values with potentially transformational effects.’ (Cornwall 2016) The NGWF has branch offices located in the industrial area which operate as information hubs, whereby workers and organisers can meet, talk and engage actively toward social change. The physical presence of their protests, loud action, is an attempt to apply pressure on government, industrial police and factories to demand change. As Tufte suggests this ‘noisy’ activism is a means of ‘attracting attention…expressions of mass popular outcry.’ (Tufte 2017) By raising an awareness, organising training, educational programs and providing legal aid, the NGWF equips members, women workers with knowledge and skills to enhance their capability for mobilizing and uniting to demand change. In addition, the NGWF publishes newsletters, magazines and other materials to further promote and raise this awareness amongst workers. (Amin, H.A. personal communication, May 5, 2020)
A spokesperson from OWDEB, respondent X, gave insight into how they as an NGO working toward gender and human rights and woman’s development in Bangladesh, advocate for change. Women in the RGM sector are made aware of their rights and responsibilities by being made capable of having a social dialogue and win-win negotiation with their management and that they participate in decision making via representation in factory-based committees for improvement of working conditions. (R. Szubinski, personal communication, March 12, 2020) Although information on change within the manufacturing procedure may be overlooked due to literacy problems, this organisation together with former employees attempt to advocate this as far as possible. Thus, regular interaction is made with many RGM workers to orientate them. OWDEB
has in addition, a Woman’s Café, whereby women workers are actively made aware of their rights and demands they can make toward social justice. Although Interviewee X feels the dynamics in society are getting better for women, the percentage of women who are trained or involved in other sectors such as technology, textile engineering and fashion design is minimal. This suggests that men could be more likely to be trained and promoted, since men are perceived to accommodate these positions better.
Reviewing these statements made by three stakeholders shows that on a local level, communication strategies are made more frequently and their plight for social justice has been one spanning over a decade. Local organisations have acquired a capacity to deal with concerns made by garment workers in a more engaged method, by conducting regular encounters and meetings. The Accord on the other hand, being an external entity, may have regular meetings with management and representatives from trade unions, however as trade unions are unlikely to have women representatives, their issues or challenges may not necessarily be forwarded or taking into consideration. Thus, several distinctions appear in each of the stakeholder’s communication approach.
As previously mentioned, the Accord acknowledged its weak worker representation, however where they may have limitations in addressing worker grievances, other organisations such as the OWDEB and NGWF do. Although all these organisations seek to make positive change and address social injustice, the most apparent difference in their approach to these issue’s rests on proximity, availability and connectivity and structure. The OWDEB and NWGF communicate for social change and development from a bottom-up approach whereby the Accords approach is top-down. Both strategies are aiming to resolve problems. The ‘top-down’ approach is more ‘expert’ driven, more linear, whereby the ‘bottom-up’ approach becomes the active involvement and empowerment of citizens to identify the problems, to develop strategic solutions and implement them. (Tufte 2017) All organisations are conducting a participatory communications approach which is dialogic and face-to-face however their structure differs. Drawing from Tufte & Mefalopulos (2009) on the forms of participation and power distribution it could be argued that the Accord practise participation ‘by consultation or participation by collaboration, in which stakeholders are invited by outside experts to contribute to projects with predetermined objectives.’ (Tufte & Mefalopulos 2009 cited in Manyozo 2012) These predetermined objectives are thus held
by the Accord, retaining their power. (Arnstein 1969 cited in Manyozo 2012) The approach conducted by the NGWF and OWDEB could hence be categorised as the practise of empowerment participation in which certain issues are discussed and information is shared. They are in control of the decision-making processes and responsibilities. (Tufte & Mefalopulos 2009 cited in Manyozo 2012)
‘nobodies are trying to become somebodies with enough power to make the target institutions responsive to their views, aspirations and needs.’ (Arnstein 1969:218, cited by Manyozo 2012)
This quote by Arnstein is a representation of the power dynamics which vary amongst our three stakeholders. Institutions such as the ILO and EU have the ability to exercise that power with perhaps greater results, yet local organisations are attempting to gain that power, to be in a position to bring about structural change.
The OWDEB and NGWF are organisations that in part are challenging ‘notions/understandings of gender identities and relations.’ It is ‘concerned with transforming power relations in favour of women’s rights and greater equality between women and men.’ (Batliwala 1993, 2007; cited in Cornwall 2016) These participants become empowered. This is not suggesting that the Accord does not empower their recipients. They do by giving responsibility, knowledge and skills to perform tasks which otherwise may have been overseen, neglected or unknown. Thus, it can be argued that all organisations practise and empower their recipients in various forms.
The commitment by the Accord in Bangladesh is short term. Although they have effectively contributed to implementing and enforcing change in a legally binding contract with signatories, their presence is based on an agreement spanning over 5 years. Once the power to influence is given back to regulatory bodies in Bangladesh, will these standards and measures continue to be enforced? The approach of local entities such as the OWDEB and NGWF are ongoing. They will continue advocating for change until their rights are recognised and met. This raises a critical question which may create a dilemma. If international assistance continued to operate and monitor health/safety and working conditions, could it force existing companies to operate elsewhere? Since the economic success of the industry thrives on low-wages companies may feel threatened with the amount of positive change taking place. Thus, although the push for change, (by the Accord) here is positive it may also create a negative consequence!
It could be argued that brand companies that have together with factories in Bangladesh complied with fire and safety measures, can continue doing business, with minor retribution towards those who actually do the work under such physical and mental deteriorating conditions. A more combined effort between factory owners, employees and policy makers, to acknowledge and recognise the circumstances of ordinary garment workers would address these issues/challenges, and measures to accommodate them would benefit all parties involved and not the selected few.
5.2 Empowerment and Representation
Bangladesh has a long tradition of women’s organisations, perhaps even more so after independence in 1971. Prior to the large emergence and inception of NGO’s and government organisations during the 80’s and 90’s, these women’s organisations were grounded ‘in local experience and articulated in local idioms in societies.’ (Kabeer 2012)
The empowerment of women is an issue to improve conditions for women. It is addressing issues of violence, gender equality, participation and of opportunity. The role of women and their relationship to men bares a stark difference, one that is socially constructed and becomes the basis for advocating for change. (Momsen 2010) According to Cornwall, gender equality is a process of challenging ‘culturally embedded normative beliefs, understandings and ideas about gender, power and change’, which positions women in situations of ‘subordination and dependency.’ It is challenging notions of what a women or man should be or do. (Cornwall 2016)
‘Recognising inequalities in power, asserting the right to have rights and acting to press for and bring about structural change in favour of greater equality.’ (Batliwala 1993; Kabeer 1994; Rowlands 1997; Sen 1997 as cited in Cornwall 2016)
Empowerment can mean several things, depending naturally on which culture we examine. Nevertheless, whether it is about having choice to gain capacity, or about power and exercising that which previously was not present in people’s lives, people feel empowered when an action contributes to change. (Kabeer 2012; Batliwala 1993) Batliwala suggests that power has two central aspects, the control of resources and control over ideology. Empowerment thus becomes a process of gaining control. (Batliwala 1993 in Cornwall 2016)
Although women workers in the RGM industry feel some form of empowerment by accumulating an income and contributing financially to the household and actively partake in decision making processes therein, it instigates a change in power relationships, self-assertion and gender inequality. Women who previously had exercised little power over their lives can. Exercising power with other women collectively and recognising this power within, becomes a ‘power for positive social change,’ that challenges issues of injustice and inequalities together. This process according to Cornwall engages women to think differently about their own circumstances. (Cornwall 2016)
Based on cultural and traditional values and ideals in Bangladesh it has been established that the structural subordination of women describes this social context as patriarchal, whereby men have been attributed the role as the dominant and male-headed family figure.
The Cambridge dictionary defines patriarchy as:
‘a society in which the oldest male is the leader of the family, or a society controlled by men in which they use their power to their own advantage.’
Tradition and cultural norms have, dating back to the middle ages to our current phase, witnessed an unequal distribution of authority. Women have been regarded as a lower status, controlled, and dominated by men, whether in the household, by marriage or within the textile and garment industry, this hierarchy pertains in Bangladeshi society and becomes part of the discussion on gender and class. (Islam: 238)
The introduction of the Textile and Garment Industry in the early 80’s abolished certain conditions that safeguarded workers-rights within the industry, thus creating an uncertainty and a division of labour. Unionization became a rare and difficult process of engagement for workers to exercise and uphold measures of welfare and income and has hence created social unrest.
Is forming a union and being a member within the sector seen as a threat to the patriarchal order? Is it a means of upholding control and an ideal? If women were allowed to partake in decision making and have power to affect current issues on wages and safety, and other grievances, would the ‘dominant’ male loss his authority, his power and stature? Having said that, since women workers come across as dispensable and replaceable, creating fear and intimidation at the workplace, reinforces the male position. Workers fear of losing
their jobs and income source, so they keep quiet. As the representative from OWDEB articulates, women will not fight for competition with male workers. (R.Szubinski, personal communication, March 12, 2020) Those garment workers that have engaged in protests had found themselves indicted or even losing their jobs. (Safi 2016) It could be argued that these measures undertaken by employers with ‘support’ from local authorities indirectly project this fear amongst other workers. It makes a statement to others, that if they try, this is what happens. It is cheaper to dispose of the loud than to invest in their workforce. Therefore, they can be viewed as a temporary workforce and as secondary earners they can be paid low wages.
The prime body for formulating international regulations on Worker’s Rights is the ILO. These regulations and recommendations are ‘the tools used to help countries improve their working conditions.’ According to Ahmed and Peerlings, the laws in Bangladesh protecting worker’s rights are only covered to a certain extent. They argue that in most of the apparel factories, workers have no employment contract or a letter of appointment. The reason for this is so factories avoid payment of social security benefits. (Ahmed & Peerlings 2009) Union membership is estimated to range between 5 to 10% and throughout the global south garment factories are rarely unionized. Why? In an article written by Ashraf and Prentice they suggest the causes for this, amount to a high threshold of workers needed to form a union, 30% and fear of being dismissed and harassed by employers. ‘Workers knew that if they visited union offices word was likely to get back to their employers.’ Furthermore, those workers who had dialogue with the BGMEA to resolve grievances, were handpicked by management and never resolved. (Ashraf & Prentice 2019) The RGM industry in Bangladesh has ignited much public debate and worker discontent over the last decade. Protests on the streets of Dhaka have collectively contributed to an outcry for recognition and voice over grievances related to harassment at work, low pay, inequality, segregation and exploitation. Long hours of continuous work with minimal breaks to meet deadlines have resulted in workers on the factory floor partaking in action towards change. As one women garment worker states after a police crackdown on labour protests:
‘we make noise because we are not heard. We make noise because we are not seen. Vandalism (bhangchur) never is the first step. It happened when we stood with our backs against the wall and had nothing left to lose and attacked.’ (Ashraf & Pentrice 2019)
