• No results found

Re-imagining faith-based and civil society organisations as agents of development in transitional polities in Africa

N/A
N/A
Protected

Academic year: 2022

Share "Re-imagining faith-based and civil society organisations as agents of development in transitional polities in Africa"

Copied!
9
0
0

Loading.... (view fulltext now)

Full text

(1)

Edited by Heidi Moksnes and Mia Melin

Faith in Civil Society Religious Actors

as Drivers of

Change

(2)

Faith in Civil Society

Religious Actors as Drivers of

Change

(3)

Uppsala Centre for Sustainable Development Uppsala University

Villavägen 16

752 36 Uppsala Sweden www.csduppsala.uu.se

Editors Heidi Moksnes and Mia Melin Graphic design Tegl design Printed by Hallvigs Cover photo Dreamstime Uppsala 2013

ISSN 1403-1264 ISBN 978-91-980391-4-6

(4)

172

R e v i e w i n g i n t e r n a t i o n a l e x p e r i e n c e a n d l e s s o n s f r o m K o s s o v o

Re-imagining faith-based and civil society organisations as agents of development in transitional polities in Africa

John W Forje

Unlike many African countries – such as Nigeria with its civil war in the early 1960s, the Democratic Republic of Congo with is ongoing conflict, and Sudan and Somaliland, just to mention but a few – Cameroon has not suffered from war. However, this does not imply that Cameroon is free from human insecurity – that its population enjoys “safety from chronic threats as hunger, disease, and repression as well as protection from sudden and harmful disruptions in the patterns of daily lives – whether in homes, in jobs or in communities” (UNDP 1994). The imposed World Bank Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in the 1980s posed a serious threat to human and national security. That the country evaded war, with the imposition of SAP coinciding with the country’s return to multiparty politics, was due to the intervention of supreme powers. The churches strongly appealed to their followers to pray, constantly, for peace, unity and serenity to reign in the country, so as to avoid the kinds of situations existing in neighbouring countries and within the Central African sub-region, where Cameroon remains an island of peace in a turbulent setting.

How do faith-based and civil society organisations (FBOs and CSOs) fit into these inter-related activities in Cameroon? The problem of human and national insecurity is regarded as a combination of social, political, and economic factors, and can therefore not be solved by addressing any one in isolation. Through their out-reach activities, FBOs and CSOs address the shortcomings in state delivery of basic needs; the lack of social

R e l i g i o n a n d g r a s s r o o t s p o l i t i c s i n A f r i c a

Published in Faith in Civil Society: Religious Actors as Drivers of Change (2013), Heidi Moksnes and Mia Melin (eds), Uppsala: Uppsala University

(5)

173 Reviewing international experience and lessons from Kossovo

services such as healthcare, education, jobs and social security networks are seen as threats to individual and national security. They also educate poor people, who tend to lack awareness of laws and their rights, making structures of public accountability and transparency meaningful to them.

A holistic, integrated approach, which combines a sustainable economic community with political and livelihood development policies, has the best chance to succeed, and for this there is need for a harmonious inter- face between the state, civil society and private sector.

FBOs, CSOs and the democratisation conundrum in Cameroon:

Finding common grounds

Globalisation, liberalisation, and the withdrawal of external support from Cold War alliances have placed enormous strains on some developing countries, Cameroon being one example. Best described as a “fragile or failed state”, Cameroon is a country with high levels of corruption, poverty and inequality and low levels of state capacity (Forje 2003, 2009, 2010; Mbembe 1992). Cameroon is particularly vulnerable to internal and external shocks, as well as to domestic and international conflicts.

The return to multi-party politics in Cameroon in the early 1990s and the drive towards democratisation in Sub-Saharan Africa should be understood and contextualised within the framework of Western hege- monic domination through liberal economics and market domination.

It had a double-edged sword effect. The hegemonic centralised ethnic authoritarian regime was challenged by the forces of the people (Forje 2009). As Robert Mbe Akoko asserts (2007, p 186): “twin developments – the reconfiguring of global capitalism and the poor performance of African economies – would leave indelible imprints on many aspects of Cameroon’s national political and social life, aspects such as the emer- gence of hegemonic forces, the intensification of ethnic group politics, the growth of secessionist and irredentist movements, and regionalism”

(see also Nyamnjoh 1999, 2002; Mbuagbo 2002).

Developments in Cameroon since the 1990s vindicate state victory over the people’s will, and, therefore, the current crisis of governance exposes and widens the gap between the governors and governed. Like orphans, the people turn to the churches for basic needs as well as spirit-

Religion and grassroots politics in Africa

(6)

174

Reviewing international experience and lessons from Kossovo

ual salvation, hoping that invincible forces will bring some sense to bear on the regime. State-Church relations in Cameroon are largely a function of opposing understandings and interpretations of the meaning of democracy. The nexus of good governance – transparent, impartial, accountable and redistributive functions of the state – and issues of civil liberties have become central in the churches’ concern to ensure that all Cameroonian political stake-holders adhere to agreed-upon democratic principles (Akoko 2007).

This serves to remind us of why one should not ghettoise religious civil society groups, giving them ‘minimal’ educational roles. Some of the deepest intellectual critiques of how the world is being governed – its trading systems, inequalities, and so on – have actually come from within faith-based institutions (Naidoo 2010). In Cameroon, Cardinal Tumi Christian (2012) stands out significantly as a critic of the failure of government and a defender of the rights of the people. Seen from this perspective, religious organisations are performing civic humanistic functions. In addition, the process of modernisation and the growing influence of information and communication technologies (ICTs) have actually facilitated the growth of religion in many respects, as religions have taken advantage of the networking possibilities to organise on a global scale and to reach out to a wider audience. Religion is set to play a definitive role in contemporary society, if it is given the opportunity to adapt to the plurality and the progressive demands of the global chal- lenges we face.

Developing the capacity to deliver

Faith-based and civil society organisations in Cameroon have been cham- pions when it comes to defending the civil liberties of the people. This brought them into sharp confrontation with the state, and for once the churches were united around a common goal: to ensure a genuine demo- cratisation and good governance process in the country. But on October 9, 2011, the presidential elections injected division within the united stance that the mainstream churches had taken so far on issues of good governance, corruption and poverty in Cameroon (The Horizon 2011;

Asonganyi 2011; Lado 2011; Nyansako 2011). The situation displayed

Religion and grassroots politics in Africa

(7)

175 Reviewing international experience and lessons from Kossovo

an operational impasse within civil society that must be overcome, if the full potential of civil society is to be realised. The path towards resolving these challenges is mapped out against the backdrop of significant histo- rical experiences of secular and religious communities, working together to advance justice. FBOs and CSOs are asked to engage in a respectful manner in their out-reach activities to society, and to use their influence and power for the good of society and humanity. Steps are taken by some clergy to find common grounds in issues concerning real-life needs of people, and groups work jointly to confront the numerous challenges facing humanity today.

Given the enormity of these challenges, it is imperative for secular and religious civil society to engage effectively, build relationships and find common ground, thereby creating the necessary capacity to address peoples’ basic challenges and deliver services effectively.

Conclusion and recommendations

The mainstream churches, in their capacity as faith-based organisations, have – in collaboration with other civil society organisations – helped crea- te political and social awareness in the country. The emerging churches have also in different ways contributed to this process of change which has been designed to improve the wellbeing of the people. By creating awareness among the people, changing their lifestyle, and by providing basic needs to the vulnerable, they have qualified as social movements for constructive engagement and change. They also shepherd people towards spiritual uprightness, which helps in bringing moral and ethical rectitude as well as in laying the foundation for peace and stability.

Peace and stability are sustained on the shoulders of people and communities alone, not by state political actors. Seen within that context, FBOs and CSOs must work towards reconciliation, and rebuild themsel- ves to ensure the development of society. Creating political institutions and ensuring their functionality is vital. These groups should move beyond their mission of evangelisation, in order to build a sustained society through reconciliation, consensus, dialogue and people-oriented focused development. The main challenge facing these two categories of civil society and the state is the issue of good leadership, required to foster

Religion and grassroots politics in Africa

(8)

176

Reviewing international experience and lessons from Kossovo

the good ideals of FBOs and CSOs. The challenge is even greater because of existing fragmentation of identities, and because of the mismatch between present-day challenges and exigencies and the ability or inability of existing institutions to address them promptly and objectively to the best satisfaction of the communities.

References

Akoko, Mbe Robert,2007. Ask and You Shall Be Given: Pentecostalism and the Econo- mic Crisis in Cameroon, African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands.

Asonganyi, Tazoacha, 2011. Episcopal Council of Cameroon Abandons Moral High Ground, The Sun, no 129, November 16, Limbe-Cameroon, p 5.

Forje, W John, 2003. Cameroon Without Corruption: The Search for a New Vision and Shared Values, Bamenda, Cameroon: Niba Publishers.

Forje, W John, 2009a. State Building and Democracy in Africa. A Comparative and Developmental Approach, New York, USA: Nova Science Publishers Inc.

Forje, W John, 2009b. Here the People Rule: Political Transition and Challenges for Democratic Consolidation in Africa, New York, USA: Nova Science Publishers Inc.

Forje, W John, 2009c. The Challenges of Administrative and Development Renewal in Africa. Essays on Rethinking Government and Reorganisation, New York, USA: Nova Science Publishers Inc.

Forje, W John, 2010. Cameroon Without Poverty. Civil Society Empowerment: Growth and Poverty Eradication? Mapping New Strategies for the Future, Germany: Lambert Academic Publishing.

Lado, Ludovic, 2011. Open Letter to the Bishops of Cameroon, The Horizon, no 111, November 18, Yaoundé, Cameroon, p 2.

Mbembe, Achille, 1992. Provisional Notes on the Post-colony, Africa, vol 62, no 1, pp 3-37.

Mbuagbo, Oben, 2002. Exploiting Anglophone Identity in State Deconstruction, Social Identities, vol 8, no 3, pp 431-38.

Naidoo Kumi, 2010. Boiling Point – Can Citizen Action Save The World? Develop- ment Dialogue, no 54, July, Uppsala, Sweden: Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation, pp 89-105.

Nyamnjoh, Francis B, 1999. Cameroon: A Country United by Ethnic Ambition and Differences, Africa Affairs, vol 98, no 390, pp 101-118.

Nyamnjoh, Francis B, 2002. Cameroon: Over Twelve Years of Cosmetic Democracy, News from the Nordic Africa Institute, no 3, pp 5-8.

Religion and grassroots politics in Africa

(9)

177 Reviewing international experience and lessons from Kossovo

Nyansako-ni-nku, 2011. Former Moderator Calls for Unity of Church; Says Clergy Must Serve as Moral Authorities and Uphold Social Justice, The Horizon, no 111, November 18, Yaoundé, Cameroon, p 5.

The Horizon, 2011. Split in Catholic Church: Greedy Beti Bishops Flayed For Siding With Biya, No 111, November 18, Yaoundé, Cameroon, pp 1-2.

Tumi, Christian, 2012. The Aim of True Education (Flash Back), Cameroon Pano- rama, no 649, February, Buea, Cameroon, Catholic Printing Press, pp 5-6.

UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) 1994. Human Development Report 1994 – New Dimensions of Human Security, New York, Oxford University Press.

Author affiliation

Department of Political Science, University of Yaounde, Cameroon Religion and grassroots politics in Africa

References

Related documents

Keywords: regionalization, regional governance, civil society, foreign donors, development, trade, HIV/AIDS, identity, issue-framing, critical theory, social

A theme recurring throughout the two days was the dynamic inter- action between African states, civil society, and international actors in eco- nomic and political development.

But when the removals of San from the Central Kalahari Game Reserve (CKGR) were under way, and the London-based Survival International demonstrated in the San’s sup- port outside

Diamond further stipulates although Civil society aims to enhance accountability, responsiveness, inclusiveness, legitimacy and effectiveness of the state through its

The role of colonialism, liberation movement, post-colonial state, political opposition, diaspora communities and intellectual elite in the development and activities of civil

An agreement like this may, according to Gunner and Nordquist (2011:95), make human rights the conflict-solving principle, which is in line with the agenda of DiPaz. The

The two final papers apply a capabilities perspective on project-based organisations and develop a conceptual framework that embraces people ca- pability: the organisational

These studies argue that such organisations often imply high work intensity and an increased individual responsibility, combined with many parallel activities, which can lead