Media in transition – the cost of increased freedom of expression in Ethiopia

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STOCKHOLM UNIVERSITY Department of Media Studies

Master’s Thesis

Media in transition – the cost of increased freedom of expression

in Ethiopia

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Declaration

I, the undersigned, declare that this thesis is my original work and all the sources of materials used for the thesis have been duly acknowledged.

Name: Oscar Svernlöv

Signature: ___________________________

Date of submission: June 12th_{, 2020}

Place of submission: Stockholm, Sweden

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Acknowledgment

To all readers,

I want to first and foremost direct an enormous thank you to my two supervisors, Tewodros Negash Bayu and Christian Christensen.

Tewodros, your expert knowledge of the Ethiopian media landscape as well as your vast network within it is what has made this thesis possible. Due to the circumstances with corona, we communicated mainly over email and Skype. Tewodros - I do hope to get to meet you and thank you in person as soon as all of this is over.

Christian, your theoretical contributions and guidance throughout the writing have been of great value as well. Our discussions always helped me to move forward in the project, and your encouragement was a true driving force.

My deepest gratitude goes also to the research participants featured in this project – your passionate sharing of knowledge and insights in the Ethiopian media landscape has truly been fascinating. I thank you for the contribution of your time and energy in these strange and uncertain times of a global pandemic.

A special mention goes to On Air Studios and their kind crew, who have been so generous in letting me write day in and day out in their facilities.

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Abstract

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1: Introduction and background

1:1 Introduction

The Ethiopian media system has witnessed a dramatic change in the past 18 months. Since the inauguration of the Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, the state of emergency has been lifted, thousands of journalists have been released from prison and numerous websites and radio and TV stations have been unblocked (BBC, 2019). According to the 2019 World Press Freedom Index, Ethiopia rose up 40 places, showing a remarkable improvement from the former rank of 150th_{(Reporters Without Borders, 2019). Although it ‘might be too early to put full trust}

on Ethiopia’s recent transitions to a democratic state’ (Abebe, 2019, p.10) the Ahmed administration has (so far) allowed a significantly more liberal view towards critical media. The process is, however, a delicate one. In the highly diverse country that consists of more than 90 different ethnicities speaking 80 different languages, living in 9 distinct regional states, each with its own governance and flag, conflicts between groups have been a part of Ethiopia’s history. There is a fear that a decrease in censorship will lead to an increase in civil unrest, as the various groups are now allowed more freedom of expression. While the risk of being censored by the government has declined drastically, journalists are experiencing new intimidations on the horizon: the public itself has become a cause of concern (Mukundu, Rasmussen, 2018) due to the polarized state between the many ethnic groups in the country. With increased freedom comes increased media activity – not only from established media outlets but individuals and groups who are using it in ways that put the freedom itself at risk. Civil unrest during 2019 has triggered the Ahmed government to regress, and in the beginning of 2020, a new law was passed by parliament in order to curb hate speech and disinformation on social media (Al Jazeera, 2020). As of May 2020, it is still unclear how or if the Ethiopian media landscape will remain unrestricted.

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1:2 Aims & rationale

Research on media systems and media history is at the moment ‘patchy’ in Sub Saharan Africa (Abebe, 2019, p.2), and considerably less has been done in terms of distinguishing the challenges that now face not only the media system as a whole but also the individual

reporters and journalists within Ethiopia during this delicate transition process. Furthermore, as the vast majority of literature and theory available on media transition addresses Western societies that have transitioned from authoritarian to liberal political systems, comparatively less is known about the often ‘profound changes in journalism caused by political developments in post-authoritarian, non-Western cultures with a history of

military dictatorship’ (Murray, Singh et.al., 2016).

As the preconditions for conducting journalism in Ethiopia have changed drastically in the past 24 months, there is an imperative to understand the transition from the viewpoints of the journalists themselves and to understand what opportunities, as well as challenges, increased freedom of expression has on their daily work. With this is mind, this thesis aims to answer the following research questions.

1:3 Research Questions

RQ1: How do journalists in the Ethiopian private media sector perceive the increased freedom of expression in regard to their work?

RQ2: How are the 2018 political reforms by the Ahmed administration perceived to affect their journalistic practice?

1:4 Background: Media history in Ethiopia

In order to understand put the current changes in the media landscape taking place in Ethiopia into context, a brief media history will here be presented.

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his regency, and was during that time that some of the oldest newspapers today such as Addis Zemen (1941), The Ethiopian Herald (1943) were founded (Reta, 2013). Newspapers and magazines were under the supervision of the Press and Information Bureau of the Haile Selassie government and featured stories that, for the most part, praised the emperor. In addition to prohibiting publishing of certain issues such as unemployment, increases in electricity prices, and the bus company (which was owned by the emperor), these were also the beginnings of self-censorship among journalists in Ethiopia (Abebe, 2019). As they were obliged to mostly write about the daily routines of the emperor, they were forced to write carefully to avoid any misinterpretations and the resulting danger. Radio broadcasting was introduced in 1935, but also quickly became a tool for propaganda, certainly for the subsequent ruling party Derg (Abebe, 2019).

Ethiopia’s mass media has thus historically been an instrument for the political parties to ‘distribute propaganda in political, economic and social spheres’ (Abebe, p. 5, 2019) and as a result, certain media scholars argue, has impacted the way the Ethiopian public views the media. In a national survey study from 2014, it was shown that there is a lack of pride in the profession of journalists due to negative public attitudes towards individual journalists and the profession in its entirety (Dirbaba, 2014).

An important aspect of media and journalism in the Ethiopian context is the distinction between government mediated press and privately-owned media. Following the downfall of the socialist Derg regime in 1991, Transitional Government of Ethiopia adopted the Press proclamation No. 34/1992, which included the first press law ever in Ethiopia. Not only did it bring the idea of an independent press to the country, but it also opened up for private

ownership of the media, ending the long-existing government monopoly (Wondimu, 2008). The private industry flourished, as hundreds of newspapers and magazines were registered between 1992 and 1997 (Ministry of Information, 2007). However, more than half of them were closed down but the authorities for what was described as a ‘confrontational

relationship’ with the Ethiopian government. Recognized as a major scholar within sub-Saharan media studies, Zambian scholar Francis Kasoma argues that government

interventions can be accredited to the press’s own unethical behavior, partiality and lack of professionalism within the independent media outlets (Kasoma, 1992).

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2: Literature review

2:1 Legislative background

Formal freedom of expression was first given juridical recognition in modern Ethiopia in the Revised 1955 Constitution, where article 41 provided a guarantee for freedom of speech and the press ‘thorough out the Empire in accordance with the law’ (Constitution of Ethiopia, 1955). Following the 1987 revision, the current constitution of Ethiopia was signed in 1995. In it, article 29 ‘Right of Thought, Opinion and Expression’ is found. Having gone through a substantial expansion since the first iteration, the article is clear in its provisions for freedom of expression and freedom of the press:

Everyone has the right to freedom of expression without any interference. This right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any media of his choice.

Freedom of the press and other mass media and freedom of artistic creativity is guaranteed. Freedom of the press shall specifically include the following elements:

(a) Prohibition of any form of censorship b) Access to information of public interest.

In the interest of the free flow of information, ideas and opinions which are essential to the functioning of a democratic order, the press shall, as an

institution, enjoy legal protection to ensure its operational independence and its capacity to entertain diverse opinions.

(Constitution Of The Federal Democratic Republic Of Ethiopia, 1995, p.8).

Together with the remaining parts, the Ethiopian constitution offers clear juridical rights to freedom of expression as freedom of the press. Although, anyone familiar with modern

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2:2 Previous studies on freedom of expression in Ethiopia

In an assessment on the Ethiopian media landscape from 2018, Nørby Bonde noted that even though constitutional freedom of expression is guaranteed, several laws and proclamations have directly (and indirectly) been used to ‘impose harsh and arbitrary sentences on media and journalists for many years’ (Nørby Bonde, 2018, p.5). For example, the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation adopted in 2009 received harsh criticism from international media groups and scholars alike. Not only did the law provide ‘extensive powers to governmental authorities to collect information from any media outlet” (Tadeg, 2015, p. 24), but the very definition of terrorism was undefined, leaving a large and arbitrary interpretation in distinguishing unwanted terrorist activities from legitimate political dissent.

The current media legislation “Freedom of the Mass Media and Access to Information Proclamation” has since its introduction in 2008 been widely criticized for not guaranteeing access to information from the government to the media (Alemayehu Moges, 2019) and for having broad provisions that instill fear on independent voices including journalists and political activists through self-censorship. The law includes a provision that allows

prosecutions for defamatory or false accusations of authorities, which drastically affects the protection of political speech as it becomes extremely difficult to criticize government

officials without juridical reprisals. (Tadeg, 2015). Laws such as these led Ethiopia to ongoing arrests and imprisoning of journalists and political activists for many years (Dahir, 2020). Recent reforms by the newly elected president Abiy Ahmed have indicated a relaxation of the historically censored media landscape in Ethiopia, as several laws (such as the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation) have been removed. It is in the midst of these reforms towards democratic structures that this thesis aims to explore the current state of independent journalism in

Ethiopia and the journalists own perception of its relation to the recent political developments.

2:3 Theoretical framework: Journalism and democracy

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democracy. Utilizing both a descriptive approach to the role of journalism in society and a normative approach stating what it ought to be, they use the well-known works of Siebert et al. – Four theories of the press – as a framework for analysis. They present four types of models for the role of media in democratic societies: monitorial, facilitative, radical, and collaborative.

In the monitorial role, the media functions as an attentive informant whose main purpose is to collect and disseminate valuable information to its audiences. It includes not only the

gathering, analysis and presenting information about ‘about current and recent events’, but also warnings about forthcoming events (Christians et al., 2009, p. 125).

The facilitative role portrays the medias’ purpose to ‘to widen access and promote active citizenship by way of debate and participation’ (Christians et al., 2009, p. 126). In other words, the media functions as a public channel that helps strengthen democratic debate and promote civil society by means of freedom of expression.

The radical role presents the media as having a more critical approach, where discussion and challenge of government policies and authority are in focus. The media thus functions as a voice for the voiceless, exposing abuses of power while supporting social change and political reform (Christians et al., 2009).

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uneven and heterogeneous phenomenon” (p. 428), and call for globally inclusive, dialogic approaches when developing theories surrounding journalism and its role in society.

2:4 Media in transitional democracies

Further expansion on the critique of media role studies having a Western lens is offered in Voltmer’s work The media in transitional democracies (2013). Here, a broader explanation of the role of media in emerging democracies is presented. While examining different forms of democracies and democracy developments, she discusses the dangers in exporting a Western-oriented “one-size-fits-all” democracy. For example, even if countries adopt pre-existing institutions, they may end up having vastly different meanings and implications when transferred to a new context, resulting ‘in more inequality, violent inter-group conflicts and political polarization’ (Voltmer, 2013, p.5). She also raises questions regarding freedom of expression and the dilemma of restricting media freedom for the sake of democratic progress. In many cases, she argues, new democracies are struggling with religious, ethnic and

ideological conflicts, while at the same time undertaking the massive task of building both a nation-state and a democracy. Restricting freedom of expression has in some countries arguably helped prevent inter-community hostilities – offering a counterview to the Western promise of democracy and peace through allowing freedom of expression at any cost.

2:5 Three staged approach

In an attempt to generalize the process, Voltmer outlines three general stages of

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(Voltmer, 2013, p. 74). When a new constitution has been formed, and a founding election has been held, the third stage of consolidation has come. Consolidation is the (often extended) period of making the newly founded democratic institutions work. However, this stage does not only involve formal institution-building, but also the equally important ‘democratic political culture’ that permeates the everyday life of ordinary society and powerholders alike. Ideas such as citizenship, toleration of diversity, inter-group cooperation and informed participation are important steps in withholding the newly founded democratic intuitions (Voltmer, 2013, p. 75).

While the three-stage model of liberalization, transition and consolidation offers a logical pathway to establishing a democratic society, the attempt to generalize such a process has been criticized. Schneider and Schmitter (2004) prefer to view these concepts as components (rather than phases) in order to take into account the often tumultuous and unilinear

characteristics of regime change. Further critique is offered by Carothers (2002) who rejects the idea of a developmental democratization process altogether. The main argument is that many emerging democracies tend to become stuck in the transition stage. Even after democratic forms av government have been implemented, liberalization does not occur, as can be seen in many new democracies around the world. He also argues that it is wrong to assume that initial liberalization within an authoritarian regime automatically leads to democracy since there are many forms of combined autocracies that allow certain freedoms (such as opposition groups) while restricting others (such as a free media). While this critique is valid, leaving the developmental approach all together is not without conceptual

weaknesses either. Voltmer argues that the theory of democratization in stages can be of ‘great heuristic value if we are to understand the interaction between the numerous forces that drive or obstruct transitions from autocratic to democratic rule’ (Voltmer, 2013, p. 76). An important theoretical contribution to the idea of media roles in emerging democracies is the idea of a dynamic media role. Voltmer explains, that the role of the media is not

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Finally, Voltmer does also make particularly clear that transitional democracies tend to develop media systems that are tuned to local customs, and the norms and practices of

democratic journalism become ‘reinterpreted in the light of local cultures and experiences and adjusted to the needs and constraints of everyday life’ (Voltmer, 2013, p. 5)

These theoretical contributions presented by Voltmer (2013) not only challenge the Western lens of media studies but also underscore the premise of this study, namely, the need for further research on the relationship between media and democracy in non-Western, post-authoritarian societies. While there are several possible theoretical approaches to a thesis like this, such as journalistic professionalization, or journalist roles and ideals; and while such theoretical choices certainly would have been relevant, the choice to utilize Voltmer’s The

media in transitional democracies (2013) was regarded as the most fruitful considering the

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3: Methodology

3:1 Research design

In order to obtain an in-depth perspective on a specific topic, a qualitative method approach is desirable. One of the evident advantages of qualitative interview studies is a richer, deeper understanding gained through personal interaction, which in this case is in agreement with the purpose of the study. Furthermore, qualitative methods are in general more flexible allowing for a dynamic encounter that can truly catch the ‘actor’s point of view’ (Repstad 2007, p. 16). This method is suitable as personal interviews enable the researcher to ask follow-up

questions, request clarifications, and allow longer elaborations. In this way, the researcher takes part in the individuals' own perceptions and gets a deeper understanding of the current topic being studied (Kvale, 1997). Since this particular study is of an explorative nature, an interview guide is preferable over an interview scheme as it gives plenty of room for the respondent to decide the content of the answer (Ruane, 2006, p. 176). In order to ensure this, mainly open-ended questions where used (see Appendix – Interview questions).

3:2 Data collection

A total of five in-depth interviews with various reporters and editors were conducted in Addis Ababa during the month of March in 2020. By the help of the editor in chief, the respondents were mindfully selected as to include professionals who have experience working in the pre-Abiy Ahmed era, since a comparison over time is relevant to this particular study. The interviews were held in English and were semi-structured with open-ended questions as to allow for the respondents’ own answers to be in focus. The respondents were asked to reflect on their views on increased press freedom as well as which dimensions of journalism they consider to be important in the journalistic practice in Ethiopia at the moment (see Interview guide in Appendix). Follow-up questions and clarifications were requested when needed. The interviews were forced to be limited to around 30 minutes per person due to the extensive workload they were facing in the midst of the Covid-19 outbreak, which had a slight impact on the overall data collection (see 3:4 Scope and limitation of study).

3:3 Analysis

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references as a first step in understanding the different perspectives of the respondents. While reading and re-reading the transcripts, codes, and themes emerged through what Baxter and Babbie (2003) refer to as an iterative cycle of developing codes by ‘each time revising the coding categories until they capture all’ of the relevant data (p. 367). By using this approach (in contrast to prematurely deciding codes) grounded coding is a method that allows

significant patterns and themes emerge from the data themselves (Saldaña, 2009). The central concern associated with its counterpart (á priori coding) is that it may ‘prevent the

investigator from being open to new ideas, alternative ways of thinking about a phenomenon, and divergent – and sometimes quite correct – explanations for events’ (LeCompte &

Schensul, 1999, p. 97). Rather than applying frameworks prior to analysis, grounded coding is suitable for this type of explorative study which seeks to distinguish the respondents’ own viewpoints. In light of the research questions, themes that emerged this way were further categorized and analyzed, allowing a mapping of the respondents own perspectives on increased freedom of expression in relation to the journalistic practice in Ethiopia.

3:4 The organization

The organization is one of the biggest newspapers in Ethiopia, both in terms of weekly readership and distribution as well as employees. The print media consists of newspapers that publish weekly in both Amharic and English. Apart from print media, they also have a

website with articles available for free. According to one of the respondents, they are currently looking into a business model involving online revenue, however, since internet penetration in Ethiopia is still fairly low, they have not yet found a sustainable income model and will keep the website open for the time being.

The organization employs at the time being over one hundred full-time workers, including roughly 35 journalists (excluding columnists and photojournalists) who cover a range of different topics including, but not limited to, politics, business, societal issues, lifestyle, and sport. The company is funded solely by advertisement from their printed media and has experienced a 10-15 percent growth in ad revenue yearly during the past 7-10 years.

3:5 The respondents

Respondent no. Age Journalistic experience Position

1 36 10 years Editor in chief

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3 43 20 years Senior reporter

4 33 15 years Managing editor

5 36 10 years Deputy editor in chief

The respondents included various full-time editors and reporters, with average experience in journalism of almost ten and a half years, which is almost double the average professional experience journalists in Ethiopia have, according to a recent study (Skjerdal, 2016).

This enriches the data quality in two ways. First, the interviewees have a sufficient time range of practicing their profession to be able to grasp changes journalism went through over time. Second, several of the respondents had worked in various media outlets (both private and public, national, and international) prior to the 2018 reforms. This allows them to put private media development in the broader context of journalism in Ethiopia at large.

The rich expertise of the five interviewees of this study may, therefore, outweigh the small sample size.

A majority of them had a background (both professional and educational) in business or politics, which is expected considering the profile of the newspaper itself. The age span was between 30 and 43 with an average age of 36.5 years, which is slightly above the average age of journalists in Ethiopia (Skjerdal, 2016).

3:6 Scope and limitation of study

The limitations of this thesis project include both preconditional factors as well as unexpected situational restrictions that narrow the scope. As the data is limited to only one media outlet in and a select number of individuals working in the private media sector, it is difficult to make any broader conclusions on the overall state of private journalism in Ethiopia at the moment. However, considering that scope of this particular qualitative case study is narrow, it does possess relevance in capturing the first-hand experiences of actors in the Ethiopian private media sphere during a historic shift in the country. Furthermore, as the respondents were selected based on their extensive professional experience within the field of private

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A particular situational restriction that emerged during the data collection was due to the Covid-19 novel coronavirus outbreak, which reached Ethiopia at the beginning of March 2020. As the journalists themselves and the organization as a whole were anticipating an imminent broader lockdown of the Ethiopian society, the arisen uncertainty caused them to be more careful with their time and resources. This, in combination with various deadlines during the week of the interviews, caused the interviews to be limited to around thirty

minutes. However, considering that this particular thesis is of a reduced scope and length, the interviews did generate enough data for a sufficient analysis.

3:7 Ethical considerations

An important ethical consideration to take into account is related to me, the researcher, being a white, European male student. This may affect the overall study in several ways. Since I am relatively unfamiliar with the Ethiopian cultural and societal context, my ability to interpret the interviewees’ statements may be limited.

There is also a chance that the cultural differences may have impacted the answers of the interviewees, in the way that there might be a subconscious bias towards answering in ways that are thought to be approved of by a Western interviewer. In this case, it is imaginable that some interviewees may have been more likely to speak of ideas from a standpoint of what they think is expected, rather than their own views.

However, some researchers (Aronson Fontes, 2008, Gjerde, et al. 2017,) argue that a difference in ethnic, cultural and linguistic backgrounds may in fact benefit the honesty and trustworthiness of interviews, as the interviewer may be seen as a neutral instance and poses a smaller threat than an Ethiopian person with their own, very similar ethnic, cultural and political views.

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4: Findings and discussion

4:1 Perceived press freedom

To begin with, all of the respondents stated that there has been significant increase in Ethiopian media freedom, which is in line with previous international accounts on the transition. One respondent claimed that “some of the things that we could never dream of reporting on, now we can report about them, we can write anything we want” and that journalists no longer receive intimidations from the government. Another viewed the transition as “day and night”, explaining that “We can write, we can even provoke a conversation with him (prime minister Abiy Ahmed) or with his staff on social media”. A third respondent explained:

After Abiy Ahmed I think we face a better environment. At least on the surface, he came out and said that the media was not to be jailed, intimidated anymore. So the first press freedom day as celebrated here, we have improved significantly in the press freedom index. At least I do not hear of journalists being jailed for expressing their opinions.”

- Respondent C

These are just a few of the many indications that the 2018 reforms indeed have had a positive impact on reducing government mediated censorship, and as an added effect, a decline in what was described as self-censorship that was common amongst journalists in the previous administration, according to the respondent above. At the same time, many of the

interviewees made it equally clear that these changes might not be permanent. For instance, (at the time of the interviews) the new, proposed press law, that would legally guarantee the safety of journalists, had not yet been put in place. This was one of the reasons why many of the respondents feared that the changes brought forth by the president might take a steep turn. The managing editor made it clear that:

The new press law has not been presented before parliament. Within the next three months if the new press law is not put in place, the previous press law, which we believe is restrictive, will still be the law of the land when it comes to dealing with the press. The anti-terrorism law has been changed. There is a new hate speech law, the investment law has been changed, lots of things have changed but not media.

(…)

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law… now we don’t have that in place. At least, if we have the legal framework in place, then we have the laws amended and changed, that would be good. For me, that’s the most important thing.

- Respondent D

While there is indeed increased media freedom on the surface, these findings remind us that the Ethiopia media is still legally under the jurisdiction of the disputed 2008 press law, which may explain the uncertainty felt by many of the respondents in this new era. This may also give a first indication in which stage of the transition Ethiopia is in currently. Using the theoretical tools offered by Voltmer (2013), it is clear that Ethiopia has passed the initial stage of liberalization with the freeing of journalists and the relaxed laws on censorship, and has come to the phase of transition. Several other indications point toward Ethiopia being in the volatile and uncertain transitional phase, for example, the increase in public unrest (see 4:3:4 Shift in perceived threats) and the discussion of new policies, and the fact that the new media law had yet to be presented before parliament at the time of writing.

4:2 Increased complexity

Several respondents highlighted the increased complexity in the current Ethiopian landscape, and the vagueness that has come as a result of the reforms that the Abiy administration has enacted. For example, the online editor noted that since “Abiy came, it’s like we are let free, everybody has been let free to move around and roam around. So, there are no guidelines”. This shows that the sudden increase in freedom of expression, without proper legal backing to ensure safety of the ones exercising it, nor proper understanding of what it actually entails, has brought considerable uncertainty to the journalists working in the private media sphere. This uncertainty was further explained by the editor in chief:

In my view as a journalists, especially who has stayed in the sector for so long, today’s challenge is more complicated than the previous one. Back in the days, you know how to play the game. You know what I mean? There is this red line, that you’re not supposed to cross. Like you know how to play the game, you just move around so that you can survive. You know what I mean. But now, there is no such differences.

- Respondent B

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intellectual debates around the idea, namely, the importance of a legal framework that ensures the security and safety of the people who exercise their rights. In order for individuals and organizations to be able to express their views and report on issues in an open manner there must be a guarantee that they will be received with tolerance, both from the state as well as from non-state actors.

4:3 Access to information

While the reforms by Abiy has brought forth several distinct improvements to the perceived level of press freedom by the journalists, there were several points that they felt had little or no change. One of these points had to do with access to government information. Several respondents explained that access to government information had been one of the major challenges in the pre-Abiy Ahmed era in Ethiopia and almost all of them agreed that there had been little done to combat that issue. Firstly, the press office in charge of providing

government information (called Government Communications Affair Office or GCAO) had been disassembled under the Abiy administration, making it significantly more difficult to access government information, as the online editor explains:

For example, if you want some kind of information from, let’s say… the ministry of agriculture, you have to find the minister himself. Or probably his deputies. But unless you personally find the minister and tell him that you want an interview you can’t find him.

So you see, there is no responsible government body who provides you with the relevant information that you are looking for. That’s the challenges that remain. Previously, you can inform the communications people and they can arrange it for you. But now, you can’t.

- Respondent A

A further hindrance in terms of accessing information from the government had to do, according to the deputy editor in chief, with the way journalists working for private media outlets were treated by the government officials and representatives. He explained that:

Be it the prime minister office, or different government officials, they are still preferring the public over the private media to disseminate information. We are not invited to where they invite the government medias, EBC, Wolta, Fana, or something else. Like, if they invited me or other private journalists they might face very critical questions. So they are just still avoiding those questions and just trying to disseminate what they want to say. So those medias are serving a tool of propaganda, as they used to be. So there is no change.

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These may very well be indicators of a continued strong divide between the private and public media spheres in Ethiopia, and in turn, how independent media professionals are received within public offices. As the above quote demonstrates, privately-owned media show

characteristics of having a radical role in Ethiopian society. As Christians et al. (2009) put it, the radical media role involves a critical approach towards government policies and national development, which is close to how the interviewed journalists themselves viewed the role of their private media company. Another quote that demonstrates this self-perception came from the online editor, who said that:

Critical support and being critical – those are different. So whenever they [government-owned

media] are critical, they put it in some context of being supportive of the government. They even

state that they are in support of the government. When it comes to us, we for example criticize the government, because we just show the public what the government is doing. We are not accountable to the government, we are accountable to the public. So they (government media) are supporting the government rather than supporting the public. That’s the difference between us and them.

- Respondent A

This quote demonstrates the contrast between private and government-owned media, who’s role is seen by the journalists as predominantly collaborative. The collaborative role describes media as working together with the existing government policies in order to promote national socio-economic development (Christians et al., 2009). This divide between public and private press, consistent with Skjerdal’s (2017) findings, continue to be a hindrance for journalists today, according to several of the respondents. The deputy editor in chief explained that:

That institutional memory in the past which labels the media as an opposition force, some sort of negative force out there to get the government and whatever, that institutional mode still exists in the government offices[…] Some of the officials are still there. So still, when you try to access information, you sort of get that challenge. You sort of get to hit that brick wall that used to be there. What hasn’t changed is this change of attitude in leadership, which mostly remains at the top leadership and which devolves down to the institutional level. All the public relations officers, field officers, public servants, everybody has to have internalize this sense of reform mentality, that the media is not necessarily an enemy, the media is a very important institution in any democratic society.

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This yet another indication in line with Voltmer’s (2013) theoretical understanding of media transition, namely, that the years that follow a regime change are at least as important as the change itself. As many of the officials working in public offices have not changed, the ‘institutional memory’ remains with them, as does the old ideas of independent media being the enemy. The result of this mindset is a continued hindrance of access to information for journalists, which is crucial to a functioning democracy. This is yet another reminder of the slow and gradual process of media transformation in general, in line with several other emerging democracies that have seen disputes between the government and independent media.

4:4 Shift in perceived threats

All of the respondents explained that the post-Abiy reforms had resulted in a clear shift in perceived threats against them. While government interventions have drastically declined, there was a distinct new threat that had emerged: the public itself. As freedom of expression has increased, so has the voice of the public itself. Not only is this voice loud, but it often escalates into intimidations and even violence. This was expressed by all of the interviewees, confirming much of international media coverage that has described several instances of increased uncertainty and unrest. These threats and intimidations from non-state actors have pertained to the daily work life in journalists working in the private media sector. As the managing editor in chief put it:

Journalists are now threatened like never before. The government doesn’t provide you any security, and you don’t feel safe in the different parts of the country. Anyone, who is not happy with your covering or your production might attack you, and there is no security that protects you. These ethnic elites, who are harboring the politics in this country are also the enemy. If they are not happy with you, they might launch an attack. Be it physical or be it digital. So it’s a bit complicated now than before.

- Respondent D

Another respondent, the editor in chief, highlighted similar concerns to the emergence of public threats and intimidations, stating that:

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journalist trying to stir up trouble. That’s what they usually say – he is here to stir up trouble. So that’s the threat today, that’s the public, the mob. We do not feel safe in sending our journalists to certain parts of the country because they will be attacked.

- Respondent B

A third respondent, the online editor, also expressed concerns regarding how journalists today are seen by parts of the public:

Even now people beat journalists, they break their cameras, they smash their equipment. And if you say that you are a journalist you’re like an enemy. That’s it. That’s happening now. In the previous administration, if you are a journalist, the chance is that you are going to be the enemy of the government – not the people. Now you’re the enemy of the people.

- Respondent A

These quotes show some of the direct consequences on journalism from the heightened ethnic tensions that came with the increase in freedom of expression. Now, journalists are seen as the enemy of the people, rather than being in service for the people as normative journalistic ideals propose. As the reporters no longer feel safe on reporting on certain topics or traveling to certain areas, this could very well lead to a severe impact to not only the gathering of information but as well as the dissemination of it. In the context of Voltmer’s theory of media transition, these findings indicate the risks of importing pre-existing institutions and the possibility of them having vastly different implications when transferred to a new context. As large parts of society are unfamiliar with what freedom of expression involves (and what it does not involve) it can be argued that the relaxed restrictions have led to an increase in political polarization and inter-group conflict, rather than the peace and understanding that lies in the ideal understanding of liberal democracies. Not only are the journalists now

allowed more freedom in writing and speaking without fear of government interventions – but so is the public. These findings suggest the importance of an often overlooked component in democratization processes, namely the need for a democratic political culture amongst the population. While democratic institutions are certainly an important step, cultural

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5: Conclusions

Several findings in the data indicate that, while there is a perceived increase in press freedom for journalists since the reforms by president Abiy Ahmed in 2018, there are still major challenges that face the private press in Ethiopian media landscape at the moment. Four major (and interconnected) themes surfaced: increase in media freedom, increase in complexity, institutional hindrance and a shift in perceived threats.

For journalists working in the private sphere, increased freedom has resulted in less censorship and intimidations on the one hand, but an increase in complexity and a shift in threat on the other. The findings also indicate a continued divide within the Ethiopian media landscape between the private and public press, where independent media has a

predominantly radical role and the government media takes on a distinct collaborative role. This divide may also explain why journalists working in the private sphere have continued difficulties in accessing government information, as the ‘institutional memory’ is still present in public offices.

The theoretical framework offered by Voltmer (2013) provided tools for interpretation and generalization of the data, which shows that Ethiopia has passed the initial stage of

liberalization and is currently in the transitional phase, characterized by the building of democratic institutions and the negotiation of new laws. Statements on public unrest and increased violence (in line with news reports on the transition) are further indications of this volatile state.

However, as the data has shown, previous theoretical concepts on the often complex

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This shows that there is a clear need for expanding and strengthening the theoretical

frameworks regarding changes in media systems in non-Western, post-authoritarian societies, especially in regard to the understanding of freedom of expression. More precisely, there is a demand for understanding the dynamics of public trust in independent journalism in countries where media historically has been used to fulfill propaganda purposes. This is especially relevant in the Ethiopian context, which historically has experienced a strong divide between public and private press, and continues to see the effects of such a divide after the transition. The reforms have the potential to be a positive change from the repressive past only if it ensures the protection of journalists from danger pose against them while conducting their duty.

At the same time, a healthy democratic system must be able to hold its journalists accountable through a system functioning from the interests of the public. At the time of writing this thesis, there is no independent press council in Ethiopia to hold the media into account. Such a self-regulating system is not only a vital part of a free media system in several ways. In the short term, it has the power to protect individuals against harmful and defamatory comments made against them. It also has the long-term potential of establishing the much-needed trust from the public that the media landscape is struggling with. A press council may very well function as an important balance for the public to be able to hold the journalists into account as well.

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Appendix

Interview guide

I PART ONE – Introductions

1. Name 2. Age

3. Position at company 4. Experience in journalism 5. Educational background

II PART TWO – Daily work

1. How does a typical day look? 2. What topics do you usually cover? 3. Where do you get your ideas? 4. Who decides what is newsworthy?

5. How does your media content differ from the contents of other media outlets in Ethiopia?

6. Can you give me an example? 7. How do you get feedback?

8. What kind of comments do you frequently get?

III PART THREE – Pre 2018 April

1. What were the challenges in conducting journalism prior to 2018?

2. Can you give me two or three specific examples of when these challenges happened? 3. How where journalists viewed by the public?

4. What where the threats against journalists today in Ethiopia?

IV PART FOUR – Post 2018 April

1. What has happened to journalism in Ethiopia after Abiy Ahmed? 2. What hasn’t changed?

3. How are journalists viewed by the public today? 4. Can you give me examples?

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6. What are the threats against journalists today in Ethiopia?

IV PART FIVE – Journalist roles

1. What is/are the most important element/s of journalistic practice to you? 2. What is the role of journalists in Ethiopia?

3. What do you think of development journalism?

Media in transition – the cost of increased freedom of expression in Ethiopia