The political consumer and political ideology

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The political consumer and political ideology

– A study of the language of Fairtrade International

Author: Lisa Sundberg Supervisor: Jorge Ojeda Department of Government Uppsala University

January 2016

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I. Abstract

Michele Micheletti (2003) argues political consumerism is a new form of political participation, in which individuals in their choice of consumables exert political influence based on moral value. Political consumerism is a rather new concept, and as such still embedded with many ambiguities. This study aims to focus on one of such ambiguities by exploring if the framework of political ideology can be included in the discourse of political consumerism. This is carried out by analyzing the Twitter feed of one of the most internationally well-known symbols of conscious consumption; Fairtrade International, in order to evaluate if the organization’s marketing message is framed as political consumerism, and if the framework of political ideology can be found in such a discourse. This is done employing a model of political ideology outlined by the scholars Manfred B. Steger and Paul James, in which they argue that political ideologies are created against a backdrop of social imaginaries, which is then utilized in connection to Michael K. Goodman’s theory of fairtrade imaginaries, in which a Western consumer imagines a shared social existence with a Southern producer. The purpose is to contribute to the discussion of how individuals form and live political ideologies through acts of political consumption. The study concludes that Fairtrade International frames its Twitter feed according to the language of political consumerism, and found in the feed is the discourse of two social imaginaries, in which Fairtrade products become carriers of political and moral subtexts, thus forming a political ideology created and lived in patterns of consumption by a collective of Fairtrade consumers within a normative framework of political participation, fairness and social community.

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II. Table of contents

1. Introduction 4

1.1 Disposition 6

1.2 A brief history of Fairtrade 7

2. Methodology 8

2.1 Qualitative textual analysis 9

2.2 Instruments of analysis 11

2.3 Research material 12

3. Theoretical framework 14

3.1 Theoretical exploration of fair trade 14

3.1.1 The consumer and the network 15

3.1.2 The consumer and the global imaginary 16

3.2 Political consumerism 16

3.2.1 Criticism of political consumerism 20

3.3 Political ideology and the social imaginary 22

4. Analysis 25

4.1 Imaginaries 27

4.1.1 The global social imaginary 27

4.1.2 The fair imaginary 28

4.2 The political ideology of global connection 29

4.3 A better world through political participation 29

4.3.1 The hashtag-effect 30

4.4 Passive information, active consumer 30

4.5 Products infused with meaning: the lived community 31

4.6 Symbolic connotations 32

5. Discussion 33

6. Bibliography 38

6.1 Books and articles 38

6.2 Web-based resources 39

7. Appendix 1 41

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1. Introduction

“If modernity is a democracy oriented to producers, late modernity is a democracy oriented to consumers: a pragmatic and cosmopolitan democracy where the sleepy giant of the

‘sovereign citizen-consumer’ is becoming a counterweight to big transnational corporations”¹ – Ulrich Beck 1997

As Ulrich Beck told it, the consumer has indeed gained more importance during the last decades. The amount of choice available in almost every consumption decision has awakened the potential of the quest for social change through the choice of consumables. This potential has not passed unnoticed by the market, and the consumer comes face to face with products infused with potential for social and political change on an everyday basis. As Micheletti (2003) proposes, voting is no longer enough to satisfy public responsibility, individuals feel increasingly inclined to pursue further political engagement in their everyday conduct². Between a third and a fourth of adults have engaged in what is called political consumerism;

activities aimed to promote or dismantle certain causes, institutions, companies or products³. To label acts of consumption as political is to add new modes of political engagement to the democratic discourse. The politically conscious consumer is instantly ready to act upon the moral virtues of a product, or the absence thereof, and today’s modern technological, social media-oriented society allows for instant spread of such political engagement. Political consumerism is a modern concept, and thus a concept still embedded with many ambiguities.

This study aims to explore one aspect of this ambiguity by incorporating the outline of a political ideology, in order to broaden the framework utilized when evaluating the discourse of political consumerism. Not only can this study be useful for future research on the subject of political consumerism, but it can also open up the discussion for how we form and live political ideologies through individual acts of consumption. The aim of this study is then to outline new shapes of political ideology based on the concept of political consumerism as connecting individuals, and allowing them to make sense of the complex political reality of consumption.

1 Beck 1997

2 Micheletti 2003 p. 149

3 Dulrud & Jacobsen p. 471

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By far one of the most internationally well-known symbols for conscious consumption, Fairtrade International and its affiliates has spread to most corners of the Western market in a quest for engaging the consumer in a moralistic framework, in which the ability to choose among a wide array of products becomes infused with moral and political connotations; a product is no longer a product but rather a choice of what kind of society the consumer wishes to promote. The organization itself frames its vision as “a world in which all producers can enjoy secure and sustainable livelihoods, fulfill their potential and decide on their future”⁴. Trade is in this vision the central concept behind empowerment, poverty reduction and sustainability, and the Fairtrade organization, and its subdivisions, aim to facilitate access to fair trading conditions while increasing worker empowerment.⁵ This study will use Fairtrade International’s Twitter feed, as in all tweets sent from the Twitter account @FAIRTRADE, as a case study to examine the theoretical framework of political consumerism and political ideology mentioned above and further elaborated on in later sections of this study. The aim is to uncover if Fairtrade International in its message to the consumer speaks to the discourse of political consumerism in order to engage the consumer in its vision, and, naturally, to convince the consumer to purchase Fairtrade-products.

There are several entry points when exploring the theoretical base of a fair trade-model⁶, for instance the effect of such a model on the marginalized producer, or the exploration of the implication of what is “fair”. However, this study follows Michael K. Goodman in defining fair-trade as first being part of what is labeled a global imaginary, and secondly being a typical case of political consumerism. A global imaginary is a social construct in which the consumer imagines its existence on the same social level as the producer, and through which commodities become carriers of contexts and connection. A consumer creates a global social whole when engaging in such an imaginary construct, and the chain of production becomes transparent through the materialization of the otherwise marginalized producer.⁷

In order to explore new framings of political consumerism, and to find the discursive framing of political ideology in the choice of ethical consumption the research question is as follows:

4 Fairtrade International, “Our vision & Mission”, 2015

5 Fairtrade International, “Our vision & Mission”, 2015

6 In this study ”Fairtrade” is in reference to the organization Fairtrade International and its affiliates, but ”fair trade” is in reference to the model and concept of fair trade itself.

7 Goodman 2004 p. 896

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Is Fairtrade appealing to the framework of political consumerism, and can a model of political ideology be incorporated in the analysis of the discourse of Fairtrade International?

Political consumerism has entered the academic field of political science mostly due to the researcher Michele Micheletti’s extended research on the subject. The book Political Virtue and Shopping: Individuals, Consumerism, and Collective Action, was published in 2003 and has since become a frame of reference when discussing such conceptualizing of politics and consumption. As this study aims to demonstrate both how Fairtrade infuses their products with a notion of the global imaginary and an interconnection between social groups, and how this imaginary can be utilized in analyzing an emerging discourse of political ideology in the field of political consumerism the analytical approach outlined by Manfred B. Steger and Paul James in their research of the rise of a so called global imaginary becomes highly useful. This approach utilizes the backdrop of social imaginaries, in order to evaluate the emerging of political ideologies, and they argue that a mature political ideology infuses the social imaginary with meaning, and guides the actions of the social whole.

1.1 Disposition

This study begins with an exposé of the case of Fairtrade International through a brief exploration of the organization’s history, in order to present the reader with background information on the case study. In the section that follows the methodology is presented and discussed, as well as the material selection and the limitations of the study, in order to provide insights into the choice of method of analysis and the choice of research material. The theoretical section begins by outlining Goodman’s theoretical approach to the fair trade model, in which he describes the fair trade imaginary and how it is lived and shared by the commodities produced within it. The next section proceeds to describing the case of political consumerism based on Micheletti’s definition of it as political participation, and ends with the analytical framework of political ideology as constituted against a background of a shared social imaginary, as outlined by Steger and James. The analysis that follows offers a take on different concepts and themes found in the Fairtrade discourse, and the study ends with a discussion on the results of the analysis in relation to the theoretical framework, as well as a short discussion of possible mistakes and questions to consider when conducting future research within this field of studies.

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1.2 A brief history of Fairtrade International

Fairtrade, as a trading model, was crafted in the 1970s by Oxfam and various European aid organizations, and in 1988 the first fair-trade label was launched. The first product to carry the label was, perhaps not surprisingly, a coffee brand produced in Mexico. The product was introduced to Dutch markets, and the label was marketed as a sign of the company’s opposition to the exploitation of coffee pickers in Dutch colonies. During the early 1990s five different fair trade initiatives spread to numerous other markets across both North America and Europe (including Sweden’s Rättvisemärkt). This lead to the creation of the Fairtrade Labeling Organizations International (FLO) in 1997, as an attempt to standardize certification and world-wide labeling schemes. The attempt was successful, but the spread of fair trade labeling was not as rapid as one might have assumed, and in 2002 Fairtrade International launched the International Fairtrade Certification Mark in order to simplify fair trade consumption for consumers by making the label itself more visible. The launch also aimed to facilitate trade across borders and streamline procedures of export.⁸

Two years later the umbrella organization Fairtrade International was divided into two independent sub-divisions assigned with different tasks. The first division, Fairtrade International, was tasked with setting Fairtrade standards and providing support for producers, and the second division, FLOCERT, was assigned with the responsibility of performing inspection and issuing certification for producer organizations.⁹ Fairtrade International is today one of seven organization that are recognized by ISEAL¹⁰ to have reached the highest standards of defining ethical trade. In 2007, the year of the recognition, sales increased by 47%, and producers can nowadays become co-owners of the Fairtrade international division.¹¹ The Fairtrade International is upheld by a constitution, to which the latest amendments were approved in November 2014. It is a legally binding document; in which members not only agree to abide by Fairtrade guidelines but also to pay an annual membership fee. If a member fails to meet the membership obligations the board of the association can apply a number of

8 Fairtrade International “What we do” 2015

9 Fairtrade International “History of Fairtrade” 2015

10 ISEAL is an alliance with the goal of defining and promoting good sustainability practices and standards. The accreditation is achievable for organizations and institutions that meet the ISEAL Codes of Good Practice. ISEAL, ”About us”, Available: http://www.isealalliance.org/about-us 2016 (accessed 2015-12-20)

11 Fairtrade International “History of Fairtrade” 2015

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sanctions, including but not limited to warnings and temporary suspension of membership rights.¹²

The Fairtrade aim is four-fold; to set international Fairtrade standards, to coordinate global Fairtrade strategy, to organize support for producers and to promote trade justice internationally. For the producers choosing to become members the association claims to offer four specific benefits. First there is the Fairtrade Minimum Price, a price promised the producer as even if market prices drop this minimum price is supposed to cover the costs of sustainable production. On top of the Fairtrade price the producers enter in a partnership with each other, and jointly own and administer the Fairtrade International through its Board and Committees. The aim of this partnership is to allow for producers to be involved in the decisions that may affect their future business interest. The association also offers a “Fairtrade Premium”, which is paid on top of the Fairtrade price and is democratically decided on by producers as to how to be distributed. The organization claims these premiums are typically invested in welfare and farm improvements. The fourth benefit is the empowerment of farmers and workers, as a democratic structure and transparent administration is mandatory for small farmer groups that are members of the Fairtrade organization.¹³

2. Methodology

This section presents the methodological approach employed in this study, and it describes how the methods chosen are conducive to the research question at hand, and possible problematic aspects of those methods. The analysis is carried out employing the method of a qualitative analysis of textual content, in which context is a more taken for granted concept, with influences from the discourse analysis, in which context is related to power relations and language, in order to analyze the Fairtrade message¹⁴. To guide the analysis this study defines and utilizes conceptual categories as a way of organizing the textual content and allowing for a more easily approachable overview.

This study does not aim to explore political ideology to its full extent, but rather to elaborate from the approach of ideology as a cognitive social system, in which certain discourse takes

14 The Fairtrade message is in reference to both the discourse of Fairtrade and the overall concept of the Fairtrade Twitter feed.

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place. The study will not place ideology along a political left-right continuum, even though there are several worthy points to make about for example both conservatism and socialism in relation to political consumerism’s effect on fair trade, but to do so would be to aim the study in a different direction. Ideology is rather framed as political phenomenon – something that gives individuals claims to truths about their political reality.

2.1 Qualitative analysis of textual content

For the purpose of this study qualitative textual analysis is chosen, in order to allow for hidden subtexts in the text to be unveiled. These subtexts are utilized in the evaluation of the discourse of political consumerism, and related to the framework of political ideology described in the next section of this study, in order to answer the research question at hand.

The material, the Twitter feed, is regarded as a coherent text, and as such the textual analysis is highly useful for the purpose of this study¹⁵. The aim of such a method is to unveil both hidden and obvious elements in the text, to contextualize what is being said and to analyze such a context in relation to a theoretical frame¹⁶. Textual analysis can be either directed or conventional¹⁷, the first is usually based on previous research and existing theory, while the second intends to code the textual material in order for new terms and models to form¹⁸. This study utilizes a mix of both modes, as the aim is to through a textual analysis evaluate the models found in the Twitter feed in relation to the framework of political ideology, and attempt to argue for the incorporation of such a framework in the conceptualizing of political consumerism.

There are four main criteria regarding the quality of a document to pay attention when using documents or texts as main sources of material; authenticity, credibility, representativeness and meaningfulness, or validity. Is the document unambiguously a document originating from the Fairtrade organization? Is the material without fault and distortion? Is it representative of the category of political consumerism? Is it clear and easy to understand?¹⁹ The Twitter feed is in this study viewed as the voice of the Fairtrade organization, and as the research question aims to unveil the subtexts of political consumerism as it is portrayed to the consumer the

15 Esaiasson et al. 2007 p. 211

16 Ibid p. 210

17 A third model exists; the summative approach, but since that is a quantitative approach, and this is a qualitative study, this approach will not be discussed in this study.

18 Hsieh & Shannon 2005 p. 1286

19 Bryman 2011 p. 489

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Twitter feed is regarded as a representative category of political consumerism. This study has incorporated a glossary and a short guide to Twitter, so as to facilitate the understanding of the text for a viewer not familiar with this type of textual social media²⁰. The material is believed to be without distortion, as it is part of spreading the Fairtrade aims and its message and as such carefully constructed to appeal to the consumer.

The methodological frame is highly influenced by discourse analysis, which is characterized by the understanding of language as the main shaper of our perception of reality²¹. This type of analysis brings to light aspects of the social life otherwise taken for granted, and it aims to reveal hidden linguistically normative structures guiding the action of individuals²². As this study aims to reveal hidden meanings in the text discourse analysis is relevant as a tool for evaluating the material at hand. Discourse analysis interprets knowledge as created through social interactions, and in this process ideas become uncontested truths, or seen as false, and they are either commonly accepted, or commonly disregarded²³. In this way no discourse is a unity of its own, but a discourse becomes constructed and reconstructed in relation to other discourses, and discourses engage with each other in a struggle of dominance²⁴. Language then is not simply an outlet and channel for information, but rather something that constitutes and generates the social reality in which individuals create their perception of its structure²⁵.

Foucault’s definition of discourse from 1982²⁶ is one of the more accepted ones, in which these types of truths as social constructions promote the hegemony of certain social structures.

Foucault’s definition rests on the notion of power as a productive influence; it constitutes bodies, discourse, knowledge and subjectivities, and power belongs to certain social practices rather than being awarded to particular agents²⁷. Discourse produces the subjects individuals become, and are, and the objects they recognize around them. Even though this study does not

20 See appendix 1

22 Ibid p. 213

23 Winther Jorgensen & Philips 2002 p. 5

24 Ibid p. 9

25 Ibid p. 9

26 ”We shall call discourse a group of statements in so far as they belong to the same discursive formation […Discourse] is made up of a limited number of statements for which a group of conditions of existence can be defined. Discourse in this sense is not an ideal, timeless form […] it is from beginning to end, historical – a fragment of history […] posing its own limits, its divisions, its transformations, the specific modes of its temporality”. Foucalt, Michel, The Archaeology of Knowledge & The Discourse on Language, 1982, Vintage Books

27 Winther Jorgensen & Philips 2002 p. 10

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venture into the perception of the individual in the role as an active conscious consumer, the notion of a discourse informing the individual of a specific frame of reality becomes useful in the textual analysis.

This study approaches the material without pre-determined categories, in order to allow for categories to take shape during the course of the analysis. The main problematic aspect of such an approach is the subjectivity of the researcher, which means the approach requires a distinct focus on the research question at hand²⁸. Another researcher might have allowed for other categories to take shape, and in this study this problematic aspect is kept in mind during the process of the analysis, and the categories and sub-themes that have been found are themes meant to create an objective overview of the material. Such an open approach can also tend to lead to the researcher stating the conclusion based on what can “accidentally” be found in the material at hand, which in turns lowers the ambitions of generalization.²⁹ The solution to this type of dependency on the material is in this study dealt with by discussing other possible answers and categories in the discussion section.

2.2 Instruments of analysis

The content analysis used in this study is done by using open-ended categories, allowing categories and subthemes to take shape as the analysis progress³⁰. The initial categorization of the material is done in order to bring to light the most obvious of the concepts found in the Twitter feed, but beyond these categories different subtexts and subthemes are allowed to take shape during the process of the analysis. These sub-categories allow for an interesting overview and a thought-provoking approach to the text that both appeals to the reader and is relevant to the discussion of the material in relation to the analytical model. The analysis also incorporates some semiotic elements³¹, as symbolic interpretations of words and evidence of subtexts in words are analyzed in relation to the political ideology and to the imaginary. A semiotic analysis is aimed at revealing hidden meaning in texts³², and the semiotic elements of the text are analyzed both in terms of manifested and latent messages, the first being the

30 Bryman 2011 p. 505

31 Ibid p. 506

32 Ibid p. 506

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immediately visible message while the latent message is the more sub textual, and as such much more exposed to the subjectivity of the reader³³.

2.3 Research material

The source of material of this analysis is web-based content. One of the more problematic aspects of analyzing web-based content is its nature as continuously under transformation, content can be added, updated or removed, on an instant basis³⁴. This problem is overcome by the nature of Twitter as a more continuous feed of information rather than a webpage subject to everyday change, and the nature of Twitter allows for easy access to all tweets emitted³⁵.

The AOIR, Association of Internet Researchers, has produced a report to assist researchers using the Internet as an object of study.³⁶ The document contains key guiding principles fundamental to an ethical approach to Internet research. These guiding principles are mostly aimed at researchers studying individual subjects and their right to anonymity in order for the researchers to contemplate the balance between the right of the subjects and the social benefit of the research³⁷. The focal point of this study is an organization’s public and open Twitter feed, and these types of ethical considerations are not necessary to pay attention to, as “Public text” carries a different connotation and a different ethical expectation for researchers than for example “member”, “person” or ”avatar”³⁸. The risk of potential harm to individuals is low as only users retweeted by Fairtrade International or posted by Fairtrade International are considered, and no infringement on the privacy of individual Twitter users is necessary to discuss in this study.

The selection is based on a purposive sampling³⁹, which means the material to be analyzed is chosen based on the research question, as opposed to probability sampling. The material is chosen based on the purpose of this study; to find traces of political ideology in the message of political consumerism. Fairtrade International is a large organization, and to analyze the

34 Bryman 2011 p. 588

35 At least up to the limitation of 3200 tweets, after which tweets are no longer immediately visible in the feed.

36 Associations of Internet Researchers, ”Ethical Decision-Making and Internet Research – Recommendations from the AoIR Working Committee (Version 2.0)”

37 Ibid p. 5

38 Ibid p. 8

39 Bryman 2011 p. 350

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complete concept of their message is beyond the limitation of this study. The aim is to explore the message as it becomes available to the consumer and to focus on the hidden sub-notes possibly communicating the framework of ideology. The material chosen to analyze in this regard is Fairtrade’s Twitter account, as it is a widely spread account where the message becomes available to the consumer within an instant, it engages the observer at the moment of publication and it aims to evoke an interest in the observer. In comparison, a webpage is not as readily consumed by the observer, the interface of and interaction with a webpage is not as immediate and requires a more active viewer, which is why a webpage is usually aimed mostly at providing information, while at the same time spreading the message of the company. Twitter, and other forms of social media such as for example Instagram and Snap Chat⁴⁰, is on the other hand quick and instant.

Twitter promotes itself as “the window to your world”⁴¹, thus indicating its aim to be an instant service for understanding and commenting on every aspect of our realities. Twitter began as a micro-blogging service, but has evolved into becoming a cross-breed between blogging and instant messaging, a dynamic mix in which users have the ability to follow and interact with other users, and tweet about current events.⁴² News channels, newspapers, politicians, civilians, bloggers; basically anyone can get an account, and Twitter puts all these into a melting pot that allows for very easy and instant interaction. The observer engages with the material on a possible second-to-second basis and the message is intended to be short, yet engaging.

The Fairtrade International’s Twitter feed is quite extensive, which calls for the need of limiting the amount of tweets to be able to perform the analysis within the limitations of this study. The time frame set is between 1^st of August 2015 to the 30^th of November 2015, in order to fully capture the ongoing message deployed to the consumer. Not all tweets are conducive to the argument, as to why a longer time frame has been set. There is a possibility to allow for inclusion of more tweets, but as four months are firstly a quite long period of time in the world of social media, and secondly, as the feed was not radically altered during the last years it is not necessary to broaden the time frame in order to capture the essence of the feed.

40 Two types of social media in which the user upload content in the shape of images and short texts.

41 Twitter ”About Twitter” 2015

42 About.com ”What is Twitter” 2016

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A Twitter message, a tweet, can at the most be 140 characters long, and the sender has to infuse those characters with meaning in order for the observer to engage with it. This is the interface where the consumer engages the most with Fairtrade’s message, where they allow for the connection with the message to form. A tweet can incorporate, beside the 140- character allowance, an image and a “retweet”⁴³. Retweets are normally aimed at forwarding a message correlating to the general feel of the feed, and the analysis will incorporate both tweets and retweets, as even though retweets are not specifically written by the Fairtrade International, they are retweeted for the purpose of promoting Fairtrade’s overall message.

Fairtrade’s twitter feed incorporates links to articles, research and imagery with quotes and information, however the links to the articles will not be analyzed in this study, but the connotation of the article will be included.

3. Theoretical framework

This section aims to build the theoretical framework used for the analysis of the research question at hand. The purpose of the theoretical framework is to locate and define the position from which the study’s research material is examined in the analysis.

3.1 Theoretical exploration of fair-trade

The fair-trade system is a case of market-driven ethical consumption, and as such, the fairtrade movement itself looks to the market for reducing socio-economic inequalities, the promotion of sustainable development and the reducing of environmental destruction related to the global economic system.⁴⁴ Inherent in this system is the assumption of the consumer being the main actor compelling the direction of the market, whether it may be in direction of more fair trade, or less fair trade. The consumer outlined in Fairtrade’s visionary is expected to demand these types of products due to the inherent moral quality of the Fairtrade label, and this is expected to create the desire of the market to accommodate such a demand, and aims to create “fairer” trading conditions.

Regardless of if one chooses to interpret the consumer as more or less empowered, fair trade is not only conducive in changing the status of the consumer, it also facilitates the articulation of networks that link small producers to the larger market through new forms of social connections, transcending previous national borders and creating different transnational

43 See Appendix 1

44 Clarke et al. 2007 p. 584

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geographies.⁴⁵ These networks become institutionalized fair-trade practices that help articulate collective action, through which agency is relocated from everyday practices to such social networks. The networks, in turn, then facilitate the creation of the imaginary, either by a company in order to engage the consumer to consume their products, or by other non-political or political institution that strives to engage the individual consumer in a more conscious pattern of consumption.

3.1.1. The consumer and the network

Social networks are in their nature simultaneously discursive and material, and fair-trade connects the producer with the consumer both politically and economically through the creation of a transnational moral economy. Fair-trade as a social network is dualistic in its focus on regulated capitalism; fairer trading conditions for marginalized producers in developing countries while at the same time embracing the cultural modernity of buying Fairtrade, as Goodman phrases it: “…shifting Fairtrade’s cultural economic theater to incorporate aspects of the Euro-American consumption-scape; from coffeehouses to the charity shop”⁴⁶. In Goodman’s view, fair-trade is a kind of moral economy, outlined through these networks that he labels “nourishing networks”; trade paths of commodities tying the consumer and the producer together in its transcending of the North-South divide⁴⁷.

The commodities that reach the consumer via these trade paths carry the fair-trade label, politicizing them with discursive and visual narratives and infusing them with ethical meaning. Goodman positions his theory based on this discursive narrative of the commodities, and the theory carries two insights regarding the fair-trade products: firstly, consumption is not simply the act at the end of the production line, it is an identity-process in which the consumer reshape its identity through consumption, and secondly, knowledge is both produced and transported through the commodity networks, and becomes crucial to the function of the networks. For the consumer this means a translation of value via the politicized characteristics of the product. The commodity and the nourishing networks allow for meaning to flow between the identity of the consumer and the interface of commodities.⁴⁸ Fair-trade discourse then becomes the “translation device” for both the consumer and the producer in the sense that the discourse allows for the two groups to enter the networks;

45 Clarke et al. 2007 p. 589

46 Goodman 2004 p. 892

47 Goodman 2004 p. 892

48 Ibid p. 895

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consumers through their choice of consumption and the producer through the production of those consumables.

3.1.2 The consumer and the global imaginary

Moving beyond the framework of networks, fair trade, Goodman argues, becomes a political ecological imaginary, in which food commodities turn into “geographic imaginations”

contextualizing the use of the commodities, how they move in different systems and their origins⁴⁹. “Fair trade’s political ecological imaginary not only tells consumers how the commodity works, but most importantly demonstrates the progressive effects of their act of consumption on the particular community that grew what they are eating”⁵⁰ These imaginaries are permeated with the notion of how the production of meaning in the fair-trade network is both material and semiotic; it both connects production with consumption and creates space through morally embedded standards and markets. It is this imaginary of fair trade that establishes the components of the moral economy, and that allows for spatial and temporal extension of care.

Goodman also argues a double standard exists in the commodification of fair-trade products, as it on the one hand it unveils the production of the consumables by making the production chain transparent, while on the other it reinforces the distinction between “we” and “them”, maintaining a North-South dichotomy and fetishizing expressions like “indigenous” and

“small farmers”⁵¹. Due to the limitations of this study this perspective is not developed further than to attempt to find distinctive patterns of such a historically conditioned dichotomy in the research material.

3.2 Political consumerism

Fairtrade is not a unique phenomenon; studies have found a radical increase in the interest of consumers concerned with the social, ethical and political aspects of company behaviors and the choice of consumption based on those aspects⁵². Political consumerism is, as mentioned, a relatively new term within the field of political science, and for a long time it was seen as belonging to the sphere of sociological studies based on individual behavior being the target of the research. But the field has grown, and in 2003 the first international seminar regarding

49 Goodman 2004 p. 896

50 Ibid p. 896

51 Ibid p. 902

52 Newman et al. 2011 p. 3

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Political Consumerism was held in Oslo. The following publication⁵³, based on the proceedings of the seminar, demonstrated a broad range of diverse views on the concept, varying from criticism to labeling schemes and changing business practices through consumption.

The first step towards understanding political consumerism is to allow for an expansion of previous understandings of what is in fact political⁵⁴. It is framed as a new way of participating in politics, and as such it reflects a movement away from the conventional former modes of political engagement, a new mode in which the individual ability of the effectiveness of the political consumer becomes ready at every action of consumption⁵⁵. The reason to give such special attention to political consumerism is its nature of being a mix of citizenry and political participation⁵⁶. It allows people to engage with public issues and political interests outside the scope of conventional political participation, such as voting or demonstrating, and initiatives like global environmentalism, labor rights, human rights and other movements aimed at social change increasingly politicizes what has conventionally been labeled a private consumer choice, and it conflates the political and economical sphere to the point that to separate them serves less of a purpose than to assume that they actually effect one another.⁵⁷

This thesis accepts Michele Micheletti’s theoretical definition of political consumerism, which is as follows: “Political consumerism represents actions by people who make choices among producers and products with the goal of changing objectionable institutional or market practices. Their choices are based on attitudes and values regarding issues of justice, fairness or non-economic issues that concern personal and family well-being and ethical or political assessment of favorable and unfavorable business and government practice”⁵⁸

This definition broadly incorporates all conscious decisions made in the marketplace, either individually or collectively, and it implies a normative context, in which social interpretations of a structural framework are expressed in an individual’s choice of consumer goods. The

53 Föllesdal et al. 2004 p.

55 Dhavan et al. 2007 p. 220

56 Ibid p. 219

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definition incorporates the withholding and utilizing of consumers’ purchasing power in the realm of politics; consumers exert power in their choices within the market. In addition, the metaphorical link to voting is within this definition brought to light, when one individual makes one choice it represents one vote, and the choice is based on attitudes on issues of justice, fairness and non-economic matters.⁵⁹

Some researchers⁶⁰ argue that the model of the consumer is more a symbolic term, rather than having a set theoretical structure or basis. The symbolic interpretation then constitutes the consumer as a rational autonomous individual, fully in control of its goals and ready to pursue its self-interest. This in turn implies empowerment, and viewing the consumer as a rational individual provides us with the understanding that the market is able to provide solutions to societal problems. However, this thesis does not discuss the implications of this understanding, it is beyond its scope to develop arguments regarding the market’s ability to redistribute wealth and solve structural problems. Instead, this study follows Micheletti’s approach to the concept of political consumerism as a phenomenon that on a daily basis increasingly challenges our conception of traditional politics, and the political system itself, and as such is a concept worthy of closer political research⁶¹.

Micheletti then positions consumption within the realm of political action. She argues that consumer behavior challenges the perception of the individual as passive and normally excluded from corporate decision-making and legislative policy decisions, an individual who now turns to the market as means and a venue for political expression and action. The consumer enters the policy discussion by its choice of products, which in turn implies the existence of politics behind a product. Such an implication is enforced by the elevation of consumer choice as increasingly political⁶², and the politics of a product become visible when a consumer acts upon them.

Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie define political participation as “those activities by private citizens that are more or less directly aimed at influencing the selection of governmental personnel and/or the actions the take”⁶³. They acknowledge the narrowness of this definition

59 Dulsrud & Jacobsen 2007 p. 471

60 Lilleker & Scallion 2008 p. 39

62 Ibid p. 13

63 Verba & Nie 1972 p. 2

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by admitting that political participation can also be understood as behaviors enacted by citizens meant to influence the authoritative allocations of values for a society, which may or may not take place through government decisions⁶⁴. This definition creates the foundation for the understanding of political consumerism as inherently political, and political acts are defined by behaviors aimed at changing the practices of non-state-oriented targets, such as for example firms, in order to change values and social practices. To then influence these values in order to change certain political and social outcomes on all levels of society through consumption is political, and it politicizes the subject performing the act: the consumer⁶⁵. This gives two particular political components of political consumerism: firstly the subjective political connotation rewarded to choice of product, and secondly the political purpose behind choosing the product⁶⁶.

Political consumerism, in Micheletti’s definition, grew out of two aspects of a changing political landscape. The rise of cross-national issues like environmental issues, the spread of AIDS and the quest for sustainability challenged state control and brought about new problems of governance. The state was increasingly challenged as the primary actor in politics, which in turn left a vacuum to be filled by new forms of multi-layered networks.

Alongside this rise of new forms of governance, the theoretical framework of post- modernization adds the second aspect, explaining the rise of political consumerism. This framework emphasizes the increasing individualization, value conflicts and focus on consumption over production⁶⁷. Modernization according to this aspect blurs the distinction between the private and public life, as changing consumer behavior and sustainability replace state intervention at the heart of social change, and it blends morality with money.⁶⁸ Out of this changing political landscape new forms of regulative governance practices grew, and enforced the new individual institutionalization, which is characterized by its consensual, horizontal and less formal management, and is more reliant on actors at a decentralized level⁶⁹.

64 Verba & Nie 1972 p. 2

66 Ibid p. 3

68 Ibid p. 8

69 Ibid p. 8

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Micheletti places political consumerism as a contributor to the general political community in two ways. Firstly, participating in political consumerist activities allows separate groups in society to overcome social differences and come closer in the commitment to mutual goals, and this type of social interaction facilitates cooperation through bridging and bonding⁷⁰. Secondly, these types of activities bridge the gap between private and public virtues, and in doing so political consumerism is used as a way for citizens to satisfy their need for civic engagement as it encourages creation of social capital, which many scholars argue is fundamental in successful citizen cooperation⁷¹. However, political consumerism does not exist in a void of its own, it is heavily influenced by the structure it exists in, and conventional and online-news use encourages political consumerism indirectly through its influence on political discussions and environmental concerns⁷². Consumption orientations collaborate with communication practices to influence political consumerism, and studies⁷³ emphasize the effect of information-seeking and a more pronounced concern about the environment alongside the effect of advertising paternalism on an individual’s ability to engage in political consumption. Due to the limitations of this study this effect is not explored, and the study rather moves into the discussion of the discourse of Fairtrade as adopting a framework of political consumerism. Fairtrade’s Twitter feed is naturally part of the organization’s concept of advertisement, but instead of discussing advertisement’s effect on the individual subject this study frames the Twitter feed as a message of political consumerism, and develops the argument of political ideology as part of that message, rather than moving into the argument of how advertisement forms the subject of the consumer.

3.2.1 Criticism of Political Consumerism

Political consumerism is not always understood as perfectly democratic, or utilized to promote the spread of morally good public virtues⁷⁴. The power of one group operating in the arena of the market place can easily exert oppression over another, the 1930s boycott against Jewish merchants being one of many examples of this type “negative” political consumerism⁷⁵. This section aims to explore and address some of the most prominent criticism towards political consumerism that is relevant for this study.

71 Ibid p. 157

72 Dhavan et al. 2007 p. 232

73 Dhavan et al. 2007 p. 232

75 Ibid p. 66

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According to Micheletti, most of the criticism of the concept itself centers on the idea that discussing in indicates a political statement, as some argue the idea of political consumerism is related to a political position on the left-right continuum. A second line of criticism is aimed at the fusion of the economical and political sphere, in which some critics argue this is a conflation that in the end will lead to the loss of rationality of the individual.⁷⁶ However, for the basic scope of this study it is sufficient to adopt this basic framework of political consumerism, because by viewing society through the lens of this fusion one is allowed to observe new forms of politics evolve out of old conventional tactics. A third line of criticism targets the orientation, accountability and effectiveness of this kind of political participation, as its supposed lack of accountability would render it undemocratic. Who holds a political consumerist accountable? And how is its effectiveness supposed to be measured? While these are interesting research subjects on their own it is not within the scope of this study to discuss if actors do change their behavior due to political consumerism, nor is it within the scope to fully evaluate the democratic characteristic of such a participation.

In a sense the image of the political consumerist can be somewhat generic. The underlying assumption behind the model is the active, fairly conscious consumer existing as a universally recognizable figure across all forms of institutional and cultural settings. However, the individuals’ own conception of what being a consumer entails varies greatly, and as such varies the subjective experience as a consumer⁷⁷. The role conceptions of the consumer are negotiated within an institutionalizing process incorporating business interest and agendas of government agencies, and by focusing on the consumer side one neglects to give attention to the strategies of other actors. The individuality of political consumerist actions is overcome when they are aggregated, and the potential to form a social movement is evident⁷⁸.

Finally, a dispute exists regarding political consumerism as a tool for change. Some scholars state that indeed consumers are central in the act of sustainability and improving human rights in their way of consuming according to values and ethics, while the critics of such a position maintain that due to the lack of organization among individual consumers the concept cannot achieve status as a tool for influence. Other groups have added to this by contesting consumption itself, and they argue that political consumption can never promote sustainability

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as it encourages excessive consumption⁷⁹. Rather than exploring the actual outcome of political consumption, one of this study’s aims is to analyze how the individual consumer is presented with a possible tool for political change through the discourse of Fairtrade.

3.3 Political ideology and the social imaginary

So far, this study has outlined the predominant theoretical groundwork of both the model of fair trade and of political consumerism. As has been discussed, political consumerism can be understood as a way for the consumer to engage in political decision-making through its choice of consumables. This way of participating in politics can be framed as a social movement; and even though the choice of product is highly individual the solitary consumer becomes part of social movement in that decision-making process. As the aim of this study is to explore the concept of political consumerism while at the same time utilize the framework of political ideology, the purpose of this section is to outline the analytical model that will be used in evaluating the concepts developed in the analysis.

An ideology is a set structure of values, beliefs and attitudes that are interconnected through their motivational, cognitive and affective characteristics, and as such, it can be analyzed both in respect to its content and in respect to how it functions in society⁸⁰. The base of the ideology is then the belief system, and as ideologies are inherently social to their character and very commonly associated with a specific group’s interests it is appropriate to complement such a cognitive belief system with a social aspect⁸¹.

Purely individual or personal ideologies then do not exist; they are inherently social and as such shared by members of a group or collectives, whether accidentally or not. Ideology becomes the property of social clusters and the shared nature of it underlines the collective social dimension while at the same time describing the role of ideology in the everyday practice of the social collective’s members.⁸² Steger and James approach ideologies as specific historically conditioned combinations of circumstances, which have specific patterns of practice and give meaning to modes of action, they serve as political translators and tell of emerging imaginaries dependent on intersecting ontologies.⁸³

79 Boström et al. 2005 p. 11

80 Jost et al. 2009 p. 315

81 Dijk 1998 p. 3

82 Ibid p. 30

83 Steger & James 2013 p. 24

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The minimal definition Steger and James adopt is as follows: “ideologies are patterned clusters of normatively imbued ideas and concepts, including particular representations of power relations. These conceptual maps help people navigate the complexity of their political universe and carry claims to social truth” Normativity becomes here the force of conflation, it infuses belief systems with meaning, and allows them to approach each other. In this sense, ideologies permeate almost all social communities across the globe, and constellations of belief systems have conditioned the historic development of the values often taken for granted today.

The approach to ideologies and social imaginaries being based on historically conditioned belief systems requires them to be interpreted within the context of their origin and development in social spaces. The ideology serves as a link between practice and belief, and it encourages individuals to action while at the same time constraining and diminishing motives for other forms of action⁸⁴. Ideologies in this sense are designed to direct social collectives in a specific way⁸⁵, and in order to frame this Steger builds his conceptualization of ideology on Charles Taylor’s social imaginary. This imaginary exists in the grey area between theory and ideology; it creates a backdrop against which communal practices and explanations of how individuals fit together, and underlying normative notions of expectations on other individuals’ behavior⁸⁶. The backdrop is both factual and normative, as it provides individuals with a framework for how things are supposed to proceed.

The social imaginary, built on Taylors construct, is the broader pattern of social meaning as

“…convocations of a social whole. These deep-seated modes of understanding provide largely pre-reflexive parameters within which people imagine their social existence”⁸⁷. It is a reflexive framework for individuals in which they can shape their everyday lives, and the social imaginary reconstructs the social space and has a repetitive implementation of collective characteristics and virtues⁸⁸.

84 Steger 2008 p. 5

85 Ibid p. 3

86 Ibid p. 6

88 Steger 2008 p. 7

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Steger’s analysis is carried out in the exploration of a national imaginary, and the destabilization of such an imaginary is in his view due to the forces of globalization. Modern ideologies are no longer confided to the boundaries of the nation-state but rather they exist in an international setting as evidence of a growing global imaginary.⁸⁹ This global imaginary is further studied in Steger and James’ theoretical exploration of the conceptualization of the subjective dimension of globalization. In this theory social imaginaries have played crucial roles in spread global imaginaries that transcend both social and national borders. This has happened when the process of ideology has become embedded in the principal discourse of a specific setting, be it time or place⁹⁰. In Steger and James’ analysis globalization becomes the object of analysis, and they incorporate both the subjective and the objective meaning of globalization, the first being the ideas and discourses associated with globalization, and the latter being the actual spread and deepening of social relations across the globe⁹¹. The analysis demonstrates how these two aspects are intimately intertwined, and the work done by Steger and James can be applied to this study’s approach to ideology as it demonstrates the non-productive separation of imaginaries from the interpretation of ideology.

Steger and James approaches ideologies as specific patterns of practice, which gives meaning to specific modes of action⁹² and serves as political translators by articulating emerging imaginaries dependent on intersecting ontologies. Central in this analytical conceptualization is the argument that ideologies, as opposed to being objects of analysis on their own, are better understood as the part of the rise of a “dominant global social imaginary”⁹³. In this sense, ideologies are also understood in terms of patterns of ideas related to certain material practices. The practice is not set apart from the idea, but instead the idea and the practice are mutually constitutive; the idea influences the practice while it also serves as an explanation of it.

The ideology shapes the articulation of the social imaginary, and Steger and James states this in their argument that “our key notion is that full blown ideologies are patterned and conceptually thick enough to form relatively coherent and persistent articulations of the

89 Steger 2008 p.12

91 Ibid p. 19

93 Ibid p. 25

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underlying social imaginary”⁹⁴. The ideology is not constructed out of a few statements or arguments, but rather the ideas and values of such an argument are to be combined into a mature conceptual constellation in order to be labeled an ideology. Ideologies become then part of an extended framework, or collection, that have translated generalized global imaginaries into political programs and agendas.⁹⁵

Manifestation of Ideology Manifestation of Imaginary Patterns of practice and meaning Patterns of inter-relationship Modes and subjectivities of practice

and meaning

Modes and subjectivities of integration and differentiation

In conclusion, the manifestation of the ideology and the imaginary is done by their content- bound responsiveness to political issues, and how this responsiveness produces claims to truths by different modes and subjectivities. In becoming a truth an idea is taken out of the argument over its meaning, and in that extraction it earns its status as truth by reducing the ambiguity regarding its linguistic meaning. Ideologies become manifested in the patterns of practice and meaning that individuals engage in, while the imaginary manifests itself in how individuals relate to each other and to its place in the world, and in further abstraction these patterns allows for modes and subjectivities to take place.⁹⁶

4. Analysis

So far this study has outlined the theoretical framework of fair trade, political consumerism and political ideology. The following analysis will first explore the different imaginaries and categories both evidently and latently found in the Twitter feed, and then end with an overview of the words found in the feed, and the connotations they carry. In accordance with the analytical model the analysis is carried out by categorizing different ideas and concepts, and the normativity behind such ideas, in order be able to trace the shape of a political ideology and political consumerism. The aim is to be able to conceptualize power relations, how the individual is helped in its navigation of the political universe, and if both the concept of political consumerism and the trace of ideology can be found in the Fairtrade message.

95 Ibid p. 32