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With a little Help

from my Networks

Connecting Graduates to Jobs in Kenya

Master’s Thesis

Author: Meike Wagner Supervisor: Akwasi Osei Examiner: Jonas Ewald Term: VT21

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ABSTRACT

After school, Kenyan graduates struggle in a labour market that does not offer enough employment opportunities. Some graduates search for years, get disillusioned, and give up ever finding formal employment. Some find jobs, but not necessarily in the field of their profession, and possibly below their qualification. Kenya invests in and accumulates human capital that is untapped or even lost. One way to improve one’s job search is the use of personal social networks. By applying social network and social distance theories, this study explores the conditions under which networks can become helpful to a jobseeker. Personal experiences of young Kenyan graduates were used to find out about their job search strategies and their social networks. Insights from recruiters’ perspectives about recruitment processes offered a wholesome view on how jobseekers get connected to jobs. The main data sources were online interviews and an online survey. The findings suggest that a network’s willingness to help might depend on level of reciprocity, that many jobseekers do not have access to helpful networks, and that the ability of a network to help might be restricted due to level of influence or applicability. The study concludes that a combination of various job search strategies offers the best chances to connect a jobseeker to a job, but also that companies need to adapt their recruitment processes in include people who are less connected.

KEY WORDS

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The most wonderful people to work with were my Kenyan interviewees. They opened up to me, hoping that I would turn their contribution into something that can help Kenya. I am touched by their trust and belief in my study.

My supervisor Akwasi Osei supported me throughout. In long Zoom calls we discussed the topic and the findings, so that I could feel confident about presenting and interpreting my data. I don’t think being tutored could have been any more productive and pleasant.

I thank the LNU for their wonderful facilities and for giving me the possibility to study here. The lecturers of the program taught me a million things, and I am immensely grateful.

Friends were there for me to vent, to talk about ideas, and to sort my thoughts. I am probably not even aware of the considerations that were taken by family members and friends to enable me to focus on the thesis only. To everyone who prayed for me, I think God listened.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Introduction ... 1

1.1 Setting the Scene ... 1

1.2 Research Aim ... 4

1.3 Research Questions ... 5

1.4 Significance of the Study ... 5

1.5 Structure of the Thesis ... 6

2. Literature Review ... 7

2.1 Using Formal or Informal Means? ... 8

2.2 Informal Means ... 9 2.3 Formal Means ... 10 2.4 Influencing Factors ... 11 2.5 Outcomes ... 12 2.6 Social Capital ... 13 2.7 Favouritism ... 16 3. Theoretical Framework ... 18

3.1 (Aspects of) Social Network Theory ... 18

3.2 Theory of Social Distance ... 21

4. Methodology ... 24 4.1 Research Design ... 24 4.2 Sources of Data ... 26 4.2 Respondent Information ... 33 4.3 Data Processing ... 35 5. Short Narratives ... 37

5.1 Claire, a Jobseeker who is still Searching ... 37

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5.3 Julie, a Former Jobseeker who Found a Job ... 41

5.4 Charles, who Never Applied, and yet Got a Job ... 42

6. Findings ... 44

6.1 Respondents’ Networks ... 44

6.2 Strategies that do Not Make Use of Networks ... 51

6.3 Strategies that Make Use of Networks ... 56

6.4 Strategies to Generally Increase One’s Chances ... 68

6.5 Recruitment Strategies ... 71

7. Discussion ... 79

7.1 Willingness ... 79

7.2 Availability ... 84

7.3 Possibility ... 86

8. Conclusions and Recommendations... 88

Bibliography ... 92

APPENDICES

Appendix 1: Interview Guide for Jobseekers 1

Appendix 2: Interview Guide for HR managers 4

Appendix 3: Survey Questionnaire 6

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LIST OF FIGURES, TABLES, AND

BOXES

FIGURES

Figure 1 Distribution of Labour Force ... 2

Figure 2 Age Brackets of Jobseekers ... 2

Figure 3 Formal and Informal New Jobs Created ... 3

Figure 4 Formal and Informal Means of Jobseeker-Job-Matching ... 8

Figure 5 A Structural Hole and the Role of a Bridge Actor ... 20

Figure 6 Social Distance and Reciprocity ... 22

Figure 7 Types of Interviewed Graduates ... 25

Figure 8 The Process of Finding Interviews ... 27

Figure 9 Reimbursement for Mobile Data ... 28

Figure 10 Header of the Online Google Forms Survey ... 30

Figure 11 Increase of Survey Responses within 14 Days ... 31

Figure 12 Locations of Graduates who were Interviewed ... 33

Figure 13 Current Locations of Survey Respondents ... 34

Figure 14 Level of Closeness Within the Nuclear Family ... 45

Figure 15 Level of Closeness Within the Extended Family ... 46

Figure 16 Opinions about Extending One's Network ... 50

Figure 17 Job Search Process of Applying for Vacancies ... 52

Figure 18 Places where Job Vacancies are Found... 52

Figure 19 Job Search Strategy of Contacting Companies Directly ... 55

Figure 20 Contacts can Influence the Job Search Process (MODEL 1) 57 Figure 21 Contacts can Influence the Job Search Process (MODEL 2) 57 Figure 22 Networks that Provide Job Information ... 58

Figure 23 Survey Respondents who Received Help from a Contact ... 61

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Figure 25 Interactions between Recruiter, Jobseeker, and Influencer 64

Figure 26 Willingness to Employ a Family Member or a Friend ... 66

Figure 27 Survey Answers about Jobseekers’ Aspirations ... 70

Figure 28 Internal Recruitment: Sourcing Among Existing Employees 72 Figure 29 Employee Referral: Sourcing through Existing Employees .. 73

Figure 30 Scheme of Public Recruitment ... 75

Figure 31 Sourcing from a Pool of Past Candidates ... 76

Figure 32 The HR Manager’s Dilemma ... 78

Figure 33 Generalised Reciprocity ... 81

Figure 34 Balanced Reciprocity ... 82

Figure 35 Influential Members in a Network (Example) ... 85

TABLES

Table 1 Number of Kenyan University Graduates per Year ... 3

Table 2 Gender, Age, Location, and Studies of Interviewees ... 35

BOXES

Box 1 WhatsApp Groups for Job Search ………..….53

ABBREVIATIONS

CV Curriculum Vitae

HR Human Resources

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1.

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Setting the Scene

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Figure 1 Distribution of Labour Force Figure 2 Age Brackets of Jobseekers

It can be challenging to find employment in Kenya, particularly for first-time job seekers. Like many other African countries, Kenya has a large (and growing) population, with about 500 to 800 thousand young people entering the job market annually (Hall, 2017). Despite having a strong economy with an annual growth rate of about 5% within the last ten years (The World Bank, 2021a), economic growth has not translated into the creation of enough jobs. The labour market only produces about 800 thousand jobs per year (Figure 3). Those job opportunities do not match the 3.26 million Kenyans who are currently seeking or are potentially available for employment (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, 2020a:5). The majority (66%) of unemployed people in Kenya are between 20 and 34 years old, making youth unemployment rates the highest in the country (ibid).

48% 6% 46% Employment Status of Kenya's Population Working

Seeking for work

Persons outside the labour force

5%

27% 36% 30%

2%

Age Brackets of those Seeking for Work

15 - 17 18 - 24 25 - 34 35 - 64 65+

Figure 1 Distribution of Labour Force Figure 2 Age Brackets of Jobseekers

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Source: Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, 2020b:47

Figure 3 Formal and Informal New Jobs Created

Higher education is often presumed to lead to better labour market outcomes. However, after school, many graduates like Michael are soon faced with the daunting prospects of becoming unemployed in an economy that is not generating enough employment opportunities for the skilled labour it produces. Only a small fraction of the 50 to 70 thousand students who graduate from Kenya's public and private universities (Table 1) find work after school. The majority join the population of unemployed Kenyans, searching for work. The Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (2018:42) estimates that 9.1% of unemployed Kenyans have a university degree.

Table 1 Number of Kenyan University Graduates per Year

2014 2015 2016

54,863 70,065 68,708

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In an economy that creates more graduates than job opportunities, one needs to be agile when searching for employment. As Michael's story suggests, a university degree, even one with good honours, does not seem to guarantee that one will find a job. Other strategies become necessary to boost a jobseeker’s chances. An example is the use of social networks. Social networks refer in this study to webs of interpersonal relations. They consist of informal ties or relationships originating from family, kinship, friendship, and acquaintanceship (Kadushin, 2012). The roles of social networks in job search strategies have long been a subject of research by many social scientists, particularly in developed countries (e.g., Marsden, 2001; Granovetter, 1995). Lindsey and Kmec (2011) indicate that approximately half of all jobs in the US are found through personal contacts. Social networks of family, friends, and acquaintances are known to enhance a job search by granting jobseekers access to the resources inherent in them. With few exceptions, the focus of many researchers on the roles of social networks in job search strategies seem to centre on search outcomes. However, in the researcher’s opinion, it is not enough for research to focus on outcomes without exploring, for example, network dynamics and the context within which social networks operate as it risks omitting or ignoring the realities of social networks.

1.2 Research Aim

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private sector are also examined to provide insight into how companies try to meet their labour needs. The study investigates if the channels used for job information dissemination are the same that jobseekers usually access. It is expected to discover congruences and mismatches of the jobseeker’s and the recruiter’s approaches. The term ‘jobseeker’ is used throughout this study in reference to recent graduates in Kenya looking for employment.

1.3 Research Questions

The general research question that guides this study is:

0. What are the actual and potential roles ofsocial networks in the job search strategies of recent graduates in Kenya?

The specific research questions that guide this study are:

I. Which kinds of social networks are available to jobseekers in Kenya?

II. How do social networks become helpful to jobseekers in Kenya? III. How do jobseekers try to find employment in Kenya?

IV. How do companies in Kenya recruit new employees?

1.4 Significance of the Study

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gap. The majority of research on the uses of social networks in job searches has primarily focused on jobseekers in high-income countries. Therefore, research findings contribute to existing knowledge by providing valuable insights from an understudied region.

Secondly, the study is intended to have direct relevance to jobseekers, companies, and policymakers. It provides essential information to jobseekers and recommendations on the potential use of their networks. While personal networks are known to be beneficial in searching for jobs, not all jobseekers can use their social networks in the desired way, which eventually excludes them from accessing opportunities. This study indicates starting points for policies and recruiters by explaining hurdles that keep jobseekers from accessing networks and, subsequently, jobs. Enabling better access to employment opportunities will have a positive impact on job searches of graduates.

1.5 Structure of the Thesis

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2.

LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter aims at summarising existing research and literature on recruitment processes and jobs search strategies. It highlights the conditions and factors that play a role in successful matchmaking and the reasons for and effects of using formal or informal methods in the job search and recruitment processes.

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Figure 4 Formal and Informal Means of Jobseeker-Job-Matching

2.1 Using Formal or Informal Means?

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2.2 Informal Means

Compared to formal means, new employees can be found through informal means in a much shorter time (Marsden and Gorman, 2001:484). Additionally, informal means are much more cost-effective, as asking employees avoids the process of advertisement, screening, and selection (ibid; Marsden 1994). There are also the benefits of expected higher performance and productivity of a referred person than a person recruited by formal means. That is because referrals facilitate a better fit. The referrer takes on the function of screening, meaning to select carefully who she or he should ask and who could be a good fit for the company (Marsden, 1994; Dustmann et al., 2016). Egbert et al. (2016) call this the ‘pre-screening hypothesis’. Another hypothesis mentioned by the same authors is the ‘realistic job information hypothesis’. It means that jobseekers and companies can get better and more realistic information about each other, enabling both to know early on if a match is possible (Egbert et al., 2016, Dustmann et al., 2016).

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rules and work hard to perform well. In conclusion, the popularity of using referrals has good reasons. But why are formal means used as well?

2.3 Formal Means

People use formal means because formal methods such as publicly advertising a vacancy are often required by law to ensure equal opportunities for all by offering more fairness and more transparency. It might also “influence the public image of the company (and its products) positively” (Egbert et al., 2016). If companies advertise publicly, they avoid being charged with the accusation of prejudice and favouritism (Marsden and Gorman, 2001). Furthermore, a study of the Italian labour market found that it is easier for corruption to gain ground when using informal means, which in turn leads to low skilled workers and long-term costs for the company and the society at large (Ponzo and Scoppa, 2011). Therefore, by using formal means, the chances for corruption can be minimised. Another effect of using referrals instead of formal means is a segregated workforce. Referred employees tend to be similar in status, background, and location to the referrers. Thus, a company misses out on qualified personal from a more extensive geographical area (Marsden, 1994; Granovetter, 1995; Marsden and Gorman, 2001). Through the wider geographical range, public advertisement reaches many people and creates bigger pools of possible candidates. This can become beneficial for a company when not many highly qualified people are available, as in Tanzania, where skilled workers can be rare (Egbert

et al., 2016). In summary, there are good reasons for both means, formal

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2.4 Influencing Factors

All companies, regardless of size, use referrals (Marsden and Gorman, 2001). But those companies that rely exclusively on "network hiring" tend to be small, less formalised, and in the private sector (Marsden, 1994). The reason is the low costs for referrals. Small firms often cannot effort public advertisement (Rebien et al., 2020). A study in Tanzania made the same finding. They argue that owners of small enterprises are at risk to be liable in case of fraud, which is why they rely on close friends and family members (Egbert et al., 2016). Vice versa, a study in Germany found that larger and more productive firms search more formally (Rebien et al., 2020). As the same study moves on from company size to employee characteristics, it finds that companies search more formally for high‐skilled workers. The same results were found in Tanzania by Egbert et al. (2016).

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2.5 Outcomes

Positive outcomes of a successful job match are high job satisfaction, high wages, a low turnover rate, etc. The findings differentiate between formal and informal methods and between strong and weak ties as the two categories of the informal process. Generally, people are more likely to be hired or move forward in a selection process when referred, compared to using formal methods (Marsden and Gorman, 2001:485). Overall, referrals of both weak and strong ties can equally hope for high prestige jobs and high income, though different studies have led to different results (ibid:493). A US survey found higher job satisfaction of people who have been connected to the job by weak ties (Granovetter, 1995:13). In China, it was found that when using strong ties for a job search, the likelihood to find higher satisfaction increases, but wages tend to be lower (Cheung and Gui, 2006). Research on graduates in Sweden found that they have an easier entry into the job market when using strong ties, particularly their parents. Additionally, they have higher wage growth and higher chances to remain in the job (Kramarz and Skans, 2014).

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that were reproduced in Pakistani banks (Sameen, 2016). So far, the literature has primarily looked at the recruiter's side. How do jobseekers use formal and informal search strategies? To understand their resources, researchers have studied the social capital of jobseekers.

2.6 Social Capital

Woolcock (1998, p. 153) defines social capital as “the information, trust, and norms of reciprocity inhering in one’s social networks". Somebody has low social capital when she or he is not connected to many people, when very little information or information of low quality circulates in the network, and when there is not much trust in the network. In contrast, a well-connected person who easily accesses valuable information from trusted contacts can be described as having high social capital. The level of social capital reflects one’s ability to get information from her or his networks.

There are communal networks that are limited to one’s geographical location. People of lower socioeconomic standing tend to use those informal communal networks to find jobs because of the kinds of jobs they aspire to do. Jobs available to that group of people are low-wage, blue-collar, and/or geographically close nearby (Marsden and Gorman, 2001). Likewise, Green (1995) finds that people from poor households tend to use those communal networks. Also, younger jobseekers are less connected to other networks and therefore use the communal networks (Granovetter, 1974). In communal networks, the most essential resources are strong ties.

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support. He explains that most respondents of his survey still lived with their parents and lived through a period of stress (finishing university, looking for a job) that called for maintaining the relationships with close contacts (ibid). Similarly, Granovetter (1995:44) also found that strong ties are more available and more ready to assist, especially when someone experienced some urgency and stress in their job search. Parents also want to play a role in their children’s lives, as they have often invested heavily in their education (Gitonaga, 2014). In China, Cheung and Gui (2006) found that a strong tie to a "matchmaker" will be beneficial to find a successful match and most beneficial if a person has high social capital. High social capital increases chances to know influential people, leading to higher chances of getting a job referral (Cheung and Gui, 2006). An important precondition for doing a favour was the expectation of reciprocity.

But family networks are not always helpful in getting connected to jobs. Often, they only know about nearby jobs, which might be very limited (Granovetter, 1995). According to Granovetter (1973), weak ties provide more valuable job information that one would not have access to without them. In his study about American job-changers he finds that most of the respondents found a new job through the use of information provided by weak ties. This means that weak ties can become the key to unlock job information that would have otherwise been out of reach. Accordingly, Tümen (2017) finds that the more weak ties someone has, the more likely will that person find a stable career early in life.

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Graduates stand at the beginning of their careers and have not built up their professional networks. Granovetter (1995) summarises that all networks can offer job information, but only professional networks can access people who are in a position to hire. This is also reflected by the fact that Kenya’s employment growth has primarily benefitted the older segments of the labour force, who have more contacts (Escudero and López Mourelo, 2013). Access to professional networks can, for example, be provided by an employed family member. If anybody in the household is employed, chances rise for other unemployed household members to find employment also (ibid). If existing, a professional network can even create a situation where people who were not actively looking for jobs get connected to employees who were not even advertising (Marsden and Gorman, 2001:495). This again points to the importance of a strong social network and high social capital.

If family networks cannot connect someone to a job and professional networks are not within one's reach, a jobseeker will employ formal means for her or his job search. This might be the case for graduates as well as unemployed workers. A study on US graduates across genders and ethnicities found that around 50% of any group have found a job by handing in a résumé, though it is noted that many used multiple methods simultaneously (Kopischke and Mau, 2001). Unemployed workers in Germany were more likely to find a job through formal searches (Rebien

et al., 2020). Vice versa, employed workers were more likely to find a new

job through referrals (ibid).

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thereby longer and costlier. The jobseeker is likely to then become discouraged and give up. Only with having high social capital can a jobseeker succeed (Muthani, 2018:39). Muthani further argues that if jobseekers sought to increase their social capital, they could help to decrease information asymmetry in the country. Information asymmetry means an imbalance between supply and demand, and that job information does not reach people who need information about vacancies and labour market trends. According to a article in the Kenyan newspaper "The Standard", there are 600,000 vacancies in Kenya that recruiters cannot fill due to information asymmetry (Omondi, 2020).

2.7 Favouritism

Favouritism is the preference to employ someone based on the recruiter's relationship to the proposed candidate and not based on merit. There is tribalism, which favours people of the same ethnicity, nepotism, which favours close kin and friends, and cronyism, which favours other friends and colleagues, especially in politics. Sometimes favours in exchange for money is also included in the list (Ombanda, 2018).

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3.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This chapter presents two theories borrowed from sociology. Their purpose is to function as the lens through which the study analyses its findings. The first theory is Social Network Theory. To be precise, there is not only one, but many interlinking social network theories that focus on different aspects of social networks. This study uses those parts of Social Network Theory that help to understand the structure and dynamics of jobseekers’ networks. The second theory is Social Distance Theory by Marshall D. Sahlins (1967). This study borrows from Simon Ulrik Kragh (2012), who used Sahlin’s Theory to explain nepotism in Latin American and African countries. It is proposed that Social Distance Theory similarly applies to the interactions between jobseekers and the people who could potentially help them in their job search.

3.1 (Aspects of) Social Network Theory

There are two major disciplines in Social Network Theory. ‘Hard type’-social network theorists analyse networks on a macro-level. Macro-level means plotting large graphs and designing theoretical constructs. Leading researchers of the ‘hard type’ are e.g., Ronald S. Burt and Nan Lin. In contrast, ‘soft type’-social network theorists like Francis Fukuyama analyse micro-level networks. The micro-level focuses on individual ties of network members. This study takes a ‘soft type’ approach and looks at the micro level.

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networks—as sets of nodes (or social system members) and sets of ties

depicting their interconnections" (italics in original). 'Ties' are relations that connect the 'nodes' (actors) of a network with each other. By taking different perspectives, the following points show aspects of networks.

Strong Ties and Weak Ties are ways to describe the qualities of a relation. Tie strength is characterised by “a (probably linear) combination of the amount of time, the emotional intensity, the intimacy (mutual confiding), and the reciprocal services” (Granovetter, 1973: 1361). Frequent and intense interactions mark strong ties. They are found between family and friends. Acquaintances form weak ties that are emotionally more distant.

Open and Closed Networks are described by their level of interaction with other networks. A high level of interaction can be observed in open networks, whereas closed networks do not interact with other networks. Within closed networks, information flows easily via strong ties to other network members, but not to the outside. Closure represents exclusivity and control, which is facilitating obligations, expectations, and social norm within a network (Coleman, 1988). Furthermore, closed social networks in which everybody knows everybody foster mutual trust (Burt, 2005). The more network members have connections to other networks, the more open are those networks. Openness allows information flow between different networks.

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individual that opens the network and functions as a bridge to another network. The event of bridging structural holes is also called brokerage. Brokerage is the ability of actors to connect networks that would otherwise have no channel of information exchange. Brokers have a competitive advantage by accessing information from various sources, controlling the information flow strategically, and making others depend on them (Burt, 2011).

Source: Ward (2016)

Figure 5 A Structural Hole and the Role of a Bridge Actor

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networks mean that the networks consist of one actor, and around the actor, all others.

3.2 Theory of Social Distance

Social Distance describes the degree of social separation between groups. It is based on perceived or actual differences between the groups. Normative Social Distance describes the differences between an in-group and an out-group, “we” and “them”. Members of either group do not necessarily judge members from the other group. They just recognise differences in class, gender, ethnicity, age, and nationality, among others (Crossman, 2019). The following paragraphs summarise Simon Ulrik Kragh's theoretical overview, which is based on Sahlins (1967).

According to Kragh (2012), the central element of the Theory of Social Distance is “that social solidarity varies according to the position of individuals on a continuum ranging from close in-group relations to distant out-group relations”. Looking at pre-industrial societies, this continuum starts at the micro level, the home, and moves over lineage (extended family), village, and tribe, to inter-tribal relationships on the other end of the continuum, as displayed in Figure 6. The inner circles depict close relationships (family, friends) and the outer circle distant relationships (acquaintances) or strangers1.

1 These groups correspond to strong and weak ties. The inner circle are strong ties and

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Source: Kragh (2012), based on Sahlin (1967)

Figure 6 Social Distance and Reciprocity

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proper exchanges between neighbours and distant relatives. A relative will not give a favour naturally, but only on the ground of an equal favour in return. Lastly, negative reciprocity on the outer end of the continuum means stealing, hostility, and mistrust. Because of the absence of solidarity and moral bonds, taking without returning characterises the relationships to strangers and is considered acceptable behaviour. There are also ways to shortcut social distances. The most important one is gift-giving as an invitation to in-group solidarity. The acceptance of a gift will oblige the recipient to reciprocate the favour at a later point in time. Kragh finds evidence for the hypothesis that the described characteristics of social behaviour in pre-industrialised societies are still evident today as countries transform to become industrialised. He notes that though altruistic behaviour is still a cultural and social norm among close family members, self-interest “may surface among in-group members in spite of its moral inappropriateness”.

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4.

METHODOLOGY

4.1 Research Design

This qualitative research follows a social constructivist school of thought. Social constructivists do not believe that there is one objective truth, as positivists would say. Instead, they assume that every person constructs reality through beliefs, experiences, norms, and surroundings (Kukla, 2000). This approach implies that this study does not aim at finding objective truth, but a distinguished construction of reality formed by the experiences of individuals. By focusing on personal experiences, the researcher does not rely on assumptions and is not misled by conventional knowledge (Lester, 1999). This study looks at individual experiences to understand the conditions and circumstances of actions. Consequently, the researcher has to get close to people who are affected by the research problem.

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understand the information received in both the interviews and the survey.

The target group are people who graduated from tertiary education within the last five years. This limitation was to ensure recent job search experiences after graduation. The initial proposal was a 50/50 distribution between people who are still searching for a job (Category 1) and people who have found a job (Category 2). However, it was much harder to reach people of Category 2, so that out of ten interviewed graduates, only two had found a job. Within the jobseekers (Category 1), two have left the job search to work in the informal sector. Thus, a third category called the ‘discouraged jobseekers’ was created and used in the survey. Note that even though demographic data of all participants was gathered, its statistical value is too small for conclusions. The purpose of the demographic data is transparency for the reader and possibly to inform further studies.

Figure 7 Types of Interviewed Graduates

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4.2 Sources of Data

A – INTERVIEWS

The interviews with graduates (Categories 1, 2, and 3) focused on their quest of finding employment. The research took an interest in an individual’s story, networks, choices, strategies, and experiences. Employers and HR managers were asked about recruitment processes. The chosen exploratory and abductive approach provided an openness for a variety of possible findings and flexibility to adapt the theoretical framework regarding the findings.

Semi-structured interviews explored common themes. An interview guide organised the themes in a logical order (Appendix 1 and 2). If the flow of the interview demanded it, the order of the guide was modified. In graduate interviews, the themes covered (1) social network resources like family and friend networks, (2) the job search strategies that one is or was using, and (3) which factors influenced the experiences. The employers and HR managers were asked to elaborate on their procedures for filling a position. Whenever applicable, they answered “What if”-questions, like “What if you do not find anybody internally?”. Each interview took about 30 to 60 minutes, whereby the interviews with the employers and HR managers tended to be shorter than interviews with graduates.

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of two interviewees were found that way. (3) More than a dozen companies were contacted by email, which resulted in one interview with an HR manager. In the end, 15 interviews were conducted.

Figure 8 The Process of Finding Interviews

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loses the chance to get close to the participants’ realities by not being in the field is relatively weak in this case as the researcher has prior experience that provided insights of and familiarity with the context.

Figure 9 Reimbursement for Mobile Data

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There were moments when participants felt a slight discomfort during the interview. It happened, for example, for the question of who they would employ if there were in a position to choose. The reaction of laughter and a short pause revealed the discomfort. The given answer was then the morally ‘right’ answer (“It would be a fair process”). More comprehensive answers were given only through polite continued questioning (“I might consider my cousin if she or he is qualified”). Similar observations were made with experiences of shame, for instance, about not finding a job for a long time or being treated with disrespect by companies. The researcher then was more reserved as it could have quickly become too personal. Unclear answers were probed by paraphrasing and summarising, and questions were rephrased when misunderstood. This was to ensure a high level of correct understanding, strengthening the reliability of the data.

B – SURVEY

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Figure 10 Header of the Online Google Forms Survey

The questionnaire has two parts: Part one (15 questions) consisted of general questions about one’s person, family, and friends, and their potential to help in a job search. Part two (8-10 questions) differed depending on whether one fits the categories of (1) jobseekers, (2) employed graduates, or (3) discouraged jobseekers.

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WhatsApp, using the snowball approach. The first announcement and request to about 15 people activated about 20 respondents. After one week, all 15 contacts were reminded of the survey and people were found on Facebook (posts in groups, direct messages). The reminders made the number climb more until they stagnated so that after two weeks, the survey closed with a total number of 55 respondents.

Figure 11 Increase of Survey Responses within 14 Days

Out of those 55 respondents, four were invalid, which means that there are 51 correctly filled forms. Jobseekers form the largest group with 30 respondents (59%), the second-largest is the employed graduates with eleven respondents (22%) and lastly, ten respondents (19%) form the group of discouraged graduates. All 51 completed the survey with a maximum of one or two missing questions, which was only possible because of *-required fields.

There was uncertainty while preparing the survey about reaching enough respondents. It was therefore decided to increase its attractiveness by adding the incentive of a raffle prize. This method seemed fitting as the author can confirm by personal experience that in

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the East African culture, it is common and expected to receive reimbursement or appreciation for participation. If a respondent wanted to participate in the raffle, she or he had to leave a phone number or email address. Out of the 51 eligible participants, only 14 left a piece of contact information. Four winners were drawn on 2 May 2021, who each received KSH 500 (about US$5). The value of the price was anticipated to be high enough to work as an incentive but also low enough so that participants did not feel influenced, obliged, or forced to fill the form. The raffle draw was recorded on video to show transparency and then posted on the Facebook page that was created specifically for the survey (https://www.facebook.com/alittlehelpsurvey). The winners were contacted individually, and the prize money was sent by Mpesa the same day.

C – SECONDARY DATA

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supplementarily to the primary data and to various extents. Throughout the research, it facilitated anticipation of sensitive subjects, gaining a deeper understanding of the context, and reflecting on the findings.

4.2 Respondent Information

The majority of interviewees originates from and is located now in Western Kenya; see Figure 12 below, which is also one of the highest populated regions in the country. Some have moved to the capital of Nairobi. Some revealed in the interview that they have returned to their rural homes from bigger cities due to the COVID19 pandemic and the dire job situation. Survey respondents are on the other hand to a large part located in central Kenya (see Figure 13) with about 20 in the Nairobi region. Out of those who are not in Central Kenya, most live in Western Kenya. The most remote locations are Lodwar in Kenya’s far north and Malindi at Kenya’s coast.

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Figure 13 Current Locations of Survey Respondents

About gender distribution, of the ten interviewed graduates, four were female, and six were male. The HR managers and employers were less equally distributed: one was male, and four were female. In the survey, almost two-thirds of the respondents (32 out of 51) were male and one third (19 out of 51) female. The age bracket that accounts for most respondents in the survey is 24-28 years, who make up more than 80% (42 graduates). 8% are younger (21-23 years), and 10% are older (29-34 years). The average age of surveyed and interviewed graduates is 26 (more details in Table 2 below).

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Table 2 Gender, Age, Location, and Studies of Interviewees

4.3 Data Processing

13 of the 15 interviews were transcribed, two were not recorded, and notes were taken instead. Some interviews were supplemented by online messaging, for example, when the internet connection was very

Gender Ag e C ate go ry ² Location Studies

# M F Growing up Now Subject Degree

Diploma or Certific ate Year of graduati on (1) x 26 JS Rongo Rongo Botany and Zoology x (Bachelor of Science) 2019 (2) x 29 JS Homa Bay Homa Bay Clinician (certificx

ate) 2019 (3) x 26 JS Bungoma Bungoma Telecommunication/ IT x (Bachelor of Arts) 2018 (4) x 26 DG Homa Bay Homa Bay Education (Science) x (Bachelor of Education) 2018 (5) x 24 EG Kitui Mutomo Commerce - Finance option x (Bachelor of Commerce) 2018 (6) x 30 JS Siaya Siaya Computer Studies

x (diplom a) 2009 (7) x HR Siaya (10) x 22 JS Homa Bay Nairobi Commerce - Finance option x (Bachelor of Commerce) 2020 (12) x 24 EG Kisii Nairobi Interior Design x (Bachelor of Arts) 2018

(13) x HR Nairobi (15) x 24 JS Kitale Nairobi Commerce – Accounting option x (Bachelor of Commerce) 2019 (16) x HR Kisumu (17) x HR Nairobi (18) x HR Kisumu

(19) x 30 DG Busia/ Rongo Busia

Communicati on and Media Technology x (Bachelor of Arts) 2015 151 7 8 Ø 26 8 2

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poor or lost altogether or when additional information was needed. In a second step, all names and ways of identification were removed from the data for reasons of anonymity.

Survey data was first checked for valid entries. Two respondents did not meet the requirements of having graduated within the last five years, and two respondents appeared twice with the same answers, which is why those four responses were eliminated. Next, graphs and tables were created with the desired information in order to be included in the findings. If necessary, the data had to be summarised or categorised into manageable portions. For example, open answers were grouped by meaning.

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5.

SHORT NARRATIVES

5.1 Claire, a Jobseeker who is still Searching

(Interviewee 3) Claire is 26 years old and graduated in 2018 with a Bachelor’s in Telecommunication and Information Technology. She is an ambitious and well-spoken young woman who is lucky enough to enjoy the support of a well-connected family. She is an only child, the eldest of all her cousins, and the only one in her extended family who needs job search assistance at the moment. Her aunts and uncles, who she is very close to, have good jobs and can be asked for financial support and for connections.

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“My family is of great help. They’re able to talk to people to get me internships. But now when the internship is over, those people cannot commit to employ. You know, when someone is on internship, the pay is little and then there’s no benefits so they can easily get you for an internship, but they do not want to get you on a contract or permanent employment because of the benefits, or they’ll have to pay you more.”

Claire is not only writing applications. She also tries to contact companies that are currently not hiring, but she finds it difficult to access the physical offices and someone who would talk to her. If she has an email address, she sends her documents and offers volunteer work to gain more experience. But usually, there is no reply. She keeps improving her CV and even paid someone to check it up for her. In addition to all that, she reads the latest job offers posted on LinkedIn and other websites. She feels that she is trying everything she can. It amounts to a lot of work and can be considered a full-time job that does not offer any rewards, as everything she tries encounters dead ends.

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5.2 Michael, a Jobseeker who Became Discouraged

(Interviewee 19) The beginning of Michael’s story was shared in the introduction of this thesis. It is the story of that young man who was so energetic and optimistic about his career. He only realises a few months into the application process that, without having connections, he will not find a job, no matter how good his qualifications are. The implication that he needs contacts within companies just left him feeling frustrated, as he did not know anybody who could help him in his field. It only reminded him of his great uncle, the only person who could have helped him, a communication officer at the UN. But the great uncle had refused to answer any of his calls or emails.

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he had given it to her, only because of the chance event of forgetting his pen in her office. This incident generated strong emotions.

“I caught her red-handed trashing my CV in the litter bins. And I thought: ‘Hey, you haven’t even looked at it!’. I was so furious but could not show it. I imagined how much money and effort I had put into making that CV and the copies. I headed into the interview with no hopes of securing the job. […] Deep down, I was sure because of what I have seen happening, despite my qualifications, I stood no chance.”

This was the straw that broke the camel’s back. Struggling so much with survival, being stressed and suffering, and now even without hope, Michael leaves Nairobi with a somewhat broken heart to go back to his hometown. He keeps applying for jobs from home, but unsuccessfully and with only half the effort he used before. Because half of him is already busy with expanding the family business. It means doing something that he is pretty good at and where he is free of depression. Hope for formal employment appears one last time on Michael’s horizon. One day another great uncle, the managing director of a sugar company, promises to employ him as a communication assistant officer. Since the great uncle and his father are very close, Michael assumes that it is a done deal and goes to hand in his CV. But after that, nothing happens. He waits for a call for a few weeks, but when the uncle stops communicating altogether, Michael knows that this chance has passed. He assumes that somebody else had bought his or her way into the company instead. This last disappointment forms the end of his attempt to have a formal career.

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“I was an attachee in the organisation. And I would really help him out with his work. So, I think that’s why he remembered me and referred me to this person. We were not in touch. We were not talking. It was just something miraculous.”

She goes to the interview the very next day and is recruited the day after that. Within two days, she finds a new apartment and starts the new job right away. She begins with a six-month probation period and uses this time to find her way around in the new workplace. She gives this new life a chance, though it comes with difficulties like stress and harshness at work and the dry climate in that part of the country. However, she is willing to keep up with the unpleasantries because she knows how lucky she is to have found employment.

5.4 Charles, who Never Applied, and yet Got a Job

(Interviewee 12) Charles might be the odd one out of all the interviewed graduates. Being only 24 years old, he has been so

successful in his young career as an interior designer that he may easily be called an ‘over-achiever’. His case gives an example of a very

different path that one can take. He was doing okay performance-wise in secondary school but then hit it off in university, even doing other people’s homework. His personality offers him an additional

advantage.

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One of his lecturers starts engaging him in smaller tasks in his second year, which eventually turns into a full-time job for that lecturer’s company. But only one month into the new job – he still has not graduated – Charles receives a call. It is an invitation to a job interview, for a job he had not even applied for. Seemingly, without telling him, someone had recommended him. He assumes that it was “one of my social media followers or phone contacts who saw me posting my work.” Charles appears late to the interview, but the negative impression that this might have left is trumped by the interview answers he gives. He outsmarts the other six candidates and demonstrates his capabilities and understanding of the big picture – precisely what is needed for the job.

“The interview was done by the CEO himself. The questions were not only about your credentials, I think it was all about like knowing the person personally, and then knowing that they could handle the pressure […] I think it was all about getting someone who understands the vision of the brand. The question that I was asked was, ‘Which is your favourite brand?’ […] I said ‘Nike’, and then he was like, ‘Oh yeah, Nike is a great brand. Why, tell me the reasons.’ My answer was like: ‘These guys, they have been in the shoe industry for a long time. Why do you think that is? Because before they design a product, they have done their market research. So whenever they release a product, it serves the people, it’s all about the end-user. That’s why their products sell so well. It’s all about the quality.’ And then I guess he was impressed by the answer I gave him.”

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6.

FINDINGS

This chapter is divided into five parts. The first part aims at mapping the respondents’ social networks. Part two presents two models of job search strategies that do not require any help from the outside. In part three, findings about the use of contacts and how they interact with the job searches will expand the two models of part two. Part four talks about additional ways by which jobseekers can increase their chances. Recruitment strategies that recruiters may use are presented in part five.

6.1 Respondents’ Networks

A closer look shall be taken towards the social networks that are available to a jobseeker in Kenya who has recently graduated. Of interest are their internal closeness, the qualities of their members, and their sizes. The networks are categorised into nuclear family, extended family, close friends, and acquaintances. The section closes on the topic of ‘extending networks’.

A - NUCLEAR FAMILY

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Figure 14 Level of Closeness Within the Nuclear Family

The number of times that someone talks to her or his family also indicates the level of closeness. The survey results regarding the question of closeness are re-confirming a high level of closeness, as 59% of respondents say that they talk to their nuclear family every day, and an additional 27% speak to them two to three times per week. Interviewee 15 exclaimed with conviction when she was asked how often she talks with her family:

"Every day! Every day I talk to each and every one of them, but with my mom, we talk like almost ten times a day!"

Family sizes varied between the interviewees, but most consisted of between five and nine members. It may become challenging to draw the line between nuclear and extended family. This is especially true in the “African set-up”, as Interviewee 4 explained when he was having trouble answering the question if he has any sisters.

"In the African set-up, your cousins can be your sisters. Like Felix is a cousin but might be called brother. So in terms of sisters, then in the African set-up, I can say I have sisters. But if you look at it from the family level, then I don't have sisters."

86%

12%

2%

V E R Y C L O S E A B I T C L O S E N O T C L O S E A T A L L

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Even neighbours or other close friends can easily be pronounced brother, sister, uncle, or auntie, even if they are not related by blood.

B - EXTENDED FAMILY

All interviewees talked about very large extended families without putting an exact number on them. Some talked of their parents having ten or more siblings, which then, in their generation, translates to a very high number of cousins. The level of closeness to the extended family is much lower than to the nuclear family. Still, the majority feels "a bit close" to the many cousins, uncles and aunts (Figure 15). Approximately half of the survey respondents still speak to their extended family at least once a week, whereas the other half limit communication to once per month or less.

Figure 15 Level of Closeness Within the Extended Family

From the opinions of the interviewees, a general sense of distance and indifference emerges towards the extended family.

20%

63%

18%

V E R Y C L O S E A B I T C L O S E N O T C L O S E A T A L L

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“We do talk, but I can't say it's a very close relationship, we are just friends,

we keep in touch, but the friendship is not so close.” (Interviewee 5)

“You can be sharing blood, but then you are not that close. I don't know what normally … but from what I would observe, I can say that if I were to range

that kind of connection and maybe interaction, I'll give it a five out of ten.[…]

When somebody dies, then everybody now comes, like donations and so on, but there is barely that kind of connection. Everybody has got his own duties to attend to and so on. They don’t deal much with other people’s activities.” (Interviewee 4)

“Well, I have some cousins who are outside of my hometown, but they aren't all that interested. We are not that closely knit of a family. So it's basically

one for themselves. Really. It’s not that good.” (Interviewee 6)

C - CLOSE FRIENDS

The interviewed graduates were asked to define a ‘good’ or ‘close’ friend. The themes of trust and the readiness to help can be drawn from the statements below.

“It’s that person who comes out to help you when you are in a difficult

situation. Mostly. That is a genuine friend.” (Interviewee 15)

“One you can tell almost everything about you.” (Julie)

"A good friend is a friend who tells me what I want to hear the most. […] Us we have inner circles and outer circles. For the inner circle, I think I have three

to four close friends, those are called buddies." (Interviewee 10)

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often known one another from childhood and early schooling or from campus later on.

The survey reports that almost two-thirds of respondents have one to three close friends, whereby ‘close friend’ was defined in the survey question as “those kinds of friends who always listen to your rants and are among the first people that will hear about a potential amazing job offer you received.” Only about 10% would say that they have more than six close friends.

D - ACQUAINTANCES

In the survey, acquaintances were pre-defined for the respondents as "People you kind of know, but not really, maybe just their face or their name. They might be neighbours, colleagues, old classmates, or random by-passers. You meet them in church, when you do sports, on the street, in a matatu, and so on ... even online."

Acquaintances are collected since childhood days and the numbers keep increasing over a lifetime. The connection between acquaintances is not very strong, and people are usually not much in touch. Although it might happen that for a brief moment, acquaintances do start talking and connecting, and sometimes this can turn into a friendship.

“We have a campus group, yes. But after we were done with our course, we rarely talk, but at least they are those do you keep in touch with, even if it's not frequently, but once in a while, you check on one another, you know how

they are faring.” (Julie)

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Online communication can enhance personal 'real life' relationships. It concerns all aforementioned categories of relationships.

“We [classmates] are really much in touch. You know, nowadays, globalisation and these social media platforms have made it so easy.” (Interviewee 4)

“Nowadays technology has eased everything. Now we do have WhatsApp

groups, definitely, where we can chat all day.” (Interviewee 10)

Several interviewees have stressed the benefits modern technologies bring regarding staying connected to the people one knows. People can stay in touch with each other through calling and texting when somebody is going away for studies or for employment or when a cohort disperses after graduation. The positive effect is that relationships remain to feel close, even if the distance is great (Gooch and Watts, 2015), and loose contacts remain loose contacts if they are part of a group instead of being forgotten. By sharing statuses or stories on social media, information can travel fast and easily reach many people. Interactions such as commenting, liking, and re-postings also increase the level of closeness.

Claire says that she meets people online "all the time", Interviewee 1 reports to spend three-quarters of his day on social media, Charles might have attracted his referrer on Instagram, and Interviewee 4 finds clients for his writing services online. Online communication plays a significant role in young people's lives, and it can provide helpful information within seconds. However, to get to know a person on a deeper level through online means only is rare.

“Well, you could meet a friend online, like on Facebook. But there is never that trust, because it is somebody you don't know and with cybercrime, it is

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F - EXTENDING NETWORKS

Extending networks means getting to know new people. Common places where those are found, according to survey respondents, are "on the street", in the neighbourhood, in the workplace, when exercising hobbies, and in other social gatherings. Also, online spaces like WhatsApp and Facebook were named as places to meet new people. Jobseekers were asked if they are trying to extend their social networks in order to get to know people that could potentially help them. By offering pre-set answers, the following results were recorded (Figure 16). More than a third struggle with the task ("It is hard for me"). More people are extending or trying to extend their networks than people who say it would not help.

Figure 16 Opinions about Extending One's Network

The interviewees brought up the notion of time that it may take to include someone in a network. Additionally, they distinguished that acquaintances are easy to find, but "real friends" are not. Claire shares

0% 7% 39% 64% 46% N O , I A L R E A D Y K N O W M A N Y P E O P L E . N O , I D O N ' T T H I N K T H A T W O U L D H E L P M E . Y E S , B U T I T I S H A R D F O R M E . Y E S , I A M M E E T I N G N E W P E O P L E R E G U L A R I L Y I N E V E R Y D A Y L I F E . Y E S , I A M A T T E N D I N G N E T W O R K I N G E V E N T S .

A R E Y OU T R YING T O E X TEND Y OUR S OC IAL N E TWORK, I N OR DER T O G E T T O K N OW P E OPLE

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the opinion of the 39% of job-seeking survey respondents, that sometimes it is difficult to be outgoing.

“I'm in a group of IT professionals and they usually have meetings, networking meetings, dinners, so that you could get to know more about each other, but actually I've never attended a meeting. I'm not that social, I don’t make

friends easily. So, that is it.” (Claire)

“You see, it takes for you to call somebody your friend because you have to

spend with them quite some time.” (Interviewee 10)

“I find new friends, but they are not … I mean real have friends become rare.

So you just find very few real friends.” (Julie)

6.2 Strategies that do Not Make Use of Networks

The interviewees’ stories helped to create two commonly used job search models. The precondition to both models is that they could or should lead to a job without any help from the outside. They ought not to be seen as autonomous models. Instead, interviewees have usually combined them.

MODEL 1: APPLYING TO ADVERTISED VACANCIES

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Steps 1 and 2 are to-dos for the jobseeker and Steps 3 and 4 are determined by the company that one applied to. If Steps 3 and 4 select the most qualified applicants based on a fair recruitment policy, then this path offers equal chances for everyone to qualify for and perhaps to get the job without the need of knowing someone.

Figure 17 Job Search Process of Applying for Vacancies

Vacancies are found online on job search websites (MyJobMag and Fuzu were offered as popular websites, other ones are assumed to be used to similar extents), on Facebook, and on LinkedIn, as well as in newspapers. WhatsApp groups are very popular as they provide links to vacancies. More details of how the WhatsApp groups work in Box 1.

Figure 18 Places where Job Vacancies are Found

65% 61% 53% 31% 29% 49% L I N K E D I N W H A T S A P P F A C E B O O K M Y J O B M A G F U Z U N E W S P A P E R S

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Jobseekers spoke about sending out very many applications to vacancies – Claire even talked about 50 applications per week. Difficulties that were shared involve the amount of time it takes to find suitable vacancies and to apply – Interviewee 2 talked of six to seven hours per day. Money can also become an issue if it is to be spent on hard copies of application documents. Participants limited those expenditures by applying online, but costs still occur through the use of mobile data or going to a ‘cyber’ (= internet café). Lastly, the biggest defect of this model is probably that it hardly ever leads to Step 4, getting the job. In fact, most of the time, jobseekers do not even reach Step 3, get invited to an interview. Almost all interviewed graduates lamented that they apply, and they wait, and then nothing happens, no response, nothing. Claire says that “it was draining”, which is also one of the reasons why Michael left the job search altogether:

Box 1: WhatsApp Groups for Job Search

Most people use WhatsApp for communi-cation with their friends and families. Short messages, pictures, and videos – exchanged privately. One will then wonder how jobs are found on WhatsApp. This was also the researcher’s curiosity, who therefore orga-nised to be included in such a group. It is much bigger than private groups, 254 members – the maximum number allowed. Responses are disabled, so that it is only for consumption of posts that are shared. In irregular intervals one receives information about jobs: links, PDFs, short messages. Sometimes it is only 10 per day, sometimes up to 200. This group addresses any profession in any sector, but there are others which post vacancies which address a more specific audience. A short text message exchange with the admin of the group

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“I felt like it was too much, because it was getting more and more stressful each and every day and instead of seeing changes, I was just seeing sorrow

and suffering.” (Michael)

Julie also suffered through the process before getting lucky, and Interviewee 10 is still waiting for his opportunity to come.

“Any advert you come across, you just apply in the hope for the best. But every time, looking at your emails and nothing, not even one, no job. It was

just so disappointing, your heart is breaking, you feel like giving up.”(Julie)

“I just apply for formality hoping, hoping, having the hopes high, but with low

expectations.”(Interviewee 10)

One courageous strategy that should not be left unmentioned is the desperate attempt to ‘hijack’ a job interview session of a call centre by Interviewee 10, and by that, skipping Steps 1 and 2 to get directly to Step 3 of the job search process. He was given the time and location of the event by a friend and “dashed over and booked in”. Unfortunately, nobody attended to him. This unsuccessful, though very creative idea exemplifies the measures one is ready to take when desperation grows. It takes similar guts to try Model 2.

MODEL 2: APPROACHING COMPANIES THAT ARE NOT

ADVERTISING

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online or by walking up to the physical office. Either way, the jobseeker can introduce herself or himself, and the possibility of volunteer work or even an internship can be explored, which might lead to an agreement. If the engagement works out satisfactorily, the jobseeker might stand a chance to be considered for the next position that is opening up. Again, Steps 1 and 2 are to-dos for the jobseeker and Steps 3 and 4 are determined by the company that one has contacted.

Figure 19 Job Search Strategy of Contacting Companies Directly

Walking up to offices to introduce oneself and drop a CV bears the difficulty of gaining access to the offices and finding somebody who is willing to talk to the jobseeker.

“I can't get past the gate sometimes if I have no appointment or if I don't know

anybody within that organisation.”(Claire)

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proved her or his capabilities while working voluntarily. Reaching Step 3 and become an intern or a volunteer can be seen as an objective in its own right, even if Step 4 is never achieved and one has to say goodbye after the agreed period of time. Gaining experience and contacts by working in the company can help in the application process (Model 1).

6.3 Strategies that Make Use of Networks

Michael’s CV being trashed was an incident that could have happened to any jobseeker in Kenya. He entered what he thought would be a fair interview process and found out that he did not stand a chance because he had not organised for anybody to take a close look at his CV. He lacked a helpful network. Using networks can increase a jobseeker’s likelihood to move a step forward in the process of getting a job, therefore ‘hijacking’ Model 1 and Model 2 in various ways. Figure 20 and Figure 21 show at which steps of the models a contact may influence the process. Five scenarios of a contact’s engagement were identified and are explained in the following sections.

Five scenarios of how contacts can become helpful:

A: Contact provides job information

B: Contact refers the applicant to the recruiter C: Contact organises a job

D: Contact knows someone in the company

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Figure 20 Contacts can Influence the Job Search Process (MODEL 1)

Figure 21 Contacts can Influence the Job Search Process (MODEL 2)

A - CONTACT PROVIDES JOB INFORMATION

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uncomfortable situation – no strings attached. For these reasons, this is the most frequent role that networks get to play. When asked about the role that family, friends, and acquaintances play in one’s job search, 20 jobseekers prompted that the mentioned networks could help them to find vacancies. More explicitly, survey respondents were asked who has been giving them job information in the past.

Figure 22 Networks that Provide Job Information

When the interviewed graduates talked about their family, friends, and acquaintances, different opinions emerged concerning the likelihood of those contacts to help in this scenario. It was explained that people who care about someone are likely to remember that person when they hear of job vacancies. It is also beneficial to remind people of one’s situation:

“They think of me whenever they see a chance, and I usually call them to remind them that if there's an opportunity, they should let me know. And

they usually send me some of these jobs.” (Claire)

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It seems that a certain level of closeness is necessary when someone should remember a jobseeker positively and benevolently. Family members and friends can provide that closeness.

WhatsApp groups are commonly used to stay in touch with classmates from secondary school and/or university/college. Besides the social aspect, they are great for sharing information. Communication is quick, easy, and convenient. One click, and every group member will receive it, no matter how close the relationship to the person who is posting is. Any member can post any adverts one comes across. A group member who has found employment might also share vacancies of her or his company and try to help friends who are still seeking. However, it stops there because it is only about passing on information. Many jobseekers experience that they might have contacts who are very willing to help but who are not (yet) in the position to effectively do so.

“Those of us that are employed are at a low level, they are not at the higher level in most companies. So when they rank up, that’s when I will have

meaningful connections.” (Claire)

References

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