Master Thesis The Role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

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The Role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

A Qualitative Case Study on the Role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict approached through realism, liberalism and constructivism

Master Thesis

Author: Elvira Sofic

Supervisor: Anders Persson Examiner: Karl Loxbo

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Abstract

For over four decades, the EU has been an active external actor in the Israeli- Palestinian peace process. However, the role that the EU has in the conflict, have many times been questioned. This thesis aims therefore to examine the role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by using three international relations theories; realism, liberalism and constructivism. With the research question of how the role of the EU can be understood and explained, a qualitative case study is being done. The theories are being approached in a theory consuming way focusing on following concepts; collective EU interests, security and military resources, democracy promotion, international law, and identity and norms. Following the results and analysis of the concepts, the EU does have an important, yet laid back role in the conflict. The EU has been an influential actor in many ways, however, the role has mostly been diplomatic and economic rather that political. This indicates that, for the EU to become a stronger political actor, the Union needs to take on more effective measures when acting and also handle the occurring changes within the Union.

Key words

European Union, Palestine, Israel, Interests, Security, Military, Interdependence, International Law, Identity, Norms

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1 Introduction

”The Government of the State of Israel and the PLO team (in the Jordanian- Palestinian delegation to the Middle East Peace Conference) (the "Palestinian Delegation"), representing the Palestinian people, agree that it is time to put an end to decades of confrontation and conflict, recognize their mutual legitimate and political rights, and strive

to live in peaceful coexistence and mutual dignity and security and achieve a just, lasting and comprehensive peace settlement and historic reconciliation through the agreed political

process.”¹

These sentences are the introduction to the Oslo Accords stated in 1993 between Israel and Palestine. With these accords a new era of hope and peacebuilding began. As known to many, the conflict between Israel and Palestine has been ongoing for several decades, during which many actors have been involved. One of these is the European Union (EU) who during the last 40 years have been searching for different approaches to advance and help the development of the peace process between the parties. However, the role of the EU has been questioned. In an evaluation of the conflict, Asseburg &

Goren (2019) are primarily questioning the EU due to its relationship with Israel, other actors’ involvements in the conflict and its relationship with Palestine. Based on the report, the EU has remained in the background in situations where for example dynamics on the ground have been shaped, instead they have had a key role in shaping the international language on the conflict.²

1Oslo Accords, 1993, Doctrine of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (OSLO 1): p.4.

2Asseburg & Goren, 2019, Divided and Divisive: Europeans, Israel and Israeli- Palestinian Peacemaking: p. 5.

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The work done by the EU is a part of the Middle East Peace Process (MEPP) that besides Israel and Palestine also covers other states and conflicts in the Middle East. Within this, the EU has developed several aspects underpinning their work within the peace process, indicating that they, for example, are willing to promote peace and work with various peace negotiations based on different aspects, The EU can for example see themselves agree on pre-1967 borders only if both parties (Israel and Palestine) agree on that.³

Another aspect setting the grounds for EU’s work is a security agreement aiming to respect the sovereignty of Palestinians, showing that the occupation is over, as well as providing security for the Israelis. This security agreement is also involving aspects regarding terrorism prevention and other security threats. With this said, it is evident that the EU is trying to take on several measures, of both diplomatic (political) and practical character.⁴ This study is therefore focusing on the role of the EU in the conflict from 1993 until 2019.

The aim is to reach some kind of explanation and understanding of the role that the EU has. This will be done by applying the classical international relations theories realism, liberalism and constructivism on the case.

1.1 Research Rationale

Even though the EU together with other external actors have been active in the conflict, the results of a stabile peace are minimal. According to Freedom House and their freedom rating on both Israel and Palestine (the West Bank and the Gaza strip) is Israel ranked as free while the Palestinian area is ranked as not free.⁵ This could be seen as an indication that everything that has been done so far, have not been enough. However, the aspirations and goals of the

3European External Action Services (EEAS), 2019a, The Middle East Peace Process.

4 Ibid, 2019a

5Freedom House, 2019a; 2019b.

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EU are clear, they are striving for an equal peace with a two-state solution and an independent, democratic, contiguous, and viable Palestine that lives and works side-by-side with Israel and other states in the region.⁶

Following this, it is clear that the EU has established a role and a voice in the conflict that makes the actor relevant to discuss and analyze in order to see how its work can be explained and understood. Many studies have been done about Israel and Palestine, and the role of the EU in the conflict. But no study has specifically been done on how the role can be explained and understood based on these international relations theories; realism, liberalism and constructivism. It is also interesting how the involvement of many big actors have not resulted in a definite and stabile peace between the parties. It is therefore interesting to look at the role of the EU in the conflict and to make an attempt to understand it.

The relevance of the study can also be discussed based scientific and non- scientific relevance. Non-scientific relevance is defined by the studies relevance in the society. In other words, its political, economic and social perspectives. It can also be measured by its impact and relevance on humans within the society, for example, how large groups of people it affects.⁷ Looking at the relevance of this study through that perspective it is evident that it has a big non-scientific relevance. The EU is a big and influential union with many member states. The actions taken by the EU affect both the institutions within the union and the institutions within the member states. On the other hand, the conflict is also affecting the people living in Israel and Palestine as well as the people in the region. The every day life of the people in Israel and Palestine

6EEAS, 2019a

7Teorell & Svensson, 2007, 18; See also: George & Bennett, 2005; Esaiasson, 2012.

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have in many ways been shaped by the conflict whereas many people have lived their whole lives under oppression, violence and instability.⁸

On the other hand, the scientific relevance stands for the relevance of the study in relation to other research being done on the same case or within the same field. Scientific relevance is also measured based on the contribution of the research to the specific field of study. New research is most often building upon older research, giving a more up to date perspective. This can be done by supplementing previous research, or by reference to previous research.

Previous research can also be questioned by using other theoretical frameworks, research questions or perspectives in the new study.⁹

However, the scientific relevance of this study is broad. The theoretical framework differs from many previous studies; it contributes with a new perspective on how the role of the EU can be approached. Indeed, older research is going to be used and build upon by new, more up to date perspectives and a theoretical framework that mixes indicators based on various concepts from three distinct theories. The aim is to reach a comprehensive and broad analysis that will bring a new and innovative explanation of EU’s role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

8Freedom House, 2019a; 2019b; 2019c.

9Teorell & Svensson, 2007, 18-19; see also, Esaiasson, 2013, George & Bennett, 2005

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1.2 Purpose and Research Question

This study aims to examine the role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The main goal is to explain and reach an understanding of the work that the EU has been doing by applying concepts from three international relations theories on the case: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Through these theories, the role of the EU will be examined focusing on the timeframe between 1993 to 2019. The focus will solely be on the work that the EU has been doing. I will however also take different political changes, both within the EU and on the international arena, into consideration, e.g. the entry of right-wing populist parties on the EU-arena. By including all of these aspects, the ambition is to reach an up to date and comprehensive study that will answer the research question in the best way.

Research Question:

- How can the role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict be explained and understood though Realism, Liberalism, and Constructivism?

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1.3 The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: what is it about and how has it evolved during previous decades along with the entrance of the EU in it?

The Israeli- Palestinian conflict became an international issue after the World War 1 (WW1). Due to different happenings, the League of Nations¹⁰ placed Palestine under the control and administration of Great Britain, who was supposed to mandate Palestine until the status of a fully independent nation was reached. When giving the mandate to Great Britain, the League of Nations made sure that the wishes of the communities in Israel and Palestine were taken into consideration- this did not happen, much because of the commitments that Britain made to the Zionist community¹¹ where they promised an establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine. Zionist leaders claimed that the Jewish people had historical connection to the area since their ancestors lived in Palestine before the occurrence of ‘Diaspora’¹². Moreover, during this period the Zionist organization worked towards establishing a Jewish national home, while the indigenous people of Palestine felt that their natural rights were violated. They also saw this as an intrusion on their independence and sovereignty. This eventually led to resistance from the Palestinian Arabs.¹³

This situation and other occurrences made Great Britain to submit “the Palestine problem” to the UN with the motivation that the situation, facing

10 League of Nations was an organization for international cooperation established in January 1920. It was an initiative by the allied powers after WW1. One of its goals was to guarantee collective security (Britannica, 2019; Henig & Sharp, 2010).

11 Zionism is the Jewish nationalist movement aiming to create and support a Jewish state in Palestine (Britannica, 2019; SAOL, 2019)

12 Diaspora is a commonly used concept without any precise definition. It is sometimes a synonym for `ethnic group´ and is also often related to `globalization ‘and

`transnationalism´. The concept can cover almost any ethnic/ religious minority that for some reason has been dispersed from its original homeland. In this case Jews from Palestine (Gitleman, 2016, 1).

13 E.g. Pardo & Peters, 2012.

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conflicting obligations, has become incompatible. At this point, with the UN being a young organization along violent developments in Palestine, the UN proposed a portioning of Palestine creating two independent states- one Palestinian Arab state and one Jewish state, with Jerusalem being internationalized. ¹⁴

However, as known to many, the partition plan did not result in peace for Palestine. These happenings escalated into a Middle Eastern conflict. The Jewish part of Palestine proclaimed its independence as Israel and after several wars, where they succeeded, the territory of Israel expanded and occupied shortly after all of Palestine. The Palestinian Arab state never managed to enter the world’s map, and since then the Arab people of Palestine have fought for their lost state. The proclamation of Israel occurred in 1948 and have since then, resulted in many wars and destruction. Due to this, many Palestinians have been forced into exile and many actors have engaged in the conflict searching for a solution, since this conflict, in many ways, poses threat to world peace.¹⁵

EU’s involvement in the conflict is on its fifth decade. In 1971, the European Commission (EC) presented its first statement regarding the, so called,

“problem of the Middle East”. The problem that the EC referred to was the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, meaning that it was important for Europe to promote and establish peace in the Middle East.¹⁶ Following this, the involvement of the EU in the conflict is still of importance. There are several reasons for this, one of these is the strategic significance of the Middle East for the security of Europe, because the happenings in the Middle East pose

14United Nations (UN), 2019, The Question of Palestine, Key issues at stake.

15UN, 2019; Möckli & Mauer, 2010, European-American relations and the Middle East.

16Persson, 2013,Defining, Securing and Building a Just Peace: The EU and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, p.17

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global security threats and challenges including terrorism and fundamentalism, nuclear proliferation, armed conflicts, regional instability etc.¹⁷. These aspects have become more and more important over the past years and cannot be compared with the importance of other regions.

17Möckli & Mauer, 2010: p.1-2.

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2 Theory

In the following chapter, previous research and the theoretical approach will be presented. I will primarily present previous research that has been done on the area, focusing on the EU and their work in the conflict. Afterwards, I will explain the theoretical framework that will be the starting point of this thesis in order to understand EU’s work through different perspectives.

2.1 Previous Research

A conflict as big and complex as this one have been studied in many ways and through many perspectives. Different scholars have contributed with various studies on this area from the beginning of the conflict. There are therefore many good and extensive studies about the EU and its role in the conflict. But somehow there is still many parts that have not been covered by previous research, for example the role of the EU through different IR- theories, which this thesis aims to cover in order to reach a new understanding and explanation of the role that the EU has.

When looking at previous research there are several areas occurring within it.

Several big studies have been done before the peace process even started, for example Allen & Pijpers study “European Foreign Policy-Making and the Arab-Israeli Conflict” from 1984 where the authors present different European countries attitudes and positions towards the conflict.¹⁸ Moreover, Greilsammer and Weiler study in their book “Europe and Israel: Troubled Neighbours” the institutionalized Europe, the EEC operating through the Common Commercial Policy and Political Cooperation. The authors indicate that the EC often tried to present itself as an actor that is different from its

18Allen & Pijpers, 1984, European Foreign Policy-Making and the Arab-Israeli Conflict.

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member states. However, they are looking into the EC’s attempt to reach a common European policy towards the Middle East and, as in this case, Israel.¹⁹ In broad, these two studies can be seen as some kind of groundwork for the studies done afterwards. Gianniou’s (2016) study “Promoting Cohesion and Consistency in EU Foreign Policy: The European Parliament and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict” where Gianniou digs deeper into the decision making of the EU and how the member states need some kind of cohesiveness in order for the EU to be a respected and effective international actor, can be related to parts of the study done by Greilsammer and Weiler (1987).²⁰

Looking at more modern studies, there are several fruitful ones being done during the 2000s. For example, “The Israeli-Palestinian Road Block: Can Europeans Make a Difference” where Hollis (2004) discusses different ways in which the Europeans can contribute in the conflict. Hollis indicates directly that Europeans can help by for example enter a proactive stance where the estrangement between the parties gets acknowledged and reconfigured.²¹ Another example is the study “A State Beoynd the Pale: Europes Problem with Israel” done by Shepherd (2009). Shepherd indicates that the state of Israel is treated as an outcast by many states, including EU member states and by the Union itself. The study therefore focuses on the relationship between the EU and Israel and why it is as troubled as it is.²²

Pardo and Peters (2010) have also done a study on the relationship between the EU and Israel, “Uneasy Neighbors: Israel and the European Union”, where they determine that the EU-Israel relations have been a source of development for Israel. The authors divide the development of the relationship

19Greilsammer & Weiler, 1987, Europe and Israel: Troubled Neighbours, p. 2-3.

20Giannou, 2016, Promoting Cohesion and Consistency in EU Foreign Policy.

21 Hollis, 2004, The Israeli-Palestinian Road Block, p.195-199.

22 Shepherd, 2009, A State Beoynd the Pale: Europes Problem with Israel.

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into three intertwined scenarios: EU-Israel bilateral co-operation, EU-Middle East multilateral frameworks, and EU’s approach to the Israeli-Arab conflict.

The authors confirm that the relationship have been including various conflicts, which have resulted in a slightly problematic relationship where the EU is engaged but at the same time bitter and angry with Israel.²³ The same authors are doing a similar study in 2012 as well, “Israel and the European Union- A Documentary History”, where the relationship and historical development between the two parties is being examined from 1957 until 2011.²⁴ These studies are for an example strictly focusing on the EU-Israel relationship, which is different from this study, since the focus here will be equally divided between Israel and Palestine and the development of the conflict as a whole.

Tocci (2009) is, in the article “Firm in rhetoric, compromising in reality:

the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict”, analyzing EU’s actions in the conflict and concludes that there is a gap between the goals set by the EU and its practical conduct. EU declarations are supporting a norm-based solution to the conflict, which is founded on the rights of self-determination of both Israeli and Palestinian people.²⁵ Persson (2013) on the other hand, have in his work

“Defining, Securing and Building a Just Peace: The EU and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict” studied the role of the EU in the conflict and have looked specifically at their use of the term “just peace”. Persson (2013). addresses the term with the goal to explain what it is, how it can be studied and achieved.

The term just peace is therefore looked into in a conceptual way in order to see how it can be understood in the context of peacebuilding.²⁶ However, much has changed since these studies have been done and the area constantly needs

23 Pardo & Peters, 2010, Uneasy Neighbors: Israel and the European Union, p. 113.

24 Pardo & Peters, 2012, Israel and the European Union- A Documentary History.

25 Tocci, 2009, Firm in rhetoric, compromising in reality: the EU in the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict.

26 Persson, 2013, Defining, Securing and Building a Just Peace.

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new studies and new perspectives examining the development of the conflict and the role of the EU. Studies have been done afterwards as well, but they have also had a different approach than this thesis.

A study published in 2019 by Asseburg and Goren, “Divided and Divisive”

analyses the dynamics between the EU and Israel. The study focuses on changes within the Union and how these have affected and are affecting the goals set by the EU regarding the conflict. Happenings such as Brexit, European Parliament Election 2019 and the institutional structure of the EU are listed as factors that can affect the role of the EU in the conflict.²⁷

The studies presented so far have mainly focused on describing the role of the EU and its relationship with Israel and the Middle East region including Palestine. These are broad, informative and useful, they can and will be used in this thesis as groundwork that this study will build upon. One noticeable difference between previous studies and this one is that there is no theoretical approach that is alike the one in this study. Here, the theories are the core of the study. This can be seen as the main aspect that this study is contributing with to previous research. Realism, liberalism and constructivism will be used in order to create a new and unique theoretical analysis model which will result in a new theoretical framework that have not been used before.

This study will also be more up to date and broad in that sense that it will not focus much on possible solutions or on some specific happenings that the EU has done. It will instead contribute with a general description of the EU in the conflict based on various concepts and indicators. As mentioned in the purpose, I will include several political changes that have occurred both within the EU and on the international arena as a whole, for example the changed

27 Asseburg & Goren, 2019: p. 9,15, 18.

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political climate within the EU where right-wing populist parties have entered the union and are now affecting EU’s foreign policy.²⁸ This study will therefore take all these aspects into account and create an overall perspective of the role of the EU, this is also the main aspects making this study different, innovative and a good contribution to previous research.

2.2 Theoretical Approach

In the following chapter I will present my theoretical approach; realism, liberalism and constructivism. The theories will be presented separately in order to gain understanding of their meaning. After that they will be operationalized into an analysis model. In order to answer the research question in the best possible way, different and relevant concepts from each theoretical approach will be chosen. They will later on be put into the analysis model that will follow through the whole thesis. Before I present my theoretical approaches, I will shortly explain why these theories have been chosen for this thesis.

In the attempt to understand and explain the role of the EU, concepts from the theories are being selected. The concepts are chosen based on their contribution to the analysis and the purpose of this study. The concepts will be put in one common analysis model through which each concept will be narrowed down into relevant indicators aiming to underpin the empirical analysis. However, the theories will be used in different ways, whereas realism and liberalism are having an explaining role. The concepts from these theories will be used to explain how the EU manages in this conflict and how they are perceiving security, national interests, democracy promotion etc.

28 See: Drago, 2018, Towards a New EU.

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On the other hand, the constructivist approach will be used to achieve an understanding of why the EU is perceiving the concepts in a certain way and how its role can be understood based on EU’s identity and norms. This because constructivism is an international relations theory with a different foundation and approach, it has a more understanding character offering alternative understandings of many central themes within IR- e.g. power, identity and interests.²⁹ Hence, these three theories will complete each other reaching a comprehensive explanation and understanding of EU’s role in the Israeli- Palestinian conflict.

2.2.1 Realism

Within Realism there are several thinkers that have contributed to the development of the realist approach. Some of them are Niccolo Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, Hans J. Morgenthau and John Mearcheimer. These thinkers have, during different time periods, influenced the theory by adding new perspectives on how and why states act in certain ways. Realism as an IR theory is therefore very broad and consists of many different aspects and sub- theories. But there are three core concepts that can be distinguished as they are summing up the theory in a good way; Groupism, Egoism and Power- centrism.³⁰

Groupism includes the assumption that humans need to belong to different groups in order to survive above subsistence, in other words, humans need solidarity. Nowadays, the most important groups are defined as states. Egoism stands for the assumption humans are egoists by nature always putting self- interests against the collective good. This kind of behavior can easily lead to altruism. This leads on to power -centrism meaning that power is the core concept within politics. This is also linked with resources and the power one

29 Flockhart, 2017, Constructivism and Foreign Policy: p. 81-82.

30 Wohlforth, 2017, Realism and Foreign Policy: p. 36.

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can gain by having resources. Following this, the relationship between social and material power becomes one of politics most central aspects.³¹ However, more precisely I will focus on following concepts: common EU interests (national interests), security and military resources. Through these three concepts, the role of the EU will be analyzed in order to get a closer look at how the EU operates within these fields.

Common EU Interests (National Interests)

When aiming to define national interests in regards to the EU, one needs to re- conceptualize it from being national interests, to common EU interests. This because the EU is constructed by member states and hence many different national interests are represented within the EU. Following this, when operating as one actor the EU works based on the EU interests presented in its policies etc. Therefore, the concept will be referred to as common EU interests since the focus will be on EU’s actions as a Union.

However, the theoretical definition of interests is broad. I will start by looking at Niccolo Machiavelli’s thoughts. Machiavelli indicated that interests stem from the leader whose interests should be based on its precursors and should solely focusing on power and war. The leader should have much knowledge in order to act accordingly in present conflicts and to avoid pitfalls.³² The leader should therefore keep the power, take care of the people within the state and strive for popularity among the people, and at the same time be strict and bound to his principles.³³

31 Wohlforth, 2017: 36; Hall, 2012Realism: p. 36-39.

32Machiavelli, 1515/2012, Fursten: p.110-111, 27-28.

33 Ibid, 1515/2012: p.96-97, 87.

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Hans J. Morgenthau, on the other hand, talks about interests in the sense of power meaning that power is the core concept of interests, especially within international politics. Interests are therefore the leading concept of different actor’s foreign policy being primarily based on rational assumptions and decisions. States that act rationally minimize the risks of war and are instead maximizing positive outcomes as well as gaining political prosperity. The core of this view is therefore power, because all actions should lead to more power.³⁴ According to this definition, interests are led by the leader who acts rationally with the strive for power put in the center. But due to the anarchic international arena, the interests are also based on the survival of each actor.

According to Hobbes, actors can very easily fall into a global war, however, the only protection from this is everyone’s fear of death. Actors interests are therefore also based on creating alliances with likeminded actors. This results, according to Hobbes, in both power, interest fulfillment and security.³⁵

Based on the description of interests, the concept can be interpreted as central within realism, meaning that all actions taken by different actors are underpinned by interests. When applying this on the EU, the analysis will be based on EU’ strategies, policies and reports. The indicators that will be used in order to explain and understand the common interests of the EU are the EU as a global actor, EU-interests in the MEPP and the EU-interests in the Middle East.

Security and Military Resources

Following the discussion regarding interests we are automatically led into the second and third concept, security and military resources. The security term is also central within Realism. Moreover, the discussion of military resources is

34Morgenthau,1948/1993, Politics Among Nations: p. 5-10, 10-12.

35 Hobbes, 1651/2004, Leviathan: p. 510.

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relevant due to its connection to security and that these two concepts often go hand in hand.

According to realist thinkers one can say that the core of security is that each actor is left alone, meaning that actors have to defend themselves in order to guarantee their own security.³⁶ Following the Hobbesian thoughts on this, it is relevant to talk about the so called State of Nature in which the human is not social nor political, but is an egoistic survivor. In this state are all actors are aiming for maximum amount of power. Hence, this situation is characterized by violence and an aggressive atmosphere where war easily can break out. The state of nature on the international arena is creating international issues.³⁷

Moreover, Hobbes indicates that natural freedom should be restricted in order to reach peace. This can be achieved by a strong and authoritarian leader.

Humans should also go into alliances in order to reach security and peace.³⁸ Morality and caution is not a priority within realism, this is stated by Machiavelli who indicated that morality can be disturbing for successful leaders. Military actions are therefore central within his thoughts, making them relevant for actors that are striving to fulfill their security goals, to gain power and to promote their interests.³⁹

Following this, Realism as an IR theory is fundamental to the understanding and explanation of the EU as a security actor in the conflict. The EU is promoting security in different ways which will be examined through different indicators: EU as a security actor, the Common Security and Defense Policy, EU crisis management. When it comes to military resource the indicators

36 Machiavelli, 1515/2012; Morgenthau, 1948/1993; Hobbes, 1651/2004.

37 Hobbes, 1651/2004: p.128; Hall, 2012: p.37; Dahl, 2004: p. 24-25.

38 Ibid, 222; Dahl, 1970, Modern Political Analysis: p.28-29.

39 Machiavelli, 1515/2012: p.16-17; 22; 62-62; 88-90; 113.

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being looked at are: EU military resources, EU political resources, and EU’s military cooperation with other actors.

2.2.2 Liberalism

John Locke, Immanuel Kant, John Stuart Mill, Joseph Nye etc. are liberal scholars who in different ways have developed the liberal IR theory. These scholars are promoting freedom and liberty through democracy and economic reforms. Another common aspect that all liberalist scholars want to handle is the issue of organizing the state in a way that enables justice and order in the society. But the way towards this differs between scholars, even though the common thought is that liberal and democratic societies are the key concept of a peaceful global order. The free market for an example benefits the most from an open and globalized world economy.⁴⁰

Moreover, liberals perceive the world as a result of the conflict tempering roles of different concepts such as interdependence, international institutions, democracy and so on. Much of the Liberal theory focuses on the role of globalization and emphasizes the importance of international organization for a functioning international arena and international relations.⁴¹The concepts that I will be focusing on in this thesis are: democracy promotion, interdependence, and international law.

Democracy Promotion

Immanuel Kant argued for a system where all humans in the society are free, living under the same rules. He emphasized the distribution of power and meant that there should be someone responsible for the freedom of the citizens and their impact on the state. With this, Kant also promoted federations

40Burchill, 2005,Liberalism; Doyle, 2017, Liberalism and Foreign Policy.

41 Ibid, 2005.

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between sovereign states that would protect the states from conflicts.⁴² Following this, it is evident that democracy plays a central role within Liberalism. Humans are perceived as free, rational and egoistic creatures.

According to for example John Locke, are humans striving for their own needs and interests, and in order to fulfill these are humans most often using their common sense. However, Locke also meant that this could be dangerous since free human beings that are working for their own good could easily get into conflicts. By making this assumption, Locke gave each individual a key role in the creation of politics.⁴³

John Stuart Mill on the other hand argued for each human being’s will, happiness and interests. He meant that all individuals have the right to live how they want. This could be reached through self development and freedom.

The state, in this case, should only intervene when freedom is in danger.

However, Mill also stated that the state has the right to limit ones’ freedom in order to provide protection.⁴⁴

Furthermore, a liberal and free society consists of human beings that are born free, equal and independent. No human should undermine itself to any political power without consent. With this, all humans should have the right to organize themselves based on their interests, values etc. even if these are not following the interests and values of the majority- all groups and organizations of people should be respected. This can be seen as a fundamental liberal and democratic value. Following this, democracy promotion can be interpreted as a tool for development, influence and peacemaking.⁴⁵

42 Kant, 1795/2010, To Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch.

43 Marsh & Stoker, 2010, Theory and methods in political science: p.160.

44 Mill, 1984; Marsh & Stoker, 2010: p.162.

45 Locke, 2004: p.141-142.

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Moreover, the concept of democracy can be connected to the concept of peace and the assumption that democracy leads to peace. The connection between these two concepts is widespread within liberalism, emphasizing the importance of democratic states. One that uplifts this is Immanuel Kant who introduced the democratic peace theory meaning that democracy leads to peace. Kant argued that a state with individual rights, social order, and good political governance and climate was an ideal liberal state.⁴⁶ However, the fundamental assumption in this theory is that democratic states are less likely to go into war than non-democratic states.⁴⁷ One reason why democratic peace is possible is the fact that elected representatives are required to listen to different opinions expressed by the people. By this, they become popular and their chances to get re-elected will increase; power is after all a central and important aspect.⁴⁸

Hence, the democratic peace has an important role within international relations since most democracies do not go into war with each other. Hence, based on the assumptions of the theory, war could be extinct by democratization of all states.⁴⁹ Following this, one can also state that peace has become more important nowadays, it has become much more important for states and international organizations to get what they want through peaceful actions, these actions are including democracy promotion, peace keeping forces, international law etc.⁵⁰ Following this, the democratic promotion handled by the EU becomes an important concept to look into in this thesis.

EU is a democratic union promoting democracy in several regions, for example in Western Balkans, Tunisia and Jordan.⁵¹ Also, the EU indicates that

46Kant, 1795/2010.

47 Doyle, 2016, 225-226; 213-215; Russett, et.al., 1996, The Liberal Peace, p.14.

48 Doyle, 2005, Three Pillars of the Liberal Peace: p. 464.

49 Nau, 2007, Perspectives on International Relations: p. 394; Owen, 1998, How Liberalism Produces Democratic Peace: p. 138.

50 Pinker, 2018, Enlightenment Now: p. 164-166.

51 Grimm, 2018, Democratization via aid?: p. 164-164; EDP, 2019.

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worldwide democracy promotion is a priority for the EU, stating that democracy is the only system of governance enabling people to realize their human rights, which is the only determining factor for development and stability.⁵²

It is further on, relevant to look into the democracy promotion of the EU in this particular conflict, to be able to do that I will focus on three indicators for democracy promotion that will guide the empirical and analytical framework regarding this concept: EU- Institution building, EU’s NGO funding’s and democracy as a tool for peace.

Interdependence

One of the most central concepts within liberalism is interdependence meaning that actors on the international arena are dependent of each other and in need of cooperation in order to maximize their interests and the outcomes of their actions. Keohane and Nye (1977) talk about interdependence which basically means mutual dependence between actors that can be both economical and political.⁵³ Interdependence can be divided into three characteristics with the first one being that there are several ways in which states can cooperate or create relations through. It does not necessarily have to be between political leaders. The second one is that states do not use military resources if interdependence is existing between them. The third and last one is that there is a hierarchy between various political questions and issues within a state. The existence of hierarchy or plan within a state prevents the intervention of foreign actors. Hence, the relations that foreign actors have are important, making military interventions less attractive.⁵⁴

52 Europarl, 2019.

53Keohane & Nye, 1977, Power and Interdependence: p.8-9.

54 Keohane & Nye, 1977: p. 25, 32, 225.

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Nye (2013) focuses on economic development and the global economy whereas he indicates that in conflicts, tools such as economic sanctions can be used to control other actors through interdependence.⁵⁵ The international arena is in this case also perceived anarchic which makes interdependence extra important making actors connected and dependent of each other. They therefore need to cooperate, compromise and negotiate. Furthermore, when it comes to international organizations they are perceived as equally important as states that are contributing to peace and justice through cooperation with states and civilians. Likewise, liberalism emphasizes the importance of political rights, norms, interdependence, competition and foreign policy as central concepts within the theory.⁵⁶

Interdependence will therefore be used to understand EU’s relations to other actors and how these are affecting the role of the EU in the conflict. I will for example look into the interdependence between EU and Israel, and EU and Palestine as well as the interdependence between EU and other actors involved in the conflict.

International Law

The international system nowadays has been build up after the second world war. This means that the international institutions, organizations and norms are founded on national (domestic) liberal institutions and norms. The international order, or so to day the liberal world order has been studied in the work of Deudney and Ikenberry (1999) who introduced three different factors within the international order. The first one is international law meaning that

55 Nye & Welch, 2013, Understanding Global Conflict and Cooperation; Burchill, 2005; Doyle, 2016.

56Burchill, 2005.

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international law and other agreements on the international arena are most often accompanied by international organizations. This creates an international system that exists above the domestic state. The UN is a good example of an international organization that is accompanied by international law working to resource common goals, diplomacy between states and to secure each states role on the international arena. The second one is free trade and capitalism that is achieved through powerful liberal states and international organizations. And the third one is international norms that favor international cooperation, democracy, human rights etc. However, the focus in this thesis will be on international law within the international order.

One that has uplifted the law on the international arena is John Rawls (1971/1999) who talks about the Law of Peoples. Rawls makes an attempt to present principles that are regulating the relations and interactions between actors, these are territorially defined political and corporate agents who legitimately can use force and govern individuals.⁵⁷ The ideal type of international justice according to him is a world consisting of well-ordered actors whose relations and actions are controlled by moral principles. Also, when the international system is not ideal, the moral principles should be used in order to cover and support these situations. It can be societies suffering from poverty, failing institutions, war, etc. Rawls meant that people should be taken as they are and laws as they might be. Within this he meant that international systems that are consisted of well functioning actors with representative governments are peaceful.⁵⁸

International law is also being defined by the EU, which is relevant to emphasize since it is the EU that will be analyzed. The EU indicates that the concept international law can be referred to as two legal disciplines, public

57 Rawls, 1971/1999, The Law of Peoples: p.6.

58 Rawls, 1971/1999: p. 11-12, 44-45, 36, 108-110.

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international law and private international law. The first one governs the relationship between states and international organizations, dealing with areas such as human rights, international criminal law and international humanitarian law. The second one consists of a set of procedural law determining the governing legal system and the law of jurisdiction that needs to be applied to a given legal dispute.⁵⁹ This definition of ‘international law’

is going to be used in this thesis with the aim to explain how the EU as an international actor promotes this and how its actions can be related to international law, since the EU also has EU-law regulating its actions.

The indicators that I will be focusing on regarding international law is EU’s relations to the UN-system regarding international law, for example the regulations on human rights, humanitarian law etc. Focus will also be put on EU-law and how the law is affecting EU’s actions and the impact of international law on EU-law.

2.2.3 Constructivism

Constructivism can be seen as the youngest and most different approach within IR. The state within constructivism is perceived as a construction meaning that different happenings, for example conflicts, are situations created and caused by humans. This because all humans, states and other actors have their own interests; which also are constructed. This indicates that interests do not have to exist, they only need to be perceived as existing in order to become an issue for the actors.⁶⁰

Alexander Wendt is the most prominent constructivist, he posed that constructivism is a structural theory on the international arena, meaning that states play the main role within foreign policy analysis. Hence, the key

59 E-justice/ EU, 2019.

60Milner, 2009, 9.

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structure of states is intersubjective rather then material. This means that states identities, interests, norms etc. are constructed by social structures.⁶¹ Another thinker within constructivism in Anthony Giddens who also argued that the society is a social structure, he indicated that this structure also sets the ground for how humans behave and interact with each other. The result of this is, according to Giddens, that humans most often, and unconsciously, act in similar ways.⁶²

The concept of power is also important within constructivism and is also seen as a constructed value. Power is given to actors based on how the actor is perceived by other actors. For example, strong states are powerful because other states perceive them as powerful.⁶³ Power is therefore given based on how popular the actor is on the international arena. Moreover, actors are following social norms which also play an important role in the construction of human behavior and the social structure.⁶⁴ States that for an example have many resources will only be seen as rich and powerful if the resources are demanded by other actors. Demand in this sense is also a constructed value that changes over time.⁶⁵ National interests are also created this way, meaning that humans within a state perceive themselves as one, common unit with same norms and values. This eventually leads to cooperation and a common identity.⁶⁶ The focus within constructivism will therefore be on the concept of identity and norms.

61 Wendt, 1994, Collective Identity Formation and the International State: p.385.

62 See: Giddens, 1984, The Constitution of Society.

63 Ibid, 1984.

64 Brown, 2001,Understanding International Relations: p.48.

65 Wendt, 1994, 387.

66 Brown, 2001, 49.

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Identity and Norms

Identity within constructivism plays a central role. The concept of identity is described as the actors understanding of the self, its role in the social world and its relationship with other actors. However, the creation of an identity and an understanding of it is always dependent on others, indicating that it constantly is in a condition of reconstruction. Constructivists put much importance on identity because to have a specific identity, the actor has to follow rules, norms and values that are associated with the identity. When understanding this, the actions of different actors can be understood. This means that identities work as frameworks for how different states and institutions act in different situations. Some actions are perceived more appropriate and in line with one’s identity.⁶⁷

According to Alexander Wendt, humans organize themselves and are controlled by common thoughts and ideas. These are the foundational concepts of a common identity. Wendt also presents an idealistic view on social life meaning that social interaction is more important than technological, biological or environmental aspects. He also presents a holistic point of view, indicating that individual actors can not be held responsible for different happenings. This means that the focus of this approach lies within the collective, the common identity.⁶⁸ The international arena according to Wendt is described as difficult and complicated because all states own interests, combined with other aspects such as international law, are setting the rules.⁶⁹ Wendt’s conceptualization of identity is in many ways rejecting the realist assumptions that states interests and identities are given, that actors know what they want and who they are before they interact with other actors. But for

67 Flockhart, 2017: p. 87.

68 Wendt, 1999, Social Theory of International Politics: p. 1.

69 Ibid, 1999: p. 5.

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Wendt, the perception of this is opposite. Wendt assumed that the interaction itself creates and instantiates the structure of identities and interests.⁷⁰

What Wendt indicates is that states or unions are unitary actors with an identity, and in order for states to become actors on the international arena they have to be unitary. Hence, a common identity is needed. It is therefore relevant to talk about identity in relation to the role of the EU. This in order to understand why the EU acts the way it does and how the common EU identity is incorporated in the actions taken by the EU. All member states are in many ways represented by this common EU-identity and all decisions are influenced by it.

However, identity is very much connected to social norms that also are a central concept to constructivism. In broad, norms are defined as a standard of appropriate behavior that is in line with one’s identity.⁷¹ Norms can also be seen as rules which constructivist believe are important and necessary for all kinds of situations. They mean that rules often are followed quite blindly, even in situations where some might think that no rules are existing. But rules provide order, predictability and guidance for how to behave. In other words, rules are seen as general imperative principles that always require or authorize a specific behavior.⁷²

Moreover, the so called ´logic of appropriateness´ is connected to social norms meaning that some kinds of behavior are more appropriate or acceptable based on the actor’s identity.⁷³ Peter Katzenstein discussed norms where he made a distinction between thin ordinary, liberal norms and thick constitutive norms

70 Wendt, 1994: p. 394.

71 Katzenstein, 1996, The Culture of National Security: p. 5.

72 Flockhart, 2017: p.86; Bell, 1977/1995: p.53.

73 March & Olsen, 1998: p. 951-952.

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that stand behind the definition of actors and their interests.⁷⁴ This means that norms are central to a states behavior since it is a big part of its identity and the creation of an identity. Therefore, are norms very important, especially when it comes to constituting a social relationship. This because, if an actor wants to become a part of a social group, e.g. the EU, the actor has to follow the norms of the group in order to become a member. With this, constructivists also mean that structural change can be achieved if the norms are changed.⁷⁵

Hence, it is evident that the EU has a set of strong norms putting pressure on member states and its foreign policy making, this strengthens the EU-identity and affects the way EU creates its foreign policy. It is therefore necessary to identify the common EU norms and to make an attempt to understand its role in the conflict. Within the concepts of identity and norms it is necessary to include indicators that in various ways could have affected the EU-identity.

The focus, when analyzing identity and norms, will therefore be on recent changes within the structure of the EU. For example, the are right-wing populist parties on the EU-arena and Brexit.⁷⁶ This will be related to the identity of the EU and how these changes are affecting and may affect the role of the EU.

74 Ibid, 1998: p.27.

75 Flockhart, 2017: p. 86.

76 See, Drago, 2018.

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3 Method

In the following chapter I will discuss the methodological approach of this thesis. The starting point will be the research design and a reflection regarding the material that is being used in the study. I will also make a demarcation in order to clarify the purpose of the thesis and the theoretical framework.

3.1 Research Design

Research designs are different ways in which a study can be conducted. In this case, I will be using a descriptive qualitative case study, which is beneficial when analyzing different texts and aspects.⁷⁷ By using a qualitative research design, the researcher can focus on details by using various reflections, political institutions, and other actors or aspects when analyzing the collected empirical material. Qualitative approach is also most suitable when wanting to reach a deeper understanding of the case that is being studied, it helps the researcher to get a broad view and makes it possible to deal with broad research questions. With this, the researcher is also enabled to include different variables and theoretical approaches into the study.⁷⁸ Following this, it is evident that a qualitative approach is most suitable for this study. Considering the purpose of the study and the research question, this study needs to be approached with a design that enables a detailed, broad and deep analysis.

Another aspect, making a qualitative approach best fitted for this study is the concept of conceptual validity. This means that different concepts such as peace, democracy, interests etc. can be interpreted differently based on different contexts. So, this type of qualitative case study enables contextual comparisons where the meaning of used concepts can be discussed and

77 Esaiasson, et.al., 2013, 237; George & Bennett, 2005; Denscombe, Forskningshandboken, 2009.

78 Esaiasson, et.al., 2013, 237.

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interpreted in relevance to the study. This increases the validity of the study.⁷⁹ In this case, all theoretical concepts based on the theoretical approaches, are being interpreted in relevance to this study. By making an analytical framework, each interpretation is presented.

However, one could discuss whether an analysis of idea and ideological content is a suitable approach for this study. With this approach, the researcher can create various dimensions or so called ideal types when doing the analysis.

With this, broad concepts such as democracy can be broken down into key indicators.⁸⁰ But if that was to be done on this study, the timeframe for it would need to be much longer. It would also be necessary to only chose one theory and instead look into the role of the EU as a realistic, liberal, or constructivist actor. This would delimit the study too much, and a comprehensive and broad explanation would not be possible.

If another design was to be chosen, the theoretical concepts would not be as beneficial as they are intended to be. Furthermore, theories that are being used are going to be approached in a theory consuming way meaning that the chosen indicators from each theoretical approach are being examined through the theory. When using a theory consuming approach, the researcher applies already existing theories on the case that is being studied.⁸¹ In this thesis, the role of the EU is being examined by applying concepts from three different, already existing, theories. Hence, a theory consuming approach is most suitable when trying to explain and understand the role of the EU.

3.2 Case Study

Case studies within social sciences are most often used to explain various

79 Bennett & George, 2005, 19-20.

80 Borgström & Borèus, 2012, Textens mening och makt: p.167.

81 Esaiasson, et.al., 2013, 40-41; See: Jensen & Sandström, 2016.

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processes and relations within societies, the main focus of case studies is to understand and explain the connections between different processes and relationships.⁸² The purpose with this thesis is to explain and understand the role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and with that also deal with the relationship between the EU and Israel and Palestine. The Israeli- Palestinian conflict has been ongoing for many years and is rather complex, many actors are involved in it, the US, EU, Middle Eastern states etc.⁸³ Because of this the conflict has a special character and have had an interesting development, and the peace process has not been as successful as many have hoped.⁸⁴ This makes the case very interesting to study. Therefore, it is also interesting to make an attempt to explain and understand the role of the EU in the conflict. What makes the EU extra special is that it consists of many different states which makes the action done by EU a mix of different states opinions and strategies combined into one EU strategy.

So, the purpose with this case study is to dig deep into the role of the EU in the conflict and try to understand it. The theoretical framework is playing a central role here, primarily as a guiding line for the analysis but also as different perspectives through which the EU’s work can be explained and understood. No such study has been done before, which makes this study relevant, up to date and different. But, making a case study can be difficult, namely pure case studies are often rare. The reason behind this is that it is hard to reach comprehensive conclusions by only studying one case. With this, one can discuss whether comparative case studies are needed if the goal with the study is to reach comprehensive and good conclusions. Because, by comparing and observing different e.g. time periods or units the study will automatically

82 K. Yin, 2006, Fallstudier: p.28.

83 See: United Nations (UN), 2019.

84 See: Persson, 2013.

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include two or more units of analysis.⁸⁵ In this case, the EU is being examined based on different theoretical approaches, this does not indicate that several units are being used, hence it is not a comparative study. But by including different theoretical approaches, the single case study gains a broad and comprehensive study. Moreover, the time period (1993-2019) that the case is being studied between covers a period of 26 years, this also enables the broad perspective.

Furthermore, case studies are structured, easy and detailed which makes it easy for the researcher to focus on general questions and to objectively approach the research problem. Within case studies, each research question is given equal attention which makes systematic conclusions and comparisons possible.⁸⁶ This is very important in this study since all the concepts need to be discussed separately before being put into one common discussion. And for that to be possible, each concepts needs to be approached in a structured and systematic way following the analysis model.

Moreover, it is also important to define each concept, because everything can be interpreted in various ways.⁸⁷ Following that, each concept have been described in my theoretical chapter and put in an analysis model where the interpretation of each concept is being presented. I have also described how each concept is going to be related to the role of the EU in order to make the interpretation and relevance of the concepts clearer. With this, the research question is also being broken down into smaller more direct questions. Hence, the analysis units and the research question is being operationalized.

85 Esaiasson, et.al., 2013, 108-109.

86 Bennett & George, 2005, 67.

87 Ibid, 2005, 19-20.

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3.3 Material

The material that is relevant for the analysis of EU’s role in the conflict is handling the actions taken by the Union from 1993 until 2019. The sources are primary sources meaning that they are original documents made by different political actors, organizations etc. Most of the material is being collected from EU and are primarily documents and reports. I am also using other studied done on the area because aspiring to achieve a fruitful and interesting discussion using both EU reports, academic articles and literature commenting the work that the EU has done. With this, different perspectives will be included that will contribute to a more objective and broad analysis. Other studies that are being used are secondary resources, meaning that I have to be careful when using them. To make sure that they are relevant and valid, I will control that each study is peer reviewed. Also, when choosing the material, the source criticism criteria is being applied: authenticity, independence, contemporaneity, and tendency.⁸⁸

With this said, it is relevant to talk about validity. It is the researchers task to make sure that high validity is being accomplished. Validity is the concept that is measuring the relevance of the material in relation to the subject. Validity can be controlled in three various ways, first one is to be consistent in the research, meaning that the researcher is consistent with the theoretical approach and its operational indicators. The second one is that systematic errors are absent and the third is that the study measures what it aims to measure.⁸⁹ Validity can be distinguished into internal and external validity.

Internal validity stands for conclusions that are descriptive and explanatory and based on the analytical units used in the study. External validity on the other hand stands for the possibilities of generalization of the descriptive and

88 Esaiasson, et.al., 2013: p. 27.

89 Esaiasson, et.al., 2013, 63.