“We fight hard to make sure that we bring peace”
A study of women’s organisations and peacebuilding in Liberia
Uppsala University Master Thesis
Department of Government Spring 2019
Author Supervisor
Matilda Halling Elin Bjarnegård
2
Abstract
Since the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000 it has become a frequently repeated argument that the participation of women makes peacebuilding processes more sustainable. Women’s involvement in peacebuilding is often connected to a long-term perspective, despite this little research have been carried out to examine how long-term peacebuilding is exercised in practise, leaving the understanding of the concept incomplete.
This study aims to address this research gap by posing the following research question: “What type of peacebuilding activities are women’s organisations in Liberia carrying out?”. The main material consists of semi-structured interviews with representatives from Liberian women’s organisations. The study concluded that the women’s organisations were conducting both reconstructive and transformative peacebuilding and thus indicated that women’s organisations have the potential to play a significant role even in long-term peacebuilding endeavours. They exercised peacebuilding through activities such as rebuilding relationships, promoting establishment of democratic institutions, promoting popular support for democracy and peace, advocating for fulfilment of core state functions, promoting economic development, promoting respect for human rights, providing local capacities for conflict resolution and resolving underlying causes of conflict. This study also found that women’s organisations were engaging in the prevention of electoral violence as a form of peacebuilding activity, which has not been identified by previous research.
Keywords: peacebuilding, women’s organisations, Liberia
3
Acknowledgements
This study was made possible by a Minor Field Study scholarship (MFS) and I want to thank the MFS-committee at the Department of Government at Uppsala University for trusting me with this opportunity. I also want to express my gratitude to my supervisor Elin Bjarnegård for all her support along the way. The Kvinna till Kvinna office in Monrovia also deserve recognition for the invaluable help they offered me, both during the preparations and while performing my study. I am especially grateful to Rie Lukowski and Adelaide Laryea for so generously sharing their time and contacts.
But above all I want to thank everyone who I had the pleasure of interviewing for taking the time to share their perspectives and experiences with me. My conversations with you have provided me with inspiration that goes well beyond this thesis.
4
List of abbreviations
AU – African Union
CEDAW – Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women KAICT – Kofi Annan Institute for Conflict Transformation (Part of the University of Liberia) KtK – Kvinna till Kvinna Foundation
LIFLEA – Liberia Female Law Enforcement Association SEWODA – South East Women Development Association THINK – Touching Humanity in Need of Kindness UNMIL – United Nations Mission in Liberia
UNSCR – United Nations Security Council Resolution UNSG – United Nations Secretary-General
WIPNET – Women in Peacebuilding Network
WONGOSOL – Women’s NGO Secretariat of Liberia WORIWA – Women Rights Watch
WPWHDO – West Point Women for Health and Development Association
5
C ONTENTS
1. Introduction ... 7
1.1. Purpose ... 9
1.2. Disposition ... 9
2. Background ... 10
3. Theory ... 12
3.1. Previous research ... 12
3.1.1. Introduction ... 12
3.1.2. Women’s participation in peacebuilding ... 14
3.1.3. Women’s participation in peacebuilding: the case of Liberia ... 15
3.1.4. Concluding remarks on previous research ... 17
3.2. Theoretical framework ... 18
3.2.1. Defining peacebuilding ... 18
3.2.2. Enabling and disabling factors ... 22
4. Method ... 26
4.1 Case selection ... 26
4.2 Outline of the study ... 27
4.3 Selection of interviewees ... 27
4.4 Ethical considerations ... 29
4.5 Structure of interviews ... 29
4.6 Treatment of the material ... 31
5. Findings ... 32
5.1. Reconstructive Peacebuilding ... 32
5.1.1. Stability creation ... 32
5.1.2. Alleviating human suffering ... 32
5.1.3. Rebuilding relationships ... 33
5.2. Transformative peacebuilding ... 33
5.2.1. Establishment of democratic institutions ... 33
5.2.2. Promoting popular support for democracy and peace ... 34
5.2.3. Delivery of core state functions ... 35
5.2.4. Economic development ... 36
5.2.5. Respect for human rights ... 36
5.2.6. Local capacities for conflict resolution ... 39
5.2.7. Resolving underlying causes of conflict ... 39
6
5.3. Outside the scope of peacebuilding ... 40
5.4. Enabling and disabling factors ... 41
5.4.1. Behaviour of the state ... 41
5.4.2. Level of violence ... 42
5.4.3. Role of the media ... 42
5.4.4. Role of donors ... 42
5.4.5. Economic barriers ... 43
5.4.6. Access to justice ... 43
5.4.7. Social norms ... 44
5.4.8. Literacy and education ... 44
5.4.9. Mobilization of women ... 44
5.4.10. Comparison: Informants and beneficiaries ... 45
5.5. Impact ... 46
5.5.1. Comparison: Informants and beneficiaries ... 48
6. Discussion ... 51
7. Conclusion ... 56
8. References... 58
8.1 Literature ... 58
8.2 Material ... 63
8.2.1 Respondent interviews ... 63
8.2.2 Informant interviews ... 64
8.2.3 Beneficiary interviews ... 64
8.3. Other references ... 64
9. Appendices ... 65
9.1 Appendix I: Interview guide ... 65
9.1.1 Respondent interviews ... 65
9.1.2 Informant interviews ... 66
9.1.3 Beneficiary interviews ... 66
9.2 Appendix II: Presentation of women’s organisations ... 67
9.3. Appendix III: Map of Liberia ... 68
7
1. Introduction
The adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000 marks a milestone of great importance for the agenda on women, peace and security. This was the first time the UN recognized how armed conflict impacts women and men differently as it was stated that the majority of those adversely impacted by armed conflict are women and girls. What is more, the resolution also affirmed the significance of including women equally in all stages of peace processes, especially in regards to increasing the number of women in decision-making (UNSCR 1325, 2000).
It has since 2000 become a widespread argument that the participation of women makes efforts aimed at both creating and promoting peace more sustainable (Chandler, 2016: 21; Gizelis, 2011: 525; Hudson, 2009: 188; UN Women, 2015: 15; UNSG, 2010: 3-4). The calls for inclusion of women in peace processes are oftentimes summed up in catchy slogans, such as
“More women, more peace”, and are frequently used by leading politicians like the Swedish Minister for Foreign Affairs Margot Wallström (Regeringskansliet, 2016; 2017). Despite the recognition of women’s contribution to the establishment of lasting peace, their presence in formal peace negotiations remain limited. Statistics from 2010 showed that only 2,5 percent of those who sign peace accords are women (Moosa et al., 2013: 455). However, this does not mean that women are absent from all parts of the peace process. Many women engage in non- governmental organisations, where they for instance can be essential for promoting peace in local communities (El-Bushra, 2007: 138).
Women’s peacebuilding activities are often connected to a long-term perspective since it is believed that they focus on issues like addressing the underlying root causes of conflict or reconciliation efforts, which are processes that demand more time to be carried out (Anderlini, 2007: 186; Cheldelin & Eliatamby, 2011: 283). The long-term perspective of peacebuilding is nevertheless less explored as previous research has focused on actions carried out in the following years after the end of an armed conflict, which has created a deficit in the understanding of peacebuilding after the withdrawal of international peacekeeping forces (Ryerson, 2013: 2). Some have even understood the cessation of the peacekeeping mission to mark an end to the peacebuilding in itself, meaning that the objective of peacebuilding would be achieved when the situation is stable enough for the international forces to leave (Paffenholz, 2010: 47).
8
One central concern when discussing long-term peacebuilding is the close connection between sustainable peace and sustainable development and how these two concepts can be mutually reinforcing, which has been repeatedly confirmed not least by the UN (UNSG, 2015). However, the existing literature lack a clear definition on how long long-term peacebuilding goes on, particularly in regards to women’s and civil society’s efforts which are as mentioned often linked to the long-term endeavour. Moreover, previous research also lacks studies that critically assess peacebuilding activities in order to distinguish them from other processes that takes place in the post-conflict environment, such as development activities.
This thesis aims at addressing that research gap through examining what role women’s organisations can play in a long-term peacebuilding process, based on the case of Liberia. Given that at the time of the investigation more than a decade had passed since the adoption of the peace accord and the national government had recently taken over the responsibility for national security from the international peacekeeping force UNMIL, the context could arguably be classified as long-term.
Furthermore, Liberia represents an interesting case in relation to the women, peace and security agenda since it is one of the few examples of how local women’s efforts for peace can receive extensive attention globally. The Liberian women were crucial in the process of ending the civil war and the signing of a peace agreement in 2003 and also facilitated the subsequent election of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf in 2005. This made her not only the first democratically elected female president in Liberia, but in Africa as a whole (Debusscher & Martin de Almagro, 2016: 293- 294). How women in Liberia contributed to building peace in the country has not least been recognized in 2011 when one of the women’s leaders Leymah Gbowee was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, together with the president Johnson Sirleaf (Prasch, 2015: 187).
However, there are those who argue that the Liberian women’s movement has been weakened and that it has failed to find a common agenda since the end of the civil war and the election of Johnson Sirleaf (Debusscher & Martin de Almagro, 2016: 300-301). What is more, it has also been claimed that the previous success of the Liberian women together with the interest of donors have created a flow of resources to peacebuilding activities, even though it might no longer be relevant in the current context (Debusscher & Martin de Almagro, 2016: 309-310).
Similar examples of local organisations reframing projects to align with the UNSCR 1325 have been also found in other countries (Otto, 2018: 111). This poses the question if peacebuilding is still exercised by women’s organisations in Liberia, or if its prevalence is exaggerated to fit current trends in the agenda of international donors.
9
1.1. Purpose
The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to a better understanding of how long-term peacebuilding can be exercised by women’s organisations in a post-conflict environment. This is done by interviewing representatives from women’s organisations, as they possess first-hand knowledge of their own activities. The descriptions by the women’s organisations will be analysed based on definitions of the concept of peacebuilding found in previous literature. The results will also be assessed through a comparison of how other actors in Liberia perceive their work. The main research question will therefore be:
- What type of peacebuilding activities are the women’s organisations in Liberia carrying out?
If it is found that some of the activities the women’s organisations are conducting can be defined as peacebuilding, the study will also look at the two following sub-questions:
- What enabling and disabling factors affect the peacebuilding work of women’s organisations?
- What impact have the peacebuilding work of women’s organisations resulted in?
Scholars within the field of women, peace and security studies have argued that there is a need for further investigations regarding the enabling and disabling factors that influence the peacebuilding work of civil society (Paffenholz, 2010: 60) and women’s organisations in particular (Strickland & Duvvry, 2003: 28). Adding these sub-questions allows the study to consider what factors are strengthening respectively impeding the peacebuilding efforts of women’s organisations and a possible identification of the outcomes of their work.
1.2. Disposition
In the following chapter, a brief background information to the current context in Liberia will be given. Chapter 3 discusses the previous research that has been made in this area and also introduces the theoretical framework. In chapter 4 the methods used in this study will be elaborated on. Chapter 5 presents the findings of the study and these will be further discussed in chapter 6. Ultimately, some concluding remarks will be made in chapter 7.
10
2. Background
The history of Liberia stands out compared to many other African countries. The republic was founded in 1847 by freed slaves from the USA, so called Americo-Liberians, and has never been colonized. The Americo-Liberians dominated political and economic power for over a century and exercised extensive discrimination against the native tribes. This led up to a military coup d’état in 1980, after which the politics became even more centred around ethnic identities (UCDP).
Between 1989 and 2003 Liberia was struck by a violent civil war that killed more than 250 000 people (BBC, 2018). The conflict basically affected the whole country and it made between 50 and 75 percent of the Liberian population refugees, either as internally displaced people or in neighbouring states (Theobald, 2014: 46). The civil war and the preceding years of mishandled economic policies resulted in a reduction of the country’s GDP by more than 90 percent, which has been called “one of the largest economic collapses in the world since World War II”
(Radelet, 2007).
Poverty and unequal access to resources have been mentioned as some of the root causes of the past conflict (Maulden, 2011: 78), as well as youth marginalization. A third of the Liberian population is between 15 and 35 years and the constructive engagement of youth continues to be an area of concern in current peacebuilding policies (UNMIL, 2019).
During the conflict the women organized in the “Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace Campaign”, which advocated for ceasefires and conducted non-violent manifestations for peace. Most known is perhaps how the women carried out a sit-in at the location of the peace negotiations, preventing the participants from exiting before a peace agreement was signed (Gbowee, 2009: 51). Furthermore, the women’s organisation MARWOPNET participated in the peace talks and the efforts of women – both inside and outside the negotiations – have been accredited with contributing to ending the armed conflict (Debusscher & Martin de Almagro, 2016: 299).
The women’s organisations were also instrumental in the 2005 election of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Liberia’s – and Africa’s – first female president. The women mobilized throughout the country to promote electoral participation (Debusscher & Martin de Almagro, 2016: 294), which resulted in that a majority of the registered voters were women (Fuest, 2008: 215).
Johnson Sirleaf remained in office for two terms, until the election of former soccer star George Weah as the nation’s new president in 2017 (MacDougall & Cooper, 2017). However, the
11
women have been less successful in securing seats in the national legislative, where only 12 percent are held by women. The 2017 elections only marked a marginal improvement since the rate was previously at 11 percent (World Bank, 2019).
Liberia continues to face serious challenges, not least regarding the level of development. In the 2016 Human Development Index Liberia was ranked 177 out of 188 listed countries. For example, the adult literacy rate is estimated at less than 48 percent and life expectancy at 61 years (UNDP, 2016). Liberia was also affected by the Ebola outbreak in West Africa during 2014-2015 and was the country with the highest estimated number of deaths at more than 4 800 persons (BBC, 2016).
The United Nations Mission in Liberia was completed in March 2018, after nearly 15 years on the ground (UNMIL, 2018). The international peacekeeping force had gradually reduced its presence and did for instance hand over the official responsibility for the country’s security to the national government in June 2016, which was the first time since the war that the Liberian state assumed this responsibility (UN News Centre, 2016). This means that two of the defining features of the Liberian post-conflict context – President Johnson Sirleaf and the presence of UNMIL – have undergone transformations in the last couple of years.
12
3. Theory
This chapter will start with an overview of the prior research on peacebuilding and continue with a closer look at women’s involvement in peacebuilding processes in general and in the context of Liberia in particular. In 3.2 the theoretical framework will be presented.
3.1. Previous research 3.1.1. Introduction
The concept of peacebuilding was first introduced by Johan Galtung in 1975 when he distinguished the term from the related concepts of peacemaking and peacekeeping (Paffenholz, 2010: 45). Peacemaking refers to the mediation process aimed at adopting a peace accord, peacekeeping entails the deployment of international military forces with the mission to prevent the warring parties from fighting, and peacebuilding intends to create societal conditions that promote a lasting peace (Porter, 2003: 255). In this thesis peacebuilding is exclusively discussed as something that occurs after the end of an armed conflict, which makes it a post-conflict endeavour.
The concept of peacebuilding gained popular use after the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali presented his An Agenda for Peace in 1992 (Strickland & Duvvury, 2003: 6). It was then defined as “rebuilding the institutions and infrastructures of nations torn by civil war and strife; and building bonds of peaceful mutual benefit among nations formerly at war”
(UNSG, 1992). This expanded the international community’s view on interventions in conflict areas, since the transition from war to peace had previously been understood to merely be about a cessation of the political violence (Chinkin & Charlesworth, 2006: 937).
International peacebuilding efforts have been dominated by the creation of liberal democratic institutions, market-oriented economies and stable security sectors. The inspiration comes from ideas like the liberal peace, which claims that liberal democracies tend to act peaceful toward each other (Paffenholz, 2010: 46-47). The recent end of the Cold War in the early 1990s when the international community started exercising peacebuilding can also have contributed to the supremacy of liberal peacebuilding (Richmond & Franks, 2009: 4). However, experience has shown that the liberalisation of post-conflict states did not always lead to the expected outcome of sustainable peace, why the sequencing of prioritizing democratic elections and deregulation of the market over addressing the underlying causes of conflict was put into question (Paris, 2010: 341). What is more, the narrow view of liberal peacebuilding has also been criticised for not complying with the local communities’ understandings of what peacebuilding entails,
13
which often take a wider range of issues into account. Some scholars have cautioned that this divergence could risk disassociating the local population from the formal peace process (Justino et al., 2018: 922-923). Liberal peacebuilding has also received criticism for relying on simplified universal solutions and not taking gender and cultural variations into account (de la Rey & McKay, 2006: 141-142).
This has created a subfield within security studies which favours the application of a human security perspective. Human security shifts the focus of security from states to human beings and can be defined as “freedom from want and freedom from fear” (Anderlini, 2007: 11). It refers to the needs of the people and can include economic, health, political, food, environmental, community and personal security (UNDP, 1994: 24-25). This represent a broader range of issues than is usually considered within the national security concept.
Although human security and national security are often interlinked, this is not always the case as national security does not necessarily encompass the security of the whole population (Porter, 2007: 28). However, feminists have argued for an expansion of the concept of human security in order to give attention to the particular needs of women and other marginalized groups, as these perspectives tend to be ignored when the population is treated as homogeneous (Moosa et al., 2013: 457).
In other words, the scope of the peacebuilding process is widely debated. Several researchers have noted that the definition of peacebuilding has become vague due to the great disparity in its conceptualization (Barnett et al., 2007: 36; Schnabel & Tabyshalieva, 2012: 5; Strickland &
Duvvury, 2003: 6). This can be explained by a number of reasons. Firstly, there is a general lack of knowledge in how to predict what factors promote sustainable peace and what factors cause armed conflict, especially given the contextual variations. Secondly, actors can be opportunistic and simply promote the peacebuilding definition that aligns most closely with their own activities, in order to not be left out of the significant funding opportunities peacebuilding has come to entail. Lastly, ideological motivations can also be an explanation as peacebuilding often treats the question of how societies should be designed (Barnett et al., 2007:
44-45).
Nevertheless, it is important that the concept of peacebuilding becomes better understood as the stakes are high. Armed conflicts have been called development in reverse to depict the extensive negative consequences they have on a society (Buvinic et al., 2013: 112-113). What is more, research shows that armed conflicts are most likely to break out in countries that have previously suffered from conflicts (El-Bushra, 2018: 49). Hence, a poorly exercised
14
peacebuilding process could consequently enhance the risk of violence reoccurring (Schnabel
& Tabyshalieva, 2012: 10).
A more thorough examination of different definitions of peacebuilding will be presented in the theoretical framework in section 3.2. But first an overview of the previous research on women’s participation in peacebuilding in general and in Liberia specifically will be given.
3.1.2. Women’s participation in peacebuilding
It is frequently stated that women’s organisations peacebuilding work is generally inspired by addressing the needs they come across in the local communities. This often results in them including a wider scope of issues compared to the national and international actors that are involved in the formal peace processes (Porter, 2003: 256-257). For example, previous studies have shown that women often include sexual and gender-based violence in their peacebuilding efforts. The motivation is that settings where women run a high risk for being victims of sexual or gender-based violence in both the public and the private sphere are not deemed as situations of true peace due to the severe threats against women’s human security (de la Rey & McKay, 2006: 150).
But what is it that women’s organisations do in relation to peacebuilding more specifically?
Through an overview of prior literature, the following have been identified as common activities. It is recurrently claimed that women are facilitating inter-group dialogue and establishing local capacities for conflict resolution. They are often found to be involved in promoting access to basic needs services as well, such as food, health care, housing and education (El-Bushra, 2007: 137-138; Justino et al., 2018: 915-916; Moosa et al., 2013: 459;
Ray, 2006: 44; Schirch, 2012: 67-69). Sometimes teaching adult literacy was included in the peacebuilding activities women’s organisations perform around education as well (Justino et al., 2018: 916).
Furthermore, women’s organisations can play a part in supporting reconciliation and the tolerance of different identities in communities. They are also recurrently mentioned as contributing to the process of demilitarization and reintegration of demobilized combatants (de la Rey & McKay, 2006: 144; El-Bushra, 2017: 138; Porter, 2007: 32; Schirch, 2012: 68-69).
Other argue that women’s organisations exercise peacebuilding through the promotion of access to justice (Justino et al., 2018: 924), land rights (Porter, 2007: 34) and democracy including electoral participation (El-Bushra, 2007: 138; Porter, 2007: 32).
15
Another area for women’s peacebuilding work is peace maintenance and the respect for human rights, for example by organising trainings or public awareness campaigns. They can also engage in offering trauma counselling for the victims of the armed conflict (El-Bushra, 2017:
137-138; Justino et al., 2018: 912-916; Schirch, 2012: 66-70). Ultimately, the promotion of women’s rights is also claimed to constitute peacebuilding. Women’s organisations can for instance organise women’s leadership training, carry out advocacy campaigns and other educational seminars with the objective of enhancing women’s political participation and their inclusion in decision-making (Arostegui, 2013: 535; El-Bushra, 2007: 138; Justino et al., 2018:
916; Porter, 2007: 32; Schirch, 2012: 69-70).
In summary, a lot of the peacebuilding efforts of women’s organisations aim at engaging the local population and creating popular support for the peace process. This can be crucial for the success of the peacebuilding enterprise since a “sustainable peace is one that is supported and consolidated at the grassroots level, whereas a peace negotiated solely among the élite and without the participation of the majority of people, tends to generate a certain degree of instability” (Karam, 2000: 12).
3.1.3. Women’s participation in peacebuilding: the case of Liberia
The Liberian civil war had a severe impact on the country’s development and its population, as was discussed in chapter 2. Furthermore, sexual violence was exploited as a weapon during the conflict and the high incidence of rape is believed to have lingered in the post-conflict society (Douglas, 2014: 149). It is difficult to find reliable statistics to determine the occurrence of sexual- and gender-based violence in Liberia. However, one report from 2016 stated that rape was the second most reported crime in the country, but that only two percent of the reported cases of sexual and gender-based violence resulted in a conviction of the perpetrator in court (OHCRH, 2016).
This challenging environment may paradoxically have contributed to the mobilization of women into peace protests in order to create change (Fuest, 2009: 125). The parallel development of the international agenda on women, peace and security may also have strengthened the movement and given them increased confidence and sense of purpose, not least through the adoption of UNSCR 1325 which affirms the crucial part women play in peace processes (Shulika, 2016: 8). For instance, the women’s organisation MARWOPNET used the UNSCR 1325 as a platform to demand inclusion in the peace talks that ended the armed conflict (Debusscher & Martin de Almagro, 2016: 299).
16
Apart from the contribution of women’s organisations regarding the termination of the civil war, they have also been accredited with facilitating the election of the continent’s first female president in 2005 (for a further elaboration, see chapter 1 and 2). Previous research has identified several factors that could help explain their significant influence. First of all, even though Liberian women are discriminated against and have been excluded from for instance decision-making power and formal education (Shulika, 2016: 8), they still have a relatively high social status compared to other post-conflict countries, especially as economic actors. This has enabled the women to both mobilize and use their social networks to support the peacebuilding process (Gizelis, 2011: 525; 538).
Secondly, the Liberian women managed to form an exceptional large number of women’s organisations, in comparison to other conflict-affected African states (Fuest, 2008: 212-213).
Many of these organisations also consisted of members from different societal divisions, such as both educated urban women and illiterate rural women. The women’s organisations oftentimes united Muslim and Christian women together as well (Fuest, 2009: 119). This has given the women’s organisations both a numerical strength and a strong connection with a large share of the population. Ultimately, it has also been observed that the Liberian women’s organisations exercised peacebuilding at both the local and the national level. This is unusual as women’s organisations tend to be restricted to engage in communities, that is, only at the local level (Justino et al., 2018: 916-917).
However, it has been claimed that the cohesion of the Liberian women’s movement has deteriorated since its past successes and that the movement is currently struggling to establish a common agenda. For instance, the women’s movement has not been able to mutually rally votes for female parliamentary candidates or to advocate for gender quotas in order to substantially increase the number of women in the legislative. Moreover, the women’s organisations have received support from various international actors, but since the funding mostly have been short-term and project-based it has not strengthened their strategic efforts.
There appears to be an increased level of competition between different organisations to access funding as well. It has also been questioned if peacebuilding activities are still needed in Liberia, or if the women’s organisations simply feel obliged to uphold the peacebuilding discourse in order to not be left out of funding opportunities (Debusscher & Martin de Almagro, 2016: 300-306).
17
3.1.4. Concluding remarks on previous research
The peacebuilding work performed by women’s organisations can be seen as a stark contrast to the traditional liberal peacebuilding missions. Whereas the liberal peacebuilding enterprises tend to focus on national security and establishing democratic institutions and has been criticized for not considering the local conditions sufficiently, women’s organisations generally exercise peacebuilding based on the needs they face in the local communities. This often makes their peacebuilding efforts contextually and culturally adapted. Based on the literature it can also be argued that the engagement of women’s organisations in peacebuilding tend to be informed by a human security perspective, since their activities relates to economic, health, political, food, environmental, community and personal security rather than strictly national security.
Previous literature label a myriad of activities that women’s organisations perform as peacebuilding, which was described in section 3.1.2.1. Many of their activities aim at creating awareness and support among the local population for the peacebuilding process. The fact that women are present in every segment in society creates a potential for extensive outreach of the women mobilize together. However, the existing research is often less clear on exactly what conditions an activity need to fulfil in order to qualify as peacebuilding.
It has been argued that while activities that promote for instance gender equality, women’s rights, rebuilding of relationships, political participation and non-violence might not automatically qualify as peacebuilding when considered separately, they can together be necessary components of establishing a peace that is seen as meaningful for women (Porter, 2007: 32). However, there is a difference between factors that can enable or strengthen peacebuilding and what factors that actually can be defined as peacebuilding, which has not been extensively discussed in the prior research on women’s organisations and peacebuilding.
There could be a danger in including more and more aspects in the concept of peacebuilding, until basically everything that happens in the post-conflict scenario could be called peacebuilding and the concept becomes too vague to be useful.
Regarding existing literature on women’s organisations peacebuilding work in Liberia, a few tendencies can be observed. The women’s organisations have been attributed several triumphs in the past, not least contributing to the termination the armed conflict. Some of the enabling factors that can be identified are the parallel development of the women, peace and security agenda, the relatively high social status of women in Liberia, the formation of a large number of women’s organisations with members from different societal divisions, and finally that they
18
have been able to operate both at the local and the national level. Prior research also notes some disabling factors, namely the lack of cohesion of the women’s movement and the lack of sustainable funding opportunities. It has also been put into question if peacebuilding is a relevant concept for the current situation.
Consequently, this makes it urgent to investigate the if women’s organisations are currently exercising peacebuilding in Liberia through a critical assessment of their activities. This study will also consider the enabling and disabling factors that impact the work of women’s organisations. How this will be carried out will be further elaborated in the following sections 3.2 on the theoretical framework and 4.6 on the treatment of the material.
3.2. Theoretical framework
The theoretical framework is divided into two parts. In 3.2.1 the concept of peacebuilding will be discussed. 3.2.2 treats enabling and disabling factors that can impact the work of actors involved in peacebuilding.
3.2.1. Defining peacebuilding
Based on the literature I have identified two major forms of peacebuilding; reconstructive and transformative peacebuilding. They will be explored in the following sections 3.2.1.1 and 3.2.1.2 respectively. The operationalization of the concepts is presented in 3.2.1.3.
3.2.1.1. Reconstructive peacebuilding
Reconstructive peacebuilding aims at restoring and rebuilding what has been broken down or in other ways negatively affected by armed conflict. Consequently, in order to define an activity as reconstructive peacebuilding, there has to be a causal link between the previous armed conflict and what is being addressed. This makes reconstructive peacebuilding backwards- looking as it exclusively deals with the impacts of a preceding armed conflict.
Many of the reconstructive peacebuilding activities are usually carried out in the immediate aftermath of conflict. One of the first priorities is often stability creation, which can include disarmament, demobilization, rehabilitation and reintegration of former combatants, and repatriation of refugees (Barnett et al., 2007: 49; UNSG, 2009: 6). Another part can be reconstruction of infrastructure that have been destroyed by armed conflict, such as roads, housing, health services, schools and so forth (Chinkin & Charlesworth, 2006: 938).
Reconstructive peacebuilding can furthermore consist of alleviating human suffering caused by the armed conflict. This can refer to providing for basic needs through humanitarian relief (Bakarr Bah, 2013: 326-327; UNSG, 2009: 6), if such services have been restricted by the
19
previous violence or if the needs have been caused by the conflict. It can also encompass reducing violence that persist in peacetime. Armed conflicts are mainly associated with political violence, but it is not the only form of violence that the population is afflicted with. Some argue that there is a risk that sexual- and gender-based violence increases in post-conflict societies as a consequence of the preceding armed conflict, why efforts aimed at addressing this can also be considered reconstructive peacebuilding (Moran, 2010: 266).
Ultimately, it can be crucial to rebuild the societal relationships as a part of reconstructive peacebuilding. This can include trauma healing for those adversely impacted by conflict and a transitional justice process to prosecute war crimes (Barnett et al., 2007: 49; Schirch, 2012: 60).
Another aspect is reconciliation, which can be understood as the creation of peaceful relationships between the former warring parties (Porter, 2007: 26; UNSG, 1992).
3.2.1.2. Transformative peacebuilding
Transformative peacebuilding aims at preventing a future outbreak of violence by establishing structures that are conducive to a durable peace. This aligns with the quote from Kofi Annan:
“post-conflict peacebuilding seeks to prevent the resurge of conflict and to create the conditions necessary for a sustainable peace in war-torn societies” (Ryerson, 2013: 22). In contrast to the previous category reconstructive peacebuilding, transformative peacebuilding is forward- looking as it considers the risk for a future armed conflict and how it can be mitigated.
Many believe that peacebuilding is not merely about rebuilding what the previous conflict broke down, but also to “build back better” (UNSG, 2010: 4). After all, it is the previous societal structures that enabled the armed strife to begin with (Goetz & Jenkins, 2016: 212).
Consequently, the post-conflict settings can be seen as a window of opportunity to reform society and create institutions favourable to both peace and development (Gizelis & Pierre, 2013: 601).
Through an overview of prior research, a number of different aspects of transformative peacebuilding have been identified. Firstly, liberal peacebuilding discourse emphasize the need for democratic institutions based on principles like the rule of law and human rights (Richmond
& Franks, 2009: 4; 9). This often include security sector reform as well, to make sure the security forces are governed by the state and its democratic principles. It has also been argued that in order for the institutions to promote sustainable peace they need legitimacy, which rests on transparent and accountable procedures (Barnett et al., 2007: 49).
20
Secondly, the democratic governance relies on popular support to persist. Hence, actions aimed at enhancing the trust in the political process and promoting inclusive dialogue can also be regarded as transformative peacebuilding (UNSG, 2009: 6). An example of this could be awareness campaigns to encourage political and electoral participation (Doyle & Sambanis, 2000: 779). This could encompass peace education as well, in order to motivate the population to protect the current democratic system and prevent a resurge of violence (Strickland &
Duvvury, 2003: 25).
Thirdly, transformative peacebuilding can also entail the public institutions’ development of core state functions. This can refer to the establishment of a working administration to handle public funds (UNSG, 2009: 6) and the capacity to deliver basic services like access to education, health facilities, infrastructure and so forth (Barnett et al., 2007: 49).
Fourthly, economic development can be an essential part of transformative peacebuilding since it can provide alternative pathways for the population to obtain prosperity other than taking up arms (Barnett et al., 2007: 49). Thus, activities that for instance promote employment creation and livelihood skills can fall into the category of transformative peacebuilding since they can lower the incentives for a relapse into violence.
Fifthly, another area of concern is the establishment of respect for human rights. Human rights were mentioned above as a guiding principle for democratic institutions, but transformative peacebuilding activities can furthermore include human rights education to raise awareness (Porter, 2003: 255) or the prosecution of human rights transgressions. These types of activities align with a human security perspective on peacebuilding, which goes beyond mere national security (Bakarr Bah, 2013: 326-327).
Sixthly, transformative peacebuilding also encompasses the creation of local capacities to resolve conflicts peacefully. Since the probability of avoiding conflicts altogether in a plural society remains slim, what matters is how these confrontations can be managed without resorting to violence (Doyle & Sambanis, 2000: 779).
Lastly, a central objective of transformative peacebuilding is to resolve the underlying causes of conflict and other factors that are identified as potential threats to the peace (Theobald, 2014:
14). What they are depends on the context in question, however, some generalisations of common causes can be found in the literature. Many highlight the need for constructive engagement of the youth population, as the lack of can constitute a threat to the stability (Asahi,
21
2017: 16; UN-PBSO, 2010: 13). Other potential root causes can for example be oppression, discrimination and social cleavages (Porter, 2003: 258).
3.2.1.3. Operationalization of peacebuilding
In this section the operationalizations of the concepts reconstructive peacebuilding and transformative peacebuilding is presented in the form of two tables. The operationalization is based on a perspective of what activities civil society organisations can perform. How the tables have been used is further discussed in 4.6.
Table 1. Operationalization of the concept reconstructive peacebuilding
Indication Operationalisation
Stability creation a) Contributing to disarmament, demobilization,
rehabilitation and reintegration of former combatants b) Contributing to repatriation of refugees
c) Reconstruction of infrastructure destroyed by past conflict
Alleviating human suffering
a) Advocating for provision of basic needs1
b) Contributing to reducing direct violence such as political violence or sexual- or gender-based violence
Rebuilding relationships a) Providing trauma healing for victims of conflict b) Advocating for prosecution of war crimes c) Promoting reconciliation
1 Only regards instances where the services have been restricted by the previous armed conflict.
22
Table 2. Operationalization of the concept of transformative peacebuilding
Indication Operationalisation
1. Establishment of democratic institutions
a) Promoting establishment of democratic institutions b) Promoting security sector reform
c) Promoting transparent and accountable procedures within institutions
2. Promoting popular support for democracy and peace
a) Promoting enhanced trust in the political process b) Promoting inclusive political dialogues
c) Promoting political or electoral participation d) Providing peace education
3. Advocating for fulfilment of core state functions
a) Advocating for delivery of basic services such as education, health facilities, infrastructure
4. Economic development a) Contributing to employment creation b) Providing livelihood skills
5. Respect for human rights a) Raising awareness of human rights
b) Advocating for prosecution of human rights abuses 6. Local capacities for conflict
resolution
a) Providing avenues for conflict resolution
7.Resolving underlying causes of conflict
a) Addressing factors that are identified as underlying causes of conflict in the context in question
3.2.2. Enabling and disabling factors
Prior research brings up a number of factors that can both enable and disable peacebuilding efforts. In this section these factors will be discussed and subsequently summarized in an operationalizing table in section 3.2.2.1.
All cited studies relate to women’s organisations peacebuilding work, apart from Paffenholz et al. (2010) which treats civil society organisations in general. However, it has not been deemed as a problem to include that study since the women’s organisations examined in this thesis all form a part of civil society and can therefore face the same enabling or disabling structure.
First of all, the behaviour of the state can have a great impact on the work of civil society organisations. Repressive states can restrict their ability to engage in peacebuilding, whereas democratic states can create strengthen their efforts. The state’s capacity to deliver services to the population matters as well. If the state fulfils its obligations, the civil society organisations can direct their attention elsewhere (Paffenholz et al., 2010: 406).
23
Secondly, another issue to consider is the level of violence. High levels of violence reduce societal trust, which can impediment the work of civil society organisations (Paffenholz et al., 2010: 409). The prevalence of sexual- and gender-based violence is also relevant, since this can discourage women’s participation in the public sphere due to the threats they receive in relation to their work (Moosa et al., 2013: 467).
Thirdly, the freedom of the media can both act as an enabling and a disabling factor. Attention by the media can reinforce civil society’s peacebuilding activities, by for instance spreading their advocacy. On the other hand, when media freedom is deficient it can disable their efforts by biased or discrediting reporting (Paffenholz et al., 2010: 411-413).
Fourthly, the role of donors can also constitute both an enabling and a disabling factor. Donor support can strengthen the actions of local civil society actors by for example an inflow of resources and access to capacity building. However, a significant dependency on donors can also make the civil society organisations vulnerable if they are not able to access the continuity or extent of funding they require, and can thus be seen as a disabling factor too (Paffenholz et al., 2010: 421-422).
Fifthly, economic barriers can act as a disabling factor through for instance high poverty rates, which limits the time citizens can spend on peacebuilding activities since they are occupied with providing for their families (Moosa et al., 2013: 463). Economic barriers can also be about the actor’s lack of resources which impedes the number of or geographical spread of their activities (Justino et al., 2018: 920).
Sixthly, access to justice has been depicted as a central pillar of peacebuilding (UNSCR 2122, 2013). However, when access to justice is lacking it can act as a disabling factor for the women’s organisations involved in peacebuilding. This can for instance refer to discrimination against women or other impediments for processing cases through the formal court system (Justino et al., 2018: 919).
Seventhly, social norms are another disabling factor affecting women’s organisations.
Patriarchal values can undermine women’s participation in the public sphere and decision- making, through for instance restricted access (Moosa et al., 2013: 466) and intimidation (Justino et al., 2018: 917-919).
Eighthly, literacy and education can work both as enabling and disabling factors. The literary
24
and education rates impact the ability of women’s organisations to spread awareness about issues like human rights and democracy (Moosa et al., 2013: 463). It also affects the opportunities for women to participate in decision-making (Justino et al., 2018: 920).
Lastly, the mobilization of women for a common cause represent an enabling factor for the peacebuilding efforts of women’s organisations. Patriarchal settings often impede women’s opportunities to gain influence, but this can sometimes be overcome through mutual action (Moosa et al., 2013: 464). Moreover, since women are present within all segments of society, they have the potential of mobilizing across for instance ethnic, religious, or regional lines to enhance their outreach (Gizelis, 200: 524). At the same time, the lack of cohesion amongst women can represent a disabling factor as can it lowers their chances of making impact.
3.2.2.1. Operationalization of enabling and disabling factors How the coding has been conducted is further explained in 4.6.
Table 3. Operationalization of enabling factors
Indication Operationalisation
1. Behaviour of the state a) Democratic state which actively strengthens the efforts of civil society
b) State that fulfils its responsibility to deliver basic services to the population
2. Role of the media a) Opportunities for civil society to spread information through media
3. Role of donors a) Inflow of resources
b) Opportunities for capacity-building
4. Presence of literacy and education
a) Ability to spread awareness
b) Enhancing opportunities to participate in decision- making
5. Mobilization of women a) Mutual action of women
25 Table 4. Operationalization of disabling factors
Indication Operationalisation
1. Behaviour of the state a) Repressive state which restricts the efforts of civil society
b) State that does not fulfils its responsibility to deliver basic services to the population
2. Level of violence a) Reduced societal trust
b) Threats or violence toward civil society actors 3. Role of the media a) Biased reporting or defamation campaigns 4. Role of donors a) Lack of funding opportunities
b) Lack of long-term or sustainable funding
5. Economic barriers a) High poverty rates among the population limiting outreach
b) Lack of resources which impedes the organisation’s operations
6. Access to justice a) Discrimination against women that report cases b) Restricted opportunities to process cases through
formal court system
7. Social norms a) Restricted access for women
b) Intimidation of women 8. Absence of literacy and
education
a) Limited ability to spread awareness
b) Impeding opportunities to participate in decision- making
9. Mobilization of women a) Lack of cohesion among women’s organisations
26
4. Method
4.1 Case selection
Even though it is often stressed both that peacebuilding is a long-term endeavour (Schnabel &
Tabyshalieva, 2012: 6) and that women are crucial for the establishment of lasting peace (UN Women, 2015: 5), there exist no previous studies on what peacebuilding activities women’s organisations can perform in a long-term perspective. This has motivated the selection of an extreme case, which is appropriate for exploratory studies. What makes a case extreme is an unusual value compared to other cases (Seawright & Gerring, 2008: 301-302).
This thesis examines the case of Liberia. I argue that there are several aspects that make the Liberian women’s organisations engagement in peacebuilding constitute an extreme case.
Previous research states that women tend to exercise peacebuilding at the local community level and that their efforts, regardless of how important, are often ignored by the international community (Ramsey-Marshall, 2000: 5). The case of Liberia deviates from this narrative to some extent. Firstly, the Liberian women’s organisations have been found to perform peacebuilding at both the local and the national level and are therefore not restricted to the local level as is commonly the case (Justino et al., 2018: 916-917). Secondly, the peacebuilding efforts of women’s organisations in Liberia have received extensive international recognition, which has not least been manifested by the fact that one of their leaders received the Nobel Peace prize in 2011 (Prasch, 2015: 187). Consequently, this makes the case extreme since it displays unusual values compared to other cases.
It was also important to establish that Liberia could qualify as a case where long-term peacebuilding could take place. This study was carried out in the fall of 2016, hence more than 13 years after the termination of the armed conflict. Two central characteristics of the Liberian post-conflict context have been the presence of the UNMIL forces and the president Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, but at the time of this field study both of these features were undergoing changes. In the summer of 2016, the UNMIL handed over the responsibility for national security to the Liberian government for the first time since the civil war. What is more, in 2016 the term of office for president Johnson Sirleaf was coming to an end as there were new presidential elections in 2017 in which she could not run for re-election (for further elaboration on the background factors, see chapter 2). Based on these transformations and the fact that it had been more than a decade since the adoption of the peace agreement one can argue that Liberia has left the immediate post-conflict period, which makes it relevant to discuss peacebuilding from a more long-term perspective.
27
4.2 Outline of the study
This is a qualitative study based on semi-structured interviews. The material gathering took place in Liberia from 13th September to 4th December 2016 and consist of a total of 18 interviews. Since I wanted to investigate the peacebuilding activities exercised by women’s organisations, I chose to interview representatives from such organisations since they possess first-hand knowledge of their own work. I call these interviews respondent interviews. I met with seven different women’s organisations and conducted in total 10 respondent interviews, out of which three are follow-up interviews with two different organisations.
I also carried out four informant interviews and four interviews with beneficiaries2. My informants were persons who had knowledge of women’s organisations but were not a part of any themselves, and could therefore provide me with an outsider’s perspective. The beneficiaries on the other hand had participated directly in the activities of one of the organisations I did my respondent interviews with, which gave me the opportunity to cross- check for instance what impact my respondents had claimed that their organisation had (for further information, see 8.2 and appendix II).
4.3 Selection of interviewees
This study investigates what aspects of the work of women’s organisations that can be considered peacebuilding, which calls for a definition of what a women’s organisation is. In this thesis, it has been defined as an organisation where the majority of those who work or organize activities are women. Since this study can be seen as a part of a broader discussion of women’s agency within peacebuilding, it was necessary to select actors that were mainly women. I also confirmed that all the organisations I met with identified themselves with this term. My respondents were representatives from women’s organisations, often referred to as women representatives in this thesis. These respondents were mostly women but on two occasions I also had men present in my group interviews.
I received help from both the Kvinna till Kvinna Foundation (KtK) and the Swedish Embassy in Monrovia in the process of mapping out potential organisations to meet with. It was important for me to identify central women’s organisations that also displayed a variety in regard to factors such as size, geographical location and type of activities. In my selection of respondents
2 The term “beneficiary” should be interpreted cautiously, as it can sometimes be a blurred line between benefitting from and contributing to the activities of an organisation as a participant, depending on the type of activities. For instance, a participant of a workshop can benefit by gaining knowledge, but they can also help the organisation by spreading awareness in the community. However, for lack of a better term “beneficiary” will be used throughout this thesis.
28
I included both large regional and national umbrella organisations and smaller community- based organisations, together covering all 15 counties of Liberia. The activities of the organisations also differed, where the focus could be everything from the protection of adolescent girls to capacity-building of female law enforcement personnel (for more information see appendix II). This variety of organisations regarding size, geographical location and type of activities provided me with a broad understanding of how women’s organisations could engage in peacebuilding in Liberia.
The majority of the organisations I met with were partners to KtK. I also searched for information about these organisations from other sources, to make my own assessment of their relevance. During the initial contact it was Ktk that introduced me to the organisations, which implied both potential benefits and drawbacks for me. A benefit was that it gave me credibility in relation to the women’s organisations and made them more willing to talk to me. However, even though both Ktk and myself were very clear in communicating my role as an independent researcher and not as part of the foundation, I sometimes sensed that my respondents perceived me as a representative for KtK. The lack of funding was for instance frequently mentioned, perhaps to encourage future support from the foundation. This could also have been further enhanced by my identity as a foreigner, as Westerners are often regarded as potential donors (also see 4.5).
The fact that the organisations I met with had previously received international funding may have created incentives for my respondents to exaggerate their involvement in peacebuilding, as many connect the peacebuilding enterprise with funding opportunities (Barnett et al., 2007:
45) However, since they were asked to back up their statements with descriptions of concrete activities they performed and these were later examined through definitions of peacebuilding found in the literature (see further 4.6), this effect is believed to have been mitigated.
I intended to add an organisation that had not received international funding to my study, but due to repeated cancellations I did unfortunately not manage. In the capital Monrovia it is also very common for women’s organisations to have received support from international donors (Fuest, 2009: 115) and I had to adapt to several contextual constraints in the selection of my respondents, such as difficulties to travel in Liberia due to safety and lack of infrastructure and language considerations as some dialects are very different from Western English.
29
4.4 Ethical considerations
According to the Swedish Research Council, it is essential that the interview subjects are informed about the purpose of the study before taking part themselves and that they know their participation is voluntary (Vetenskapsrådet). When conducting my study, I made sure to communicate my intentions to the interviewees in advance. I also repeated the main points right before staring the interviews to ensure that all participants had received the information, were comfortable with the setting and knew they were free to withdraw at any time, including choosing to not participate at all.
Since I wanted to use a recorder for my interviews, the interview subjects were asked to give their explicit consent for me to do so, of which none declined. What is more, all the interviewees had the options of being anonymous, but none of the respondents or informants chose this.
Being cited with their names is also a way for the interview subjects to take credit for their contribution (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009: 73). However, I determined to keep all those I did beneficiary interviews with anonymous, since they were interviewed about personal stories rather than in their professional capacity, as compared to the respondents and informants.
My respondent interviews mainly consisted of questions regarding the respondents’
professional experiences. During my respondent interviews, I never specifically asked the subjects to tell me stories about their personal life. Given the extent and temporal proximity of the civil war, I did not want to risk trigging traumatic memories. In those cases that personal stories were brought up it was always the active choice of the respondents to do so while being aware of the purpose of the interview.
4.5 Structure of interviews
My material is composed of qualitative, semi-structured research interviews. In the preparations for my study, I established an interview guide (see appendix I). This contained a number of themes I wanted to raise based on the literature. I used open-ended questions to make it possible for the interviewees to discuss my topics from their own perspective and allow more free reasoning, which in turn could enhance the validity (Björnehed, 2012: 78). The order of the questions was adapted to the flow of the conversation. I also tried to follow up on new pieces of information that emerged during the interviews that could be relevant for my topic. As Kvale and Brinkmann argue, it is important as a researcher to be critical of one’s pre-formulated assumptions about the outcome of the interviews and to be flexible to unanticipated information
30
(2009: 31). I continuously asked for clarifications and summarized the interviewees answers during the interviews to improve the validity of my study (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009: 111).
In qualitative, semi-structured interviews, the interview material is produced in the interaction between interview subjects and the researcher and consequently influenced by both parties (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009: 54). It can be argued that this method has low reliability, as it becomes hard for other scholars to repeat the same study. This study has strived to improve the reliability by avoiding leading questions, which could influence the interviewees, and instead ask open-ended questions since this can increase the probability of consistent answers (Kvale
& Brinkmann, 2009: 245).
In the preparations of my study I had planned to conduct one-on-one interviews. Nevertheless, once I started my study I sometimes adapted my method as some of the women’s organisations appeared more comfortable with group interviews, why I also conducted some focus group interviews. During such interviews, the researcher takes on a role as a moderator to guide the discussion around the specific themes. The format can be advantageous for obtaining a broad range of viewpoints and is often suitable for explorative research (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009:
150). In conclusion, I found this format to be a conducive contribution to my study, as the interactions between the respondents many times yielded interesting results. Out of my ten respondent interviews seven were with more participants than one, normally ranging from two to five respondents. In total, I interviewed 35 respondents. The respondent interviews usually lasted between 45 minutes to 1 hour 15 minutes.
It is also important to underline the existence of an observer’s effect. While you can apply measures to minimize the effect you have on an event as a researcher by adapting a neutral role, you cannot eliminate the impact of your presence completely (Blommaert & Dong, 2010: 28).
Hence, when interpreting the material it becomes necessary to be aware of reflexivity, that is, the impact of the particular context where the material was collected; both in relation to how others perceived you, and how your own notions might have affected your interpretations (Blommaert & Dong, 2010: 67). How you are perceived as a researcher is based on a number of social identities, such as gender, ethnicity, age, and class (see for example Ortbals & Rincker, 2009a; 2009b). As a young woman conducting research there is always the risk of not being taken seriously, as you might not conform to the typical notion of a scholar. Generally, I did not perceive this to be an issue however, perhaps it was to some extent mitigated by my Western identity in combination with my connection to Ktk, as discussed above. I also believe that my
31
female identity was advantageous in regard to sensitive topics during the interviews, as some experiences might be easier to discuss with another woman.
4.6 Treatment of the material
After the interviews, I transcribed my recordings. The transcriptions were mostly made word- by-word, with some exceptions such as small-talk and long stories that did not relate to the topic of my study.
The analysis of the material was carried out by coding it according to the categories of the theoretical framework (see 3.2.1.3 and 3.2.2.1). The coding schemes consist of several indications which all have specific operationalizations. The interview material was search for the operationalizations and when found it indicated that the statement in question should be categorized into the respective concept the operationalization belonged to. The use of coding schemes can also have strengthened the studies validity, as it allowed a thorough testing of the answers to verify if they converged with the concepts in question or not.
Another important part of the treatment of the material was to compare the results from my respondent interviews with my informant and beneficiary interviews, as this triangulation allowed me to verify my interpretations. The triangulation was particularly important regarding the impact the organisations claimed they had, since the women’s organisation could have incentives to accentuate their own influence and importance. Thus, triangulating their responses with my other data was an additional way for me to enhance the validity of the study.
