Prehistoric Ceramics Research Group: Occasional Paper 6
Breaking the Mould:
Challenging the Past through Pottery
Edited by
Ina Berg
BAR International Series 1861
2008
This title published by Archaeopress
Publishers of British Archaeological Reports Gordon House
276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England
bar@archaeopress.com www.archaeopress.com
BAR S1861
Prehistoric Ceramics Research Group: Occasional Paper 6
Breaking the Mould: Challenging the Past through Pottery
© the individual authors 2008
ISBN 978 1 4073 0344 4
Printed in England by Alden HenDi, Oxfordshire
All BAR titles are available from:
Hadrian Books Ltd 122 Banbury Road Oxford
OX2 7BP England
bar@hadrianbooks.co.uk
The current BAR catalogue with details of all titles in print, prices and means of payment is available free from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.com
POTTERY AND FEASTING IN CENTRAL SWEDEN
Thomas ERIKSSON
Abstract: The article describes the pottery in the eastern part of central Sweden during the Bronze Age and the pre-Roman Iron Age.
The main theme is the rather abrupt break in tradition that can be seen in the pottery during the transition between these two periods at c. 500 BC. At this time, the fine ware disappears, while the coarser ceramic containers remain in use. The causes behind this break in tradition appear to be related to the vital role communal feasting had in Bronze Age society and the relative unimportance of this practice in the subsequent period.
INTRODUCTION
This is a study of long-term change in pottery-making in relation to ceramics from central Sweden during the Bronze Age (1800-500 BC) and the pre-Roman Iron Age (500 BC-0), with particular focus on the abrupt transition from the Bronze to the Iron Age at around 500 BC. The region under study is the northern part of the Lake Mälaren Basin, i.e. the provinces of Uppland and Västmanland (Figure 1). The purpose of this article is to describe the pottery assemblages during the Middle and Late Bronze Age (c. 1500-500 BC) and the pre-Roman Iron Age, analyse their differences and provide proposals as to the underlying causes for the dramatic change.
Hereby, emphasis will be placed on how the manufacture of pottery was utilised to establish and maintain social bonds, and how ceramics can help illuminate the cultural background to the changes. While the transition from a production of bronze tools and weapons to a domestic production of iron artefacts seems to have been a continuous process occurring between 1000 and 400 BC (Hjärthner-Holdar 1993), changes in pottery traditions seem to have been rapid and perhaps more radical, reflecting a major change in society.
Throughout this paper ceramics are considered from an agency perspective. One major function of pottery is that of eating, particularly feasting. To treat people with food and drink is an archetypical social behaviour to establish connections, accomplish work, maintain friendships and create ties with subordinates (Dietler 1990; Hayden 2001). Thus, pottery can be a useful tool to observe society and how people interact. Unfortunately, this has never been done in Sweden, as the narrative of Swedish archaeology in general, and the discourse in central Sweden in particular, has often excluded studies of pottery (notable exceptions are Jaanusson 1981; Reisborg 1989, 1997). Nevertheless, there exists a very weak tradition to study ceramics in broad brushstrokes from the end of the Battle Axe culture until the beginning of the Viking period, a span covering almost three millennia, c.
2300 BC- AD 750.
Pots have often been seen as pieces of art, in a narrative borrowed from the knowledge of, for example, Minoan and Classical painted vases. The focus of attention has been the decorated pots, specifically the decoration itself.
Numerous stylistic studies have investigated the combination of different decorative elements and the chronology of the patterns in Swedish Neolithic pottery.
The use of decorations diminished during the Late Neolithic, as did the interest of archaeologists in this later, undecorated pottery. This process becomes even more pronounced during the Bronze Age, when decorations seem to be reserved for metalwork and rock art (Eriksson 2005a). In contrast to the focus on decoration, the actual pots, and especially their function in society, have often been neglected by archaeologists.
One major difficulty in discussing function and behaviour is that established terminologies for the different types of vessels are lacking; without names, however, it is impossible to discuss and understand objects.
Figure 1. Map of the Lake Mälaren Basin around 1000 BC. Map by T. Eriksson.
Clay in central Sweden is abundant in the regions with prehistoric settlements. When the sea sunk and land rose gradually after the glacial period, it left enormous plains with glacial and postglacial clays. From the Late Neolithic onwards, this effect must have been clearly noticeable for the prehistoric people in this region;
indeed, settlements are predominantly located on these plains between the end of the 3rd millennia BC and 600- AD 700. Consequently, there has never been a lack of materials for making pots, nor a lack of knowledge of how to find suitable clay, although there can of course have been a dearth of clay of suitable quality. Thus, theoretically, the natural resources have not limited the use and production of pottery in the region.
48
Figure 2. Typical pottery assemblage from the Middle Bronze Age (c. 1400-900 BC). Examples from Vrå, Knivsta parish, Uppland.
Drawn by E. Crafoord.
THE POTTERY ASSEMBLAGES DURING THE BRONZE AGE
Pottery traditions were quite uniform in central Sweden from Montelius´s periods II or III (around 1500-1300 BC) until the end of the Bronze Age at c. 500 BC. The changes that occurred were minor, such as subtle differences in the decoration and in how rusticated slips were applied. The most striking change was the appearances of burnished bowls for which a reduced firing had by now become common practice (Figures 2 and 3).
The material mainly comes from settlements and is therefore often very fragmented. The estimates of vessels and the proportions of different types of pots should therefore be understood as approximations. Furthermore, the quantities of ceramics available for different sites are often very modest – frequently only adding up to a few kilograms – though there are notable exceptions (Eriksson 2002, 2003; Jaanusson 1981). During the Late Bronze Age in the southern part of Scandinavia - presumably influenced by the Urnfield culture - there is a tradition of placing cremated bones inside pots. This tradition did not have the same impact in the Lake Mälaren Basin; here we find burials in pots, but proper
Urnfield gravefields are not yet known in the region (Eriksson 2005c).
Most of the ceramics for everyday use are made in a manner that is comparable to contemporary traditions in central Europe, southern Scandinavia and especially to the Lusatian culture found in Poland and the eastern part of Germany. However, there are also great differences:
decoration on pots is almost non-existent and the variety in shapes is smaller in the northern Lake Mälaren Basin than in its southern part.
Late Bronze Age pottery from central Sweden is best studied using settlement assemblages. Fragmentary by nature, the analysis will be based on sherds rather than complete pots (Figure 2). Assemblages typically consisted of several storage vessels of different sizes as well as vessels for cooking and preparing food. The two functional groups usually had two different kinds of surface treatments: rusticated and grainy/slipped respectively (Figures 3 and 4). The rusticated pottery in particular is typical of the contemporary cultures in southern Scandinavia, Poland, northern Germany, parts of central Europe and the Netherlands. It is a common type of the Urnfield and Nordic traditions (Jaanusson 1981).
BRONZE AGE POTTERY IN THE MÄLAREN BASIN
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Hallunda, Sö Skrävsta, Sö Broby, Up Vrå, Up Apalle, Up Snåret, Up Skämsta, Up Ryssgärdet,Up Otterböte,Åland Darsgärde, Up
Site
Fragments, %
Rusticated Polished/slipped Burnished Striated Grainy Textile-impressed
Figure 3. Surface types (data from Eriksson 2002, 2003, 2004;
Gustavsson 1997; Jaanusson 1981; Reisborg 1989).
Figure 4. Different types of rustication from a settlement at Snåret, Vendel parish, Uppland, dated to c. 1100-800 BC. Photo by T. Eriksson. (Björck et al. 2007).
The thick-walled and rusticated vessels were used for storing and processing foodstuff, and perhaps also for the processing of other organic materials such as tar and resin, as indicated by analyses of organic remains from the vessels and of lipids in the walls (analysis by Dr.
Sven Isaksson, Stockholm University). Rusticated pottery adds up to about 50 to 85 per cent (count or weight) of the material recovered at almost all the sites. There is an even distribution of sizes among the rusticated vessels, covering a range from small jugs to large jars, though most have a rim diameter over 15 cm. Thus, rusticated pots seem to have fulfilled multiple and important functions within the assemblage.
Vessels with smooth or polished surfaces form a fairly heterogeneous second group. This group comprises table wares, such as small cups and bowls, as well as larger containers and cooking pots. This diversity is reflected in the disparate thickness distribution of the shards.
The third pottery category consisted of burnished or polished bowls and cups, very often with handles. They
begin to appear at the end of the Early Bronze Age. The earliest examples are not as well burnished as the later examples, and the amount of black, reduced surfaces also increases over time. This vessel category has a wide distribution in Europe and the bowls have distant relatives in, for instance, Mycenaean kylikes and in bowls of the Urnfield traditions in central Europe and Italy (Mountjoy 1993; Müller-Karpe 1970). Ceramic bowls that are imitations of gold and bronze vessels appear in central Europe, such as the Fuchsstadt and Jensovice cups, and some were even imported to southern Scandinavia (Sherratt 1997; Thrane 1963, 1966). In Sweden, these kinds of cups and bowls are often termed Lusatian cups and bowls and might indicate influences from the Lusatian region (Carlsson 1995). Despite their misleading name, the majority of them are locally made.
In addition, close affinities with continental bronze vessels are visible in the form which is sometimes fluted with vertical rillings, and most especially in the joints between the handle and the body. The handles are often made in form of a plug, imitating the practice of joining parts in metal or wood. The same has been observed in the Early Bronze Age in Hungary (Sofaer 2006: 135).
The activities in which cups and bowls were involved were common in most part of Europe during the Bronze Age. These cups and bowls must be seen, not as ethnic markers, but more broadly as instruments in a tradition of feasting: one of the most basic action people do to socialize and create bonds, mobilize labour, and perform rituals, is to share food and drink (Barrett 1989; Dietler 1990, 2001; Enright 1996; Gomes de Soto 1993; Hayden 2001: 23-40; Koch 2003; Kristiansen 1998: 93-97, 170- 172; Mauss 1996; Ralph 2005; Sørensen 2000: 117-123;
van der Veen 2003; Vencl 1994). Indeed, eating, feasting and drinking seem to have been among the most important ways to create social bonds within and between groups and persons. Feasts can be defined in relation to different aspects: ritual vs. secular content, function, size, ability to create bonds, use of prestige material, the nature of the relationship between guest and host, the kind of reciprocity exercised, degree of obligation, seasonality, etc. (Hayden 2001: 29-40).
In the context of Late Bronze Age central Sweden, pottery in general and burnished bowls with handles in particular appear to have become a symbol used in feasting and ritual contexts, and were used to establish, maintain and negotiate social ties. Although not common in the graves in the region, they occur in some instances as secondary lids of larger containers or individually as gifts with food or drink to the dead. Occasionally, they are very fragmented and may be interpreted as remains of drinking ceremonies in connection with funerals.
However, pottery in graves is quite scarce in the region compared with southern Scandinavia and especially in the Lusatian cultures. Thus, even though similar cups were used in the Lusatian tradition, the circumstances in which they are used were different. Vessels or complete sets from the same grave are entirely lacking in the funeral traditions in central Sweden, unlike in the Urnfield tradition. Unlike southern Scandinavia or
50 northern Germany, bowls and drinking vessels made from materials other than clay are absent from the few excavated high-status graves in the region. Otherwise, bowls are quite common in settlements around ordinary houses, but are also found in more unusual contexts. One example are the delicate bowls with diagonal grooves or flutes found in a Bronze Age well in the settlement at Apalle, and in and around a cult house on a hill at Ryssgärdet (Eriksson 2003, 2005a; Eriksson & Amaya 2005). These two examples indicate ritual drinking in some kind of ceremony and/or feast.
As already mentioned, there are few remains of drinking utensils in the graves, but one recent find comes from a small mound near the settlement and culthouses at Ryssgärdet (see below). The grave, dated to c. 1000 BC, had been plundered at an early stage and contained one clay bowl with remains of a handle (Aspeborg &
Appelgren 2005). The ideology of feasting was manifested not only on the nearby settlement but also in one of the few visible graves in the surrounding.
However, from the end of the Bronze Age, finds of hoards indicate that continental metal vessels for drinking rituals were involved in local traditions. The most famous find (dated to the Bronze Age/Iron Age transition) is from Hassle in the nearby province of Närke with two Hallstatt swords, one Greek cauldron and two Italian Ciste a cordoni. Sources on contemporary rituals in southern Europe indicate that the Ciste a Cordoni were used in ritual drinking (Frey 1969; Stjernquist 1967).
Some of artefacts in the other rich metal hoards in the region could also be interpreted as drinking bowls of metal. Some exquisite items of possible drinking bowls of bronze are found in the hoards in Härnevi in Uppland and Hökåsen in Västmanland (Sprockhoff & Höckmann 1979: 57; Sprockhoff 1930: 77-80). The bowls are of North European origin and date to c. 750-500 BC. Their forms resemble the contemporary bowls of clay, but with more sophisticated and rich decoration. Even though there are a lot of rich hoards during the end of the late Bronze Age, there is a lack of rich graves. It appears that society in Bronze Age east-central Sweden never became as hierarchical as that in southern Scandinavia. But the pottery during the late Bronze Age expresses a continental ideology of sharing food and beverage in open bowls. Based on the variety of contexts, pottery was part of a wide variety of activities, including rituals, rites of passage and the mobilization of labour. The new phenomenon expressed itself in central Sweden through a diversified set of vessels – a set with clear continental parallels. The burnished bowls has a form borrowed from the metal vessels at the continent. Even the handles are fixed to the body of the clay bowls in the same manner as vessels of metal. The idea behind these vessels must be borrowed from elite consumption practices on the continent.
To conclude, the most common form of pottery in the Late Bronze Age was different rusticated vessels. The rustication had close parallels in Germany, the Netherlands, Poland and southern Scandinavia. This is also true for burnished bowls, although they were not as common as the rusticated vessels.
BRONZE AGE POTS IN CONTEXT
One of the best case studies for the study of pots in action during the Bronze Age is perhaps Ryssgärdet in Tensta parish, 20 km north from Uppsala, southern Sweden (Eriksson 2006; Eriksson & Amaya 2005; Eriksson &
Östling 2004). The site is a settlement located on a plain.
It contains about ten Bronze Age houses as well as clay pits, burnt mounds and scattered pottery, fired clay from wattle-and-daub constructions as well as artefacts made of bronze and stone. Two small hills were situated in the northern part of the site, and on each crest a small house was found; these houses have been interpreted as special houses for meetings and cult activities. The culture layers on the eastern slopes of the hills contained a number of finds: cremated and unburned animal bones, debris from bronze casting, flint making and stone tool manufacture.
In addition, a spiral-shaped gold ring, the northernmost gold find in Bronze Age Sweden, was found on the eastern hill.
The pottery distribution on the eastern hill in general, and the relative proportions of surface treatments and fabric quality (as indicated through wall thickness) in particular, are remarkable (Figures 5-8). In one of the corners within the house on the eastern hill, a complete assemblage of pots was uncovered. Remains of polished and burnished cups and bowls were found together with rusticated and polished containers in different shapes and sizes. This variety in vessel types and clay quality is unusual within ordinary domestic contexts, although some fine ware does occur even in more ordinary context. Nevertheless, the pottery assemblage of the house on the east hill can be seen as a good example of a locale dedicated, among other things, to the enactment of ritualistic feasting (Eriksson 2006; Eriksson & Amaya 2005; Hayden 2001).
Occupation of the hills ended c. 500 BC and is marked by graves.
The pottery assemblages during the Pre-Roman Iron Age The Bronze Age-Iron Age transition must have been a fundamental one for the entire society. In the older literature, this period was characterised as a period of decline, lack of finds and perhaps even depopulation (Stenberger 1979: 327). Over the last few decades, however, research and above all excavations have revised our views and now present us with a picture of plenty of settlements but with a shortage of datable artefacts in the graves.
Figure 5. Distribution of fine ware and rusticated vessels on the east hill at Ryssgärdet, Onslunda, Tensta parish, Uppland. Drawn by T. Eriksson.
52 The pottery undergoes a dramatic change during this transition (Figures 9 and 10). The clays previously used were primarily fine or semi-fine. Now, a shift towards medium or coarse clays occurred. The temper also became coarser, marked by an increase in the size of particles. The outer appearances of the pots also changed.
The tradition to rusticate the surfaces disappears completely, in contrast to contemporary Germanic tribes, for instance, in Jutland, northern Germany and Poland.
The use of handles on the pots also vanishes completely in the region, and handles do not reappear in the domestic production until the Late Middle Ages. This is also in sharp contrast to the pottery made by the continental Germans and even to assemblages in western and southern Scandinavia. In the southern areas, handles were put on large containers and jars as well as on bowls and cups (Figure 9). Furthermore, the fine ware disappears completely, surfaces were no longer burnished and pots were no longer fired in a reducing atmosphere. Among surface treatments only polishing survived, often with a very crude surface containing slight traces of brushing.
Other traits are striations and sometimes even deep impressions with grass (Figure 10). The former is not very common but has clear connections with the traditions on the eastern side of the Baltic Sea.
The most important differences, however, are to be found in vessel size and wall thickness (Figures 7 and 8). The sizes that correspond to ordinary tableware, such as cups and smaller bowls, vanished; only miniature vessels and larger containers remained in use. Two types are dominant among the vessels: barrel-shaped containers and situli-shaped urns, jars and vases (Eriksson 2005b).
Some traits that were common to the other areas in the south can still be seen, such as situli-shaped vessels; and in Poland, Germany, Denmark and southern Sweden, a fluted rim is the most common decoration during the 4th to the 2ndcentury BC.
The main reasons behind these changes are to be found within the higher ranking classes of contemporary society in the Lake Mälaren region and are socio-economic in nature. That an upper class existed during the Late Bronze Age is apparent from the few richer graves that existed in the region. While there are not many rich graves, hoards containing sacrificed artefacts indicate the existence of a quite prosperous population stratum with good connections to central Europe. Drinking vessels, in the context of gift exchange and feasting, played a major part in establishing and maintaining those bonds (Bourdieu 2004: 149; Mauss 1996). These patterns seem to disappear during the first four centuries of the pre- Roman Iron Age. There are few signs of an aristocracy in the region before the end of the first century BC. Overall, society appears to have been more equal, and the need to express power through feasting, impressive funerals and luxurious consumption disappeared. It is likely that economic reasons were responsible for this more equal society. As the production of domestic iron started up, the need to import copper, tin and flint must have decreased.
Former behavioural patterns, most likely influenced from the south and connected with the exchange of metals,
Figure 6. Small bowl and cup from the east hill at Ryssgärdet, Onslunda, Tensta parish, Uppland. Drawn by T. Eriksson.
Rim diameters
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
1,0-2,9 3,0-4,9 5,0-6,9 7,0-8,99,0- 10,9
11,0- 12,9
13,0- 14,9
15,0- 16,9
17,0- 18,9
19,0- 20,9
21,0- 22,9
23,0- 24,9
25,0- 26,9
27,0- 28,9
29,0- 30,9
31,0- 32,9
33,0- 34,9
35,0- 36,9
37,0- 38,9
39,0- 40,9 Reconstructed diameters, cm
Bronze Age, c. 1500-500 BC Early Iron Age, c. 500 BC-400 AD
Figure 7. Distribution of rim diameters during the Bronze and Iron Age.
Sherd thickness
0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 200
1 mm 2 mm 3 mm 4 mm 5 mm 6 mm 7 mm 8 mm 9 mm 10 mm 11 mm 12 mm 13 mm 14 mm 15 mm 16 mm 17 mm 18 mm 19 mm 20 mm Body sherds, millimeters
Bronze Age Iron Age
Figure 8. Distribution of wall-thicknesses of body sherds during the Bronze and Early Iron Age.
were no longer relevant. One effect was probably the end of the ritual feasts as indicated by the absence of more exclusive bowls and cups. Another consequence was the transformation of the pottery and the disappearance of common traits with the Germanic tribes in south-western Scandinavia, northern Germany and Poland. Only the simplest forms of pots were in use in the Lake Mälaren region. This can be interpreted as an equalizing of different ranks in society or a conscious way to express ones own identity – an identity distinct from the southern Germanic tribes. In contrast to earlier times, continental influences are replaced during the pre-roman Iron Age with traits that show more eastern influence from Finland, Russia and Baltic states.
THE END OF FEASTING?
As we have seen above, a contextual analysis of pottery can alert researchers to transformations in a society – be they of economic, social or ideological nature. The rather abrupt end of the Bronze Age potting traditions must be understood within the context of internal societal change, such as the disappearance of traditions that included feasting. As fine wares were an integral part of these rituals, they, too, disappeared. The production of different ceramic objects must have played an important role in Bronze Age society; not only were the pots made of clay, but so were the walls of houses and, above all, the crucibles and moulds that are found at almost every settlement of Montelius’ Period III-VI (c. 1300-500 BC).
This must have given clay objects a special cultural and ideological capital (Bourdieu 1991). Furthermore, wattle- and-daub houses were covered with grass similar to the surface of the striated pots. Knowledge of physical and thermal properties of clay might well have been a by- product of bronze casting that occurred at virtually every settlement. The bronze itself must have been a stimulus for contact, mainly with central Europe that supplied the copper and tin (Kristiansen 1998; Thrane 1963, 1966).
The practice of drinking and eating using fine pottery, then, must be seen within this broader economic context of Bronze Age metal exchanges. The clay in itself holds an extraordinary position as the basis for casting, living, drinking and eating. The clay artefacts themselves also had a special value due to the cultural capital provided by imitating metal vessels. These copies were involved in everyday meals as well as in ritual feasts, cult activities and official dinners and played their role in maintaining internal and external bonds. Furthermore, clay in daub, crucibles, moulds and ceramics – symbolic of the home and the production of bronze and vessels for storing and feasting – must have achieved an aura of importance.
However, as a result of the loss of prestige technologies during the Early Iron Age, clay and the objects made from it must have depreciated in social value; so did the use of pottery (Hayden 1998: 11-16). The wattle-and- daub technique does not seem to have been used as often as before and there was no longer a need for clay in the casting of bronze. At the same time, signs of a more stratified society in the form of rich graves and weapons disappeared. The external network must have collapsed during the transition to the Early Iron Age. Contacts with the south were no longer essential since domestic iron sources could be used. While it is doubtful that depopulation played a role, it is clear that contemporary society underwent a radical change - a change that was also visible in the pottery. It is the loss of handles that epitomises this change: a handle can be understood both as a practical item (a device to lift and move a vessel) and as a symbol of mobility within the context of economic production, rituals and feasting. With the loss of handles, pottery seems to have lost its active role in facilitating public behaviour and was demoted to simple containers in the storing area of houses. Another object involved in drinking, at least from the Roman Iron Age onwards, are
Figure 9. Pre-Roman and Early Iron Age pottery assemblage from a gravefield in Holmsmalma, Köping and Kolsva parishes, Västmanland (Eriksson 2005d).
Figure 10. Top: Examples of striated pottery from Bredåker, Gamla Uppsala parish, Uppland (Eriksson 2007). Bottom:
Reconstruction of a striated vessel from a gravefield at Åby, Västerhaninge parish in Södermanland. Drawn by Anders Eide (Äijä 1993: fig. 38).
54 of course the drinking horns. They were probably common, but without mountings of metal they have left few traces in the archaeological record. Nevertheless, the indication is that ceramic objects and pottery had lost their value in rituals.
AUTHOR’S ADDRESS Thomas ERIKSSON
Department of Archaeology and Ancient History Uppsala University
Box 626 751 26 Uppsala Sweden
Thomas.Eriksson@arkeologi.uu.se
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I gratefully acknowledge the help of Elisabet Green in revising the English.
REFERENCES
ÄIJÄ, K. 1993. Åbygravfältet (Riksantikvarieämbetet och Statens Historiska Museer. Rapport UV 1987:11).
Stockholm: Riksantikvarieämbetet, UV.
AMBROSIANI, B. 1959. Keramikboplatsen vid Hamnbrinken vid Darsgärde. Tor 5: 108-128.
ASPEBORG, H. & K. APPELGREN. 2005. Tankar om begravningar under bronsålder och äldre järnålder väg E4, sträckan Uppsala-Mehedeby: Uppland, Tensta socken, Forsa 3:3, RAÄ 434: arkeologisk undersökning (Rapport/Riksantikvarieämbetet, Avdelningen för Arkeologiska Undersökningar, UV GAL, 2005:11). Uppsala: Riksantikvarieämbetet, UV.
BARRET, J.C. 1989. Food, gender and metal: Questions of social reproduction, in M.L.S. Sørensen & R.
Thomas (ed.) The Bronze Age-Iron Age transition in Europe. Aspects of continuity and change in European societies c. 1200 to 500 B.C. Part ii. (BAR Int. Series 483.ii). Oxford: Tempus Reparatum.
BJÖRCK, N., LARSSON, F., ERIKSSON, T., LINDBERG, K-F. & N. YTTERBERG. 2005.
Snåret. Aspekter på sten- brons- och järnålder i Vendel. Väg E4, sträckan Uppsala – Mehedeby.
Uppland, Vendels socken, Fallsboda 1:2, Karby 29:5, RAÄ 291 (Dnr 422-1399-2003 och 423-2335- 2003. UV GAL, Rapport 2005.14). Uppsala:
Riksantikvarieämbetet, UV.
BOURDIEU, P. 2004. Praktiskt förnuft. Bidrag till en handlingsteori [Raisons pratiques. Sur la théorie de l’action 1994]. Göteborg: Daidalos AB.
CARLSSON, T. 1995. Objects and attitudes: the Lusatian impact on the material and mental culture in south- eastern Sweden in the Late Bronze Age. European Journal of Archaeology 3: 43-58.
DIETLER, M. 1990. Driven by drink: The role of drinking in the political economy and the case of Early Iron Age France. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 9: 352-406.
DIETLER, M. 2001. Theorizing the feast. Rituals of consumption, commensal politics, and power in African contexts, in M. Dietler & B. Hayden (ed.) Feasts. Archaeological and ethnographic perspectives on food, politics, and power: 65-114.
Washington and London: Smithsonian Institution Press.
ENRIGHT, M.J. 1996. Lady with a mead cup. Ritual, prophecy and lordship in the European warband from La Tène to the Viking Age. Dublin & Portland:
Four Courts Press.
ERIKSSON, T. 2002. Keramiken, in H. Göthberg, S.
Forenius & L. Karlenby (eds.) I en liten Vrå av världen. Arkeologisk undersökning för Alsike stad, RAÄ 16 och 178, Vrå, Knivsta socken, Uppland. Del 2. (Riksantikvarieämbetet, UV Uppsala rapport 1997.66): 123-154. Uppsala: Riksantikvarieämbetet, UV.
ERIKSSON, T. 2003. Dekorerad keramik i Apalle &
Gjuterifynden i Apalle, in I. Ullén (ed.) Bronsåldersboplatsen vid Apalle i Uppland (Riksantikvarieämbetet, UV Uppsala Rapport
1997.64): 85-146. Stockholm:
Riksantikvarieämbetet, UV.
ERIKSSON, T. 2005a. Dekor och dekorerad keramik i Mälardalen under bronsålder - en regel med ett undantag, in J. Goldhahn (ed.) Mellan sten och järn.
Del 1. Nordiskt symposium för bronsåldersforskning.
Rapport från det 9.e Nordiska Bronsålderssymposiet i Göteborg 2003-10-09/12 (GOTARC. Serie C.
Arkeologiska Skrifter 59). Göteborg: Institutionen för Arkeologi, Göteborgs Universitet.
ERIKSSON, T. 2005b. För förvaring eller för förtäring.
Keramik under järnålder i Köpingstrakten, in L.
Karlenby (ed.) Tidens resenärer. Arkeologiska händelser längs vägen mellan Köping och Kolsva:
201-218. Stockholm: Riksantikvarieämbetet, UV.
ERIKSSON, T. 2005c. Human bones in the Bronze Age of Uppland, in T. Artelius, & F. Svanberg (eds.) Dealing with the dead. Archaeological perspectives on prehistoric Scandinavian burial ritual (Arkeologiska Undersökningar Skrifter Nr 65): 237- 260. Stockholm: Riksantikvarieämbetet, UV.
ERIKSSON, T. 2005d. Äldre järnålderskeramik. En specialregistrering. Holmsmalma 1:9, fornl. 102 i Kolsva socken och Gålby 3:19, fornl. 258, Köpings socken, Västmanland, in J. Wikborg & J. Ählström 2005. Väg 250, Holmsmalma-Gålby. Ett gravfält och en boplats från äldre järnålder samt en gravhög från yngre järnålder (Västmanlands Läns Museum.
Kulturmiljöavdelningen Rapport A. 2004:A13.
Bilaga 7). Västerås: Västmanlands Läns Museum.
ERIKSSON, T. 2006. Riter och keramik i Mälardalen under bronsålder, in V-P. Herva (ed.) People, material culture and environment in the North.
Proceedings of the 22nd Nordic Archaeological Conference, University of Oulu, 18-23 August 2004 (Studia Humaniora Ouluensia 1): 159-170. Oulu:
University of Oulu.
ERIKSSON, T., 2007. Specialregistrering av keramik och gjuteri fynd, in P. Frölund & B. Schütz (eds.) Bebyggelse och bronsgjutare i Bredåker & Gamla
Uppsala. Arkeologisk undersökning. Undersökningar för E4. Fornlämning 134, 596 & 599, Uppsala socken, Uppland (Rapport 2007.03): 157-172.
Uppsala: Upplandsmuseet.
ERIKSSON, T. & B. AMAYA. 2005. Ryssgärdet: Ett rikt bronsålderskomplex vid Onslunda, in B. Syse (ed.) Uppland 2005: 69-86. Uppsala: Upplands Fornminnesförenings Förlag.
ERIKSSON, T. & A. ÖSTLING. 2004. Ryssgärdet i Onslunda. Ett fornlämningskomplex från senneolitikum till och med 1700-talet med tyngdpunkt i bronsålder. Uppland, Tensta socken (Onslunda 5:1 och 3:1, RAÄ 435. RAÄ Dnr 423- 1267-2003, 423-3434-3003 och 423-87-2004. DAFF
dokumentation av fältarbetsfasen.
Riksantikvarieämbetet, Avdelningen för Arkeologiska Undersökningar, UV GAL). Uppsala:
Riksantikvarieämbetet, UV.
FREY, O-H. 1969. Die Entstehung der Situlenkunst.
Studien zur figürlich verzierten Toreutik von Este (Römisch-Germanische Forschungen Band 31).
Berlin: Römisch-Germanische Kommision des Deutchen Archäologischen Instituts zu Frankfurt.
GOMEZ DE SOTO, J. 1993. Feasting equipment in the Late Bronze Age, in C. Scarre & F. Healy (eds.) Trade and exchange in prehistoric Europe.
Proceedings of a Conference held at the University of Bristol, April 1992 (Oxbow Monographs 33): 191- 197. Oxford: Oxbow.
GUSTAVSSON, K. 1997. Otterböte. New light on a Bronze Age site in the Baltic (Thesis and Papers in Archaeology B.4). Stockholm: Stockholms Universitet, Archaeological Research Laboratory.
HAYDEN, B. 1998. Practical and prestige technologies:
The evolution of material systems. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 5: 1-55.
HAYDEN, B. 2001. Fabulous feasts. A prolegomenon to the importance of feasting, in M. Dietler & B.
Hayden (eds.) Feasts. Archaeological and ethnographic perspectives on food, politics, and power: 23-64. Washington and London: Smithsonian Institution Press.
HJÄRTHNER-HOLDAR, E. 1993. Järnets och järnmetallurgins introduktion i Sverige (Aun 16).
Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet, Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis.
JAANUSSON, H. 1981. Hallunda. A study of pottery from a Late Bronze Age settlement in central Sweden (The Museum of National Antiquities, Stockholm, Studies 1). Stockholm: The Museum of National Antiquities.
KOCH, E. 2003. Mead, chiefs and feasts in later prehistoric Europe, in M. Parker Pearson (ed.) Food, culture and identity in the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age (BAR Int. Series 1117): 125-143.
Oxford: Archaeopress.
KRISTIANSEN, K. 1998. Europe before history.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
MAUSS, M. 1996 [1950]. The gift. The form and reason for exchange in archaic societies. London:
Routledge.
MOUNTJOY, P.A. 1993. Mycenaean pottery, An introduction (Monograph No. 36). Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology.
MÜLLER-KARPE, H. 1970 [1959]. Beiträge zur Chronologie der Urnenfelderzeit nördlich und südlich der Alpen. 2 vols. (Römisch-Germanische Forschungen Band 22). Berlin: Walter de Gruyter &
Co.
RALPH, S. 2005. Constructive consumption. Feasting in Iron Age Britain and Europe. Archaeological Review from Cambridge 20: 55-69.
REISBORG, S. 1989. Die Keramik der Darsgärde- Siedlung, Skederid, Uppland. Eine chronologische Analyse, in B. Ambrosiani. (ed.) Die Bronzezeit im Ostseegebiet. Ein Rapport der Kgl. Schwedischen Akademie der Literatur Geschichte und Altertumsforschung über das Julita-Symposium 1986 (KVHAA Konferenser 22): 83-106. Stockholm:
Kungliga Vetenskaps- och Vitterhetsakademin.
SCHÖNBECK, B. 1959. Bronsåldersbygd i Mälarområdet. Tor 5: 52-107.
SHERRATT, A. 1997. Economy and society in prehistoric Europe. Changing perspectives.
Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
SØRENSEN, M.L.S. 2000. Gender archaeology.
Cambridge/Malden: Polity Press.
SOFAER, J. 2006. Pots, houses and metal: Technological relations at the Bronze Age tell at Százhalombatta, Hungary. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 25: 127- 147.
SPROCKHOFF, E. 1930. Zur Handelsgeschichte der Germanischen Bronzezeit (Vorgeschichtliche Forschungen. Heft 7). Berlin: Verlag von Walter de Gruyter & Co.
SPROCKHOFF, E. & O. HÖCKMANN. 1979. Die gegossenen Bronzebecken der Jüngeren Nordischen Bronzezeit (Kataloge Vor- und Frühgeschichtlicher Altertümer. Band 19). Mainz: Verlag des Römischen-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, Bonn.
STENBERGER, M. 1979 [1964]. Det forntida Sverige.
Lund: AWE/Gebers.
STJERNQUIST, B. 1967. Ciste a cordoni.
(Rippenzisten). Produktion, Funktion, Diffusion (Archaeologica Lundensia, Series in 4o, No 5). Lund:
CWK Gleerup.
THRANE, H. 1963. The earliest bronze vessels in Denmark’s Bronze Age. Acta Archaologica 33: 109- 163.
THRANE, H. 1966. Dänische Funde fremder Bronzegefässe der jüngeren Bronzezeit. (Periode IV). I. Acta Archaologica 24: 157-207.
VAN DER VEEN, M. 2003. When is food a luxury?
World Archaeology 34: 405-427.
VENCL, S. 1994. The archaeology of thirst. European Journal of Archaeology 2: 299-326.
