In the early 2000 the government of Zimbabwe was targeted by sanction and restrictive measures imposed by the United States and the European Union. Sanctions have for decades been used as a method to delegitimize and isolate wrongdoers in order to promote democratic transitioning. Unfortunately, in many cases this foreing policy method has failed to transform authoritarian ruling into democracy as the intentions, purposes and outcomes of sanctions have not been aligned. With a methodological qualitative approach, this study will utilize a case study research design with an semi structured interview approach to investigate the effects of sanctions against the government of Zimbabwe. Does sanctions result in the desired outcome? What consequences are caused by the design of sanctions for third world states? Sanctions have challenged the Government of Zimbabwe’s response to economic crises, unemployment and polarisation of internal politics together with many other outcomes. However, the ZANU-PF leadership have surprisingly gained tremendous support in the south African region in their anti-imperialistic fight against the west. In addition, this study questions and criticizes the imposition of sanctions upon weaker states by wealthy and dominant nations in world politics. To support the argument that sanctions operate in contradiction to their intentions and purposes, a detailed empirical examination and analysis of these four categories will be presented: political effects, economy, internal conflict and policy making.
Key words
Zimbabwe, ZANU-PF, United States, European Union, sanctions, effect
Acknowledgments
Table
Abstract 3
Acknowledgments 3
1. Introduction 3
1.2 Purpose and issue 5
2. Theoretical background and previous research 7
2.1 Sanction 7
2.1.1 Variety of sanctions 9
2.2 U.S Sanctions: background and cause 10
2.3.1 European Union: foreign and security policy 12
2.3.2 EU Sanctions 13
2.4.1 Realism and the theory of sanctions 15
2.4.2 Theory of sanctions 16
2.5 Previous research 17
3. Method 19
3.1 Research Design 19
3.2 Material 21
4. Empirical research/ results 26
4.1 Analytical generalization of the interviews 26
4.1.1 Political Effects 26
4.1.3 Economy 28
4.1.4 Internal Conflicts 30
4.1.5 Policy Making 32
4.2 The international responses to sanctions 33
5. Analysis/Discussion 39
6. Conclusion 46
6.1 The purpose of this study : questions 46
1. Introduction
The country of Zimbabwe has experienced a traumatic two decades economically, politically and socially. Facing economic and humanitarian crisis, political violence, international isolation and mass migrations. This has challenged the response of the government extremely and in the early 2000 a sequence of targeted measures was introduced by the United States and the European Union (EU). The restrictive measures were claimed to have been enforced as a response to human rights violations, ragged elections both during the parliamentary and presidential election in 2000 and 2002. The intentions behind the imposition of sanctions were to provide measures of accountability of the breach of international norms by the ZANU-PF government in Zimbabwe and to bring awareness to the abuses of the Mugabe regime (OFAC 2013. p; 2). Some blame the failure of the state on the sanctions imposed by the U.S and EU, others hold the ZANU-PF government’s mismanagement and corruption responsible. The debate has been going on for a long time and in this thesis sanctions will be studied as a punishment tool of foreign policy and a form of soft power approach. Specifically, I seek to investigate the effect of sanctions imposed on the government of Zimbabwe from 2002 to 2020 by the United State of America and European Union (EU).
special predicted outcome. Soft power is more about persuasion and the ability to win over people by having an attractive culture and ideology. Although one could argue that sanctions are a part of the hard power approach because of its ability to affect targets politically and financially. The limited ability to act makes sanctions more of a hard measure through a soft power approach (Roberts 2014. p; 246).
One can partly argue that the international dominance of the United States of America can be explained through their use of soft power. Their position in the global community stands strong due to the continuance advantages they present. In today's interdependent system and the age of globalization, culture has become a tool of power and a way for nations to improve their strategic position in regions all over the world. But what do we actually mean when speaking of culture as the drive for soft power? It includes political values, lifestyles, traditions, ideologies and it is because of the special characteristics that the U.S has for a long time been a dominant influence in the world (Roberts 2014. p; 247). As the U.S argues for democracy and basic human rights, they have been serving as a global drift and guide for democratic transitions within developing countries. As Samual P. Huntington discusses in his book The Third wave: Democratization in the late Twentieth Century (1999), the pursuance for equality, freedom, standards for prosperity
1.2 Purpose and issue
Sanctions seek to put pressure on certain states to change unwanted policy or ruling by internationally enforcing economic and political cost until further altercations. The use of this method has increased rapidly by political leaders in recent decades. The intention of sanctions is to target the right wrongdoer, people and entities while causing the general public as little harm as possible. But the undeveloped nature of international punishment and foreign policy tools has sparked the debate if it actually works as wished. The purpose of this study is to investigate in detail the effects of the sanction against the government of Zimbabwe. One desires to give a clear and deep perception of the consequence of international punishment. Together with touching on the considerable skepticism of the persistent use and imposition of sanction thus the little proof of success. With that being said the study aims to answer these questions:
What are the effects of sanctions in Zimbabwe?
Does sanctions result in the desired outcome?
What consequences are caused by the design of sanctions for third world states?
investigation in the premature nature of organized punishment within foreign policy.
2. Theoretical background and previous research
2.1 Sanction
Sanctions operate as a reaction to the disapproval of nonconformity with international norms established by the global community. The United Nations (UN) Security Council has the authority to take precautions to maintain or repair international peace and security under the UN Charter Chapter VII. The legality of the imposition of sanctions fall under Article 41, that includes non-armed force enforcement with a wider range of different types of sanctions. The different forms of sanctions is for the variety of different goals to support democratic transitions, deter non-constitutional changes, stop terrorism, protect human rights and promote non-proliferation like the spread of nuclear weapons. According to the UN Security Council, sanctions are the most effective tool to eliminate any threats against international peace and security, international law and national security interest (United Nations 2020).
Sanctions can also be enforced by the EU and by individual states. Commonly in the practice of sanctions, the Security Council primarily institutes the sanctions that later gets adopted by the EU in the descriptor of Council determined regulations. The European Union can in certain cases enforce sanctions on their own without the consultation of the United Nations Security Council. Individual states can impose sanctions without the involvement of any international organs. Those types of sanctions are frequently against specific individuals affiliated with terrorism or private business, political leaders and even organisations (Government of Netherland w.p.y).
2.1.1 Variety of sanctions
Economic sanctions like embargoes, are strong diplomatic actions that prevent export and import, freeze bank accounts, restrict investments and access to specific goods, through certain extra taxes and prevention of transportation. An embargo can also cover goods that generate money for a country's leaders like oil (Filipenko, Bazhenova, Stakhanov 2020, p; 69). Diplomatic sanctions express the disappointment of certain acts shown through political measures, to weaken ties like withdrawing from diplomatic missions, embassies and staff (Maller 2010 p; 61). Military sanctions such as an arms embargo include the attempt to stop importation and exportation of armed material of the targeted country. This variety of sanctions also cover all types of equipment that is used to suppress people and violate human rights (Filipenko, Bazhenova, Stakanov 2020. p; 69). Travel and visa restrictions prohibit certain people who have participated in the undermining of democratic process, human right and freedom of press from moving freely (Government Office of Sweden 2016). Sport sanctions are used to prevent a represented athlete of a country from participating in international competitions, a method used in an attempt to weaken a country's public image (Dart 2017. p; 165).
2.2 U.S Sanctions: background and cause
Prior to the imposition of sanctions, the U.S Congress established the Zimbabwe Democracy and Recovery Act (ZDERA) in 2001, by introducing two means of support. The first one was bilateral debt relief: the consideration of The Treasury Department to extend or restructure loans and credit, even eliminating debt carried by U.S government agencies. The second one was multilateral debt relief as well as alternative financial easement. It included proposing a motion to multilateral development banks to extend, restructure or the cancelation of loans and credit carried by any international financial institutions. This act aimed to support the population of Zimbabwe in their struggle to effect peaceful, democratic change, achieve broad-based and equitable economic growth and restore the rule of law. The U.S also encouraged other international financial organisations to provide economical and technical assistance to Zimbabwe to encourage financial recovery and growth to stabilize the Zimbabwean dollar and their democratic institutions (PUBLIC LAW 107–99 2001. p; 962-965).
and other entities slowing down the democratic processes in the country (OFAC 2013. p; 2). In an attempt to extend the surveillance, the Specially Designated Nationals And Blocked Persons List (SDN) was created by the OFAC. A database of individuals, groups and entities like companies owned by or indirectly ruled by the government of Zimbabwe under the Treasury’s Sanctions Program. Automatically, an International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) was declared which is a financial weapon. That indicates that any entity that makes clearance payment, gives technology or any assistance to the Zimbabwean government without the license of the US president will be responded with sanctions as well (U.S Department of the Treasury 2020).
13288, E.O 13391, E.O 13469) were based and supported by the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) and the National Emergencies Act (NEA). It is important to note that the U.S sanctions are towards the state of Zimbabwe and targeted individuals, it does not hinder the people of Zimbabwe of any type of business cooperation or transactions (OFAC 2013. p: 3).
2.3.1 European Union: foreign and security policy
2.3.2 EU Sanctions
The U.S imposed sanctions include economic and visa sanctions against members of the government of Zimbabwe and preventing transfer of arm materials and services. The European Union’s (EU) response towards claimed crimes have also been through the imposition of sanctions. Since the end of the Cold War, the U.S have utilized their economic power and
frequently enforced sanction against other states and so has the EU. In the case of Zimbabwe the EU sanctioned the government of President Robert Mugabe first in 2002 in response to the lack of democratic progress, human rights reforms and freedom of press. The sanctions were imposed on the basis of Article 96 of the cooperation with African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries (ACP-EC) Partnership Agreement. Three types of sanctions were enforced supported by the Council Common Position 2002/145/CFSP. In 2004 the EU published the “Basic Principles on the Use of Restrictive Measures”, this EU foreign and security policy cooperation program construction was established in an attempt to make the imposed sanction indeed affect the individuals accountable for the unacceptable policies in the country (European Commission 2020). The European Council Common Position implemented these restrictive measures:
Act and the Special Economic Measures Act (Government Office of Sweden
2016).
2. Travel restrictions: prevention of entry and transit of targeted individuals connected to serious crimes. There is a database of all the prohibited individuals that primarily are affiliated with President Robert Mugabe and the Zimbabwe African National Union, the Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). The list of these individuals in the database continuously gets updated, but in cases of emergency there are exceptions under certain settings, for example engagement in negotiations advertising for democracy, human rights or compelling immediate humanitarian action (Government Office of Sweden 2016).
by the identified individuals, groups and entities are also to be freezed. (United Nations Security Council 2015. p;1-4).
2.4.1 Realism and the theory of sanctions
In world politics there are a lot of theories related to international relations but the dominant theory being realism. The reason why that is, is formed in the argument that realism has the strongest explanation for the state of war in the international system that describes the constant defensive position of nations diplomacy, foreign policy and military practices. The universality of realism argues that the power-seeking behavior is an act of survival and fear caused by the power and political competitiveness between nation-states. Realism seeks to maximize the power of a state in hostile situations and therefore is the primary reason the most exercised control theory as it gained its popularity in the late 1940 and 1950 during the Cold War. State survival, national interest and continued struggle of power are key principles in this theory (Baylis, Smith, Owens 2016. p; 102,103).
third element, distribution of opportunities. Neorealism argues that the distribution of power is the key to understanding the balance of power, political cooperation and peace and war. The distribution of power influences the behavior of states, Waltz explains particularly how great powers are constantly worried about the amount of capability other states possess (Baylis, Smith, Owens 2016. p; 108). That results in states having to look to their own security for survival. The eventuality that states can operate with force for self-interest causes states to participate in a security competition, making the ultimate aim to maximize security and not always power (Ibid:108).
2.4.2 Theory of sanctions
interdependence and cooperation that peace is promoted and can be achieved. The theory of realism helps to further understand the use of sanctions and the meaning of this foreign policy tool (Ibid: 10-12).
Sanctions have often been imposed against violators of norms constituted by the global community (human rights, democracy and freedom of press). From a realist perspective sanctions are used to promote democracy, to either gain power or to hold on to the current power position. In some cases, democracy is the primary goal and in other cases democracy is the objective to the pursuit of power when: (1) there is a threat to power positions (2) a risk to the national security (3) and if it impacts the absolutely necessary economic interests. Applying this to the UN and European Union, member states may use these global organs in pursuit for national-interest to hinder or push the idea by voting or using their veto in the Council ( Del Biondo, 2015. p; 239).
2.5 Previous research
claimed to be crucial in order for policy change to occur (Grebe 2010. p; 21,22).
Other researchers have investigated if sanctions have impacted on poverty and means of securing the necessities of life in Zimbabwe. And there is a trace of evidence that it has reduced the employment of the people, but that sanctions have not directly had a negative effect. It is argued that the government who operate under sanctions implements policies and adjustments in order for them to avoid the effects of sanctions against them and that has negative effects for the general public. Creating easier circumstances without great effort for the rulers to additionally control their already vulnerable and exposed population. One can argue that instead of being affected by the sanctions the authoritarian elite use it for their benefit to sustain their powerful position. Therefore, it is not the most effective approach to encourage democratic transition in third world countries (Pindiriri 2019. p; 1017,1018).
the organized international punishment methods become premature and need to be studied more in order to develop better tools and strengthen governance in the world arena (Lektzian Patterson 2015. p;47-49).
3. Method
3.1 Research Design
The case of Zimbabwe was chosen because sanctions, specifically economic sanctions, were designed to target authoritarian behavior. More specifically, the Zimbabwe case is interesting on a theoretical and empirical level because sanctions have been imposed since 2002. The long period of sanctions the state has faced gives us more information to gather and help us understand the real impact of sanctions. There have also been debates whether it is the sanctions against Zimbabwe that have led to the various economic crises the past two decades with currency having no value leading to hyperinflation. Or does the responsibility fall under the ruling of the ZANU-PF government? The mismanagement of the national economy and high level of corruption. Both the EU and the U.S have repeatedly stated that the target of the sanctions are not against the economy of Zimbabwe and therefore cannot be responsible for the country's problems (Shaban 2019). Simultaneously, sanction has been criticized for its premature nature that has failed to achieve the expressed purpose and intended outcome.
chronological order. Followed up with content analysis that calls for detailed investigation of documents, previous case studies research, and the function of word in the meaning. Content analysis also covers interviews, where the scientist/researcher questions selected pertinent people and observers of the subject (Minkoff 2012. p; 14).
In this research, four semi structured interviews will be utilized to gather information in order to answer the formed research questions. Research interviews give the opportunity to register unexpected answers and allow more space for a deeper interaction between the researcher and interview participants. A semi structured interview allows for follow up questions when unclear answers occur. The distinction between a questionnaire versus a research interview is that during a questionnaire you work with problem formulation based on frequency, how many times does a phenomenon occur (Esaiasson, et al. p; 260). While under a research interview you work on formulating the problem by visualizing, how does the phenomenon formulate itself. A series of research interviews can produce new or more developed ideas and answers to the research issue: the effect of international organized punishment. To achieve a sufficiently good essay we formulate a proposal on how our research can be improved and scientifically contribute to earlier studies (Ibid: 266).
qualitative research argues that is an merging of narrative and assumptions and therefore cannot guarantee objectivity in the research like statistics data can. But with a quantitative research method, it can be found difficult to understand the diversity of the context of the occurrence with statistical data. (Better Thesis. n.d.).
3.2 Material
To comprehend the in-depth issue of this study, previous research, articles, journal articles and statements will outline the cause and background of the imposed sanctions. Theoretical parts will be compensated by the book The
Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations (2016). Beyond that, regulation from international organs will be utilized from the United Nations (UN), European Union (EU) and relevant actors on the issue like the U.S Department of the Treasury. Primarily, the empirical part is covered by the answers of the interview participants together with statements that have been made by relevant actors.
3.2.1 Strategic selection
The procedure of recruiting interview participants was through a strategic selection, where the participants are recruited based on the purpose of the study. The motive of a strategic selection is to try to cover as many opinions and perspectives as possible in order to achieve objectivity. In that way the selections are intended to represent different views and the opinion of people that are very knowledgeable around the topic of sanctions associated with the case of Zimbabwe ( Esaiasson, et al. p; 158, 159). Candidates that can speak from a political aspect of the case, international, regional and national. The strategic selections do not in detail represent a whole population. Thus, through an analytical generalization of the results from the interview, the material will be processed, partly on the basis of the pre-understanding developed by the chosen theories, realism and theory of sanctions. This way of presenting results allows the researcher to capture the core of a phenomenon and summarizes the four interviews (Esaiasson, et al. p; 159, 284).
It was very important that the interview participant of the study was zimbabwean people as it could be argued that zimbabweans should represent themself in issues that matters and effects them the most. The interview participant names will remain anonymous, here are the respondent:
P1: The Chairman of Zimbabweans Unite Against US War Sanctions Organisation. A marketing strategist, specializing in branding; digital and off-line marketing for Frontline Studio consultancy.
P3: A Zimbabwean Businessman, Entrepreneur, Accountant. Skilled in Internal Audit, Managerial Finance, External Audit, Business Development, and Strategic Planning.
P4: A Zimbabwean Human Rights Expert and academic at the University of Wisconsin School of Law in Madison, USA.
A semi structured interview is the best-suited form of an interview, where the same set of questions are asked in a chronological order. But there is also space for follow up questions to occur. It makes it easier to estimate and compare data from the participant and test the reliability of the answers (Esaiasson, et al. p; 260).
3.2.2 Interview guide
Research Questions
Political effects
1. What are the obvious political effects we can see caused by the imposition of sanctions in Zimbabwe?
2. Can we see any effect on the regional position that Zimbabwe possesses? If YES, in what way? If NO, in what way?
3. Do these sanctions create the right pressure for the regime of Zimbabwe to start an democratic process? If YES, in what way? If NO, in what way?
Economy
1. Both the EU and the U.S have claimed that sanctions imposed on the Government of Zimbabwe are not designed to affect the population.
Would you say that the economy of Zimbabwe has been affected by the sanctions and restrictive measures imposed by the U.S and EU? If yes, HOW? If no, HOW?
2. Unemployment, humanitarian crisis, mass migrations, economic crisis. The government of Zimbabwe has claimed that these events have taken place because of the sanctions imposed on the country, do you find any accuracy in this? If yes, in what way? If no, in what way?
3. What role does the leadership of the ZANU-PF play in the country’s economic crises?
Internal Conflict
2. Has the sanctions created a more opposing opinion towards the regime of Zimbabwe? If YES, in what way? If NO, in what way? 3. Has sanctions resulted in division between the population? If YES, in
what way? If NO, in what way? Policy making
1. What are the effects of sanctions in policy making in Zimbabwe? 2. Does sanctions pressured the regime towards a more democratic
transition and ruling? If YES, in what way? If NO, in what way? 3. Has the bottom-up model in the theory of sanctions worked in
Zimbabwe? If YES, in what way? If NO, in what way?
3.3 Source criticism
Authenticity is a crucial component in the source material, in practice, the content of the text determines the level of authenticity. Who is the publisher? Can we confirm the story? Is it a primary source or secondary source? The form of interdependence with the primary source is called centrality, the form of dependency with secondary source is called trading. The interview participants level of observation is extremely crucial as well and in this thesis both source kinds will be used. Time and tendency are the two other significant components in source criticism, the longer the time is between the event and it is set down in writing, the bigger likelihood for memory loss that could result in post-construction. Therefore the time distance between the event and writing determines the reliability of the information. Tendency examines if the constant contains any value, opinions or bias. The fourth element helps us ponder about under what setting and circumstance the information was written. In that way you can define the tendency of the informant’s (Esaiasson, et al. p;289-295).
4. Empirical research/ results
4.1 Analytical generalization of the interviews
4.1.1 Political Effects
created institutions to look after immigrants like boarding houses and hospitals. That was happening all the way up to 2004 when the sanctions were tightened with the second executive order E.O 13391.
The sanctions began to destroy the education system and the currency was going down, despite that immigrants were still coming. But the Zimbabwean people who were used to a certain standard of living, had begun migrating. Aside from the frustration that comes from the economy declining, there are other reasons for the displacement. Occasions of massive political violence and terror where individuals have been persecuted, individuals from the opposing side. The economic hardship and political oppression producing both economic and political migrants, so the conditions in Zimbabwe produced mass displacement.
Tanzania and Namibia to reverse land reform and lifting royalties on mining companies are inspired by Zimbabwe as a form of liberation and revolution.
4.1.2 Economy
There are a variety of clear effects on the economy in Zimbabwe, the biggest effect is the prohibition of getting loans, the balance of payments assistance, no cancellation of loans and colonial debt that were taken by the Rhodesian government illegally of multilateral lending institutions. Zimbabwe couldn't even be given COVID-19 loans by the IMF, World Bank and African Development Bank while other countries could. On occasion financial institutions want to lend the Zimbabwean government or businesses in Zimbabwe there is a very exorbitant interest rate. Making them not capacitated to pay back that same amount. The restrictive measure by the U.S and EU has destructed development loans to build schools, hospitals, roads, bridges, electricity and housing that were not built by the British during colonialism.
But automatically, the productions slowed down for water purification and Zimbabwe struggled with clean water.
There was Zippy banks, which is the bank that used to lend money to small scale farmers and small black businesses, but the bank was put under sanctions. As the Inter-market Government Subsidiary that also used to lend money to small scale farmers, who no longer could lend money to them. The economy in Zimbabwe is a rural-based industry that constitutes 70% of the activity of suburban people, while the urban economy is about 30% of people who live in cities in Zimbabwe. With no loans going to farmers and no production coming from the farms, the country has no input in industry. Therefore, the industry and farmers collapsed and Zimbabwe became less food sufficient which results in hunger. That coupled with the drought, a sanctioned government that does not have the means to borrow money from the IMF to address these droughts means more hunger. The sanctions have also affected the parastatals that create jobs and allow the creation of the dissemination of basic services.
Here is the twist, the instability has taken money out of government coffers, and put it into people's pockets and still Zimbabwe is one of the fastest growing countries in Africa. Zimbabwe is also sitting in number four of African countries with tax savings outside their own countries. The country that is so destabilized has got a lot of foreign currency savings being hedged from sanctions, because they've been saved outside Zimbabwe. That’s an effect of imposed sanctions, people are no longer putting their money in taxes, into the government institutions or banks. They are putting their money in their own pockets, in their wardrobes and foreign bank accounts. Thus Zimbabweans have money but the imposition of sanction has caused the safety net that should be provided by the government to be destroyed and so it has driven the Zimbabwean people to put self-interest first in order to survive over national interest.
There is also an extraordinarily rich elite in Zimbabwe, a form of concentration of wealth and ownership. The economy of Zimbabwe was thus formalized until the early 2000. Before somebody who had been a bus driver in the post-independence period, could send their children to a good government school, they could have gotten a university education, then move towards the middle class. But now the middle class is almost gone with mass employment at 80 percent and 60 percent living in poverty.
4.1.3 Internal Conflicts
understanding what sanctions were for a long time, resulting in a huge increase in propaganda. A sentiment warfare where people peddled lies to create an environment and an atmosphere of despondency, discontent and dissatisfaction. The polarization in politics comes from political parties speaking negatively about the country, killing morality and making people turn against each other. Sanctions have been a part of the political mobilization on both sides. MDC Alliance party portrayed itself as a party of openness, inclusiveness and rights. ZANU-PF portrayed themselves as land distributors, anti-colonial, anti-imperialist and so it became an economic right versus social and human right. That division is indeed articulated and very problematic.
The support for the sitting party ZANU-PF got its worst support in 2008, before people started to understand the effects of sanctions and started to adjust their lives to cope with restrictive measures. Later, ZANU-PF got steady support in the presidential election in 2013 and the general election in 2018, where they got two thirds of the majority while the opposition group MDC Alliance party got a third of the votes. Economic sanctions have caused a lot of pain for the population therefore it was predicted that MDC Alliance party would get the most votes, but it is a reversal of what had happened. One of the reasons for that is the economy of Zimbabwe has been indigenized, it has become more inclusive of the common man under ZANU-PF ruling. Normal people are becoming gold miners, farmers and property owners. The highest amount of gold is mined by young black Zimbabweans with no education and they are becoming the new elite.
selling fuel. At the moment those people that are benefiting from the absence of foreign companies do nor wish for the removal of ZANU-PF. They see the opportunity that they have gotten by having access to land and minerals even though they are not a multi-million dollar company. Therefore the anti-imperialist strategy of the ZANU-PF has opened up opportunities, changing the opinions of people as they begin to see that they do not need jobs from western companies. It has shown the general public that they can create their own jobs and wealth in their communities. Defying all odds created by colonialism and capitalism.
Furthermore, during the economic crisis the people survived through the remittance of money from the diaspora, from their relatives. That comfort takes pressure of frustration off the people that are struggling with the financial situation.
4.1.4 Policy Making
Some of the reforms that are being pushed on the government have succeeded. The government has changed a number of laws and they have enforced laws that are less harsh to protest and are less strict to freedom of expression. Which corresponds to the Western idea of democratic propaganda over the advancement of national advantages. But the ZANU-PF government knows that if they overdo the reforms, they will reform themselves out of power. The power will then go to the opposition, who have benefited from the government's legs being tied by sanctions.
white farmers. The constitution was written under the duress of the economic sanctions. Thus that is a political impact, in the aspect that they begin to give more power to foreign nations to give ZANU-PF its mandate instead of the people of Zimbabwe creating their own mandate.
Even though the Mugabe government launched the “fight against corruption”, the nature of sanctions forces states to pass the sanctions, which mean governments have to do a lot of things off the books and not so transparently. If targeted governments are operating less transparently, they are facilitating corruption, or at least the impression that corruption is taking place. If everybody has to be corrupt in order to prosper and survive, policy making becomes very difficult in an environment like Zimbabwe, because there's no transparency from the government's side and no transparency from the public’s side. People are looking out for their own interests much more than looking out for national interests which is costly for the country and brings long lasting harm. People are hiding money, and having huge amounts of money in their personal bank accounts outside the country and no money in the banks of the government. If the government does not pass the sanctions, the country falls. Those are the challenges the leadership faces during pressure from the international community.
4.2 The international responses to sanctions
2011). Article IV in the GPA agreement’s purpose was to remove any type of “restrictive measures” towards Zimbabwe. Which forced the opposition party MDC Alliance party to resign their previous support and engagement in the enforcement of sanctions. Meanwhile, the Mugabe ruled party ZANU-PF incorporated the issue of sanctions into their anti-imperialist and Pan Africanist strategy, making it a part of the “patriotic history” which also boosted their political intentions (Raftopoulos 2014). That type of proclamation mobilized support to the Mugabe government from the SADC and African Union (AU). It brought destruction to the Western strategy for Zimbabwe by giving the public the impression that international stakeholders were working counterproductively by trying to undermine the sovereignty of the country and the goals of the liberation struggle. The anti-imperialist stand by the government of Zimbabwe gained quick political support so the MDC Alliance party took a defensive position on this issue (Raftopoulos 2014).
economy of Zimbabwe is centered around specific sectors (Jazairy & De Zayas 2017).
The United States and the European Union (EU) have taken a “wait and see” approach to the enforcement of sanctions, by yearly extending sanctions and the restrictive measures. Because of the stated “lack of progress in democratic, human rights reforms and restrictions on press freedom” (U.S Department of the Treasury 2020). On October 25th 2019 thousands of Zimbabwean marched through the streets of the capital Harare in a government-organized protest against the sanctions and the government of Zimbabwe even made this day a holiday (Shaban 2019). In addition, the current President of Zimbabwe Emmerson Mnangagwa who entered office after Robert Mugabe’s death in 2017 took to Twitter to further critics the foreign policy tool stating:
Weeks before the event took place the Assistant Secretary for U.S. Department of State's Bureau of African Affairs Tibor Nagy engaged in a telephonic press briefing stating:
“There’s a very false narrative out there which I want to correct. Some people say that the United States has sanctions against the country of Zimbabwe. We do not, repeat, do not have sanctions against the country of Zimbabwe. We have sanctions against certain individuals and certain corporations and there could be greater detail on that, but not against the country of Zimbabwe. There is nothing to stop U.S. businesses from investing in Zimbabwe, from going to Zimbabwe.” (U.S Department of State 2019).
And in connection to the government organized protest following statements was made by The E.U. Ambassador in Zimbabwe Tim Olkkonen:
“We just like the Americans we also framed as we would be responsible for the economic situation Zimbabwe finds itself in and even the humanitarian situation and that was unacceptable because we have not seen any proof of that. That is why we needed to go out in the public and go against that narrative, which we perceive as completely false. It is not about our measure, I would not say it about any other measures either but it is about years and years of mismanagement in the country and the corruption that has been undermining the economic performance of the country.” (In Conversations
with Trevor 2019).
“Zimbabweans are suffering because of failed leadership, corruption, bad governance and rigged elections. Only true REFORMS and a return to DEMOCRACY will fix Zimbabwe’s woes. The rest is mere propaganda and a hopeless waste of time, effort and money.” (Chamisa 2019).
The 25th of October did not just become a national holiday for the people of Zimbabwe, SADC declared the 25th of October as “Anti-sanctions day” in their campaign as a region towards the sanctions imposed on the government of Zimbabwe. The regional economic community claims that the sanctions have not only affected the population of Zimbabwe but the entire region, whereas a body part has been infected. The 16 SADC member states have collectively urged the international stakeholders to lift the sanctions, questioning the relevance of sanctions. Indicating that with the new President Emmerson Mnangagwa in office, a new chapter has begun ready to rejoin the international community with fellow states (Nyusi 2020). In support of the SADC’s campaign, the Chairperson of the AU, Moussa Faki called upon the international community on October 25th 2019 to instantly remove the economic sanctions enforced against Zimbabwe. He presents the concern for the continued negative influence it has had on the Zimbabwe people and economy. In the same sentence, the AU applauded the Government of Zimbabwe for their attempt to generate advantageous circumstances for economic growth. The AU Chairperson expressed that the Organs of the Union are ready and determined to assist and support the recovery of the economy in Zimbabwe towards the path of peace and prosperity (Kalondo 2019).
Filipe Jacinto Nyusi published a statement. The statement explains the difficulties Zimbabwe have faced with not being able to meet socio-economic challenges, invest in economic sectors and pay their debt. Having limited access to the global market has brought hardship upon the governance caused by the isolation in the theory of sanction. The sanctions undermined and weakened the country’s capacity to manage and uplift the livelihood of the Zimbabwean people and the securing the necessities of life. The demands of SADC to lift the sanctions have received a lot of awareness as the cooperation expresses the impact the foreign policy tool had on the SADC Vision 2050, the African Union Agenda 2063 and the 2030 United Nations Agenda for Sustainable Development. For that reason SADC are very supportive of constructive and progressive conversations between the government of Zimbabwe and diplomatic stakeholders in the matter (Nyusi 2020).
In March of 2020 the United Nations Secretary General, Dr. Antonio Guterres and UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet called upon G20 to ease the sanctions on targeted countries like Iran, Venezuela, Cuba, Zimbabwe and North Korea. The G20 is a forum for international economic cooperation carried out by 19 member states and the EU. The reason for this call is to allow nations' states ' medical systems a fair chance to fight the pandemic but also to limit the global spread ((UN Human Right 2020). The request was specifically to remove the restrictions made on cross border trade. So that medical equipment like medicines and other essential health supplies in need of medical support and to ensure the access to food for the targeted nations could be provided. Dr. Antonio Guterres stated that it is important to safeguard frontline health workers of these countries. Michelle Bachelet voiced her concern about the fragile, weak and in some cases failed health care system the sanctioned nations possess. Sanctions in this time could cause these systems long lasting harm in vulnerable communities. Ms. Bachelet stated that the population should not be held responsible for policies made by the governments and stressed the importance of coming together as no nation can effectively tackle the pandemic alone (Ibid: UN Human Right 2020).
5. Analysis/Discussion
officials and their private entities. But unfortunately the freeze of assets affects the political institutions owned by the government of Zimbabwe that provides basic service for the people. It prohibits the country’s capacity to grow and build to leverage their wealth because of the prevention of accessing loans to development institutions. So how does the country develop if development institutions are under sanctions? Even during this pandemic, Zimbabwe was declined of Covid-19 loans to manage and assist the general public in prevention measures (UN Human Right 2020).
The government is funding welfare services like the military, law enforcement, infrastructure, healthcare and the educational system with no money. Then it creates a huge informal sector leading to less people paying taxes, and now the government of Zimbabwe has less control of the economic structure of the country. How does the state give people health care? How does the state give people clean water and proper education? How does the state give people basic services, when the institutions that are supposed to give these are indirectly under sanctions? 70 percent of the economic activity in the country has been affected with no loans going to farmers making Zimbabwe less food sufficient causing food insecurities.
conditions in Zimbabwe. The instability offers challenges to both the Zimbabwean government and people and it becomes a negative cycle of corruption in order for everyone to survive and maximize their interest in connection to the theory of realism (Baylis, Smith, Owens 2016. p; 102,103).
The reason why sanctions have affected the Zimbabwean economy to a certain extent, is because in the 2000 the economic policies made by the ZANU-PF regime were not suitable for the stage of development Zimbabwe was in. The economy started to decline and the governing became stricter. And so the economic situation in the country is also a consequence of unfitting policies and the absence of political will for reforms, worsening the economic crisis.
P1: “In 2008, the economy of Zimbabwe was in a very crucial state but when ZANU-PF and MDC Alliance party signed the GPA alliance, initiated by SADC. The governance improved and so did the economy between 2009 to 2013. In a period where governance had gotten better, there was more stability, investment had increased and human rights and democratic rights improved. External relations with Zimbabwe rekindled and started slowly building up trust again.”
lines of left and right. Sanctions thrive on division and ZANU-PF has fed into the division and failed to unite the people. The two parties have been taking advantage of the sanction issue in order to maximize their interest and to mobilize people on both sides, anti-imperialism, economic rights versus social and human rights mobilization. The use of sanctions to gain support have consequently created problematic divisions and the government played a very critical role in it.
Opposition groups have taken to the street and tried to undertake an Arab Spring type protest to pressure the government. The government responded by shooting people and made the message clear that they were not going to tolerate this kind of protest like the Libyans and Egyptians did. They were going to take whatever measures necessary to stop dissent. The frustration of the Zimbabwean people was partially stemmed by the fact that Robert Mugabe was removed. It cut pressure that had been building up for a long time, so the transition to the new president Emmerson Mnangagwa took out the frustration.
P4: “I would say sanctions are a great source of irritation for the government, but they are not driven to backing down and effecting reforms but standing up with regional allies to speak out against the West. There is an extent to which sanctions make it easier for the government to continue being authoritarian and blame the resulting failures economically and politically on sanctions.”
Pan-African bulwark against the colonial continuities, creating a snowball effect by their “fight western imperialism” approach to unity Africa. The MDC Alliance party has constantly been portrayed as ‘puppets’ of the West. In doing so, the sanctions have increased the political credibility of ZANU-PF. They have managed to rally the sub-regional bloc SADC and the AU against the government's fight against imperialism and neocolonialism. The leadership's rhetoric has inspired a lot of African nations to confront modern types of foreign invasion in their respective countries. Security competition in the theory of neorealism explains the defensive position the regime in Zimbabwe have chosen to take in the issue of sanctions. Including the view that sanctions is a threat to the sovereignty and liberations of Zimbabwe.
P3: “Everything should be viewed in the historical perspective, the same powers that colonized Zimbabwe at some point are coming in now saying that there is a human right issue and that you are not doing specific things right, so we are imposing sanction. The western power does not have the moral high ground to talk about human rights, and so it becomes a continuous war. The leaders in Zimbabwe will not perceive this as the west looking for the best interest of the Zimbabwean people but another war from a different front and so naturally there is resistance. This results in a toxic political environment where people can not dialog.”
money than ever before, because they got cartels, monopolies and oligopolies. This is a consequence of the government not being able to fund important sectors in society like proper education or the agricultural based industry that covers 70% of the economic activities in Zimbabwe.
P2: “Squeeze, squeeze, squeeze so that people will finally oppose their
government and then there's the great revolution. But you squeeze people, and there is a violent regime that can kill, imprison, starve to death, torture the population. How do you say we are going to impose sanctions in the name of democracy, and none of that has actually happened? So when do you rethink your strategy?”
P3: “The powers in the first world countries decided to impose sanctions because of human rights, which is questionable. Because human rights has been an issue in Zimbabwe since 1980 but because simply some people's interest was protected at the time, they were ok with the situation. But the moment when the government imposed land-reform, wester interest was affected and it became an issue, therefore sanctions were imposed.”
In the case of Zimbabwe sanctions have weakened the country’s interactions with other member states in the global community. Resulting in more authoritarian behaviour and less opportunities for democratic transition, less investment in the country, unemployment, food insecurity and humanitarian crisis. And for sanctions to be liften, Zimbabwe needs to meet the demands and fulfill the requirements by the international community. The challenges of sanctions have hindered developments to take place and meet those demands. How is the state supposed to evolve and what is the acceptable progress under these challenges?
The imposition of the executive orders and restrictive measures was a response to the claims of rigged elections although observers from the AU, SADC and South Africa claim that the elections were free and fair. The sanctions were also claimed to target wrongdoers that had broken international law by violating human rights. There is a political conundrum in the aspect that there is the international law, human rights law and international courts. Unfortunately, the researcher could not find information on where these human rights violations were tested and the due process that was used to determine the human rights violation. Or in which court these people were tried and found guilty of these crimes and if they were given the opportunity to defend themselves.
6. Conclusion
6.1 The purpose of this study : questions
What are the effects of sanctions in Zimbabwe?
Secondly, as a reaction to that, the U.S and EU have not provided the circumstances for the Zimbabwean government to start a democratic transition when sanctions indirectly attack the institutions that produce basic human service and development institutions. The international organized punishment of foregin policy has taken actions against lives and livelihood in Zimbabwe, by influencing the state's ability to secure necessities of life, like food aid, water, education and health care.
The second effect leads to the third effect, sanctions are shown to have increased poverty and strengthened dictatorship. The foreign policy punishments have made it barely possible for countries to successfully reach valid development goals. Isolation has justified the actions of the Zimbabwean government and been used as an excuse for the unwillingness for new political, economic and human rights reforms in the country. Thus, on the other hand, the government's rhetoric has inspired new policies in african nations and have strengthened the credibility and the position of ZANU-PF in the south african region.
Does sanctions result in the desired outcome?
Did the bottom-up model in the theory of sanctions work? No, it did not. The ZANU-PF may have gotten weaker as a national body and primary guiding force of the state but they are still in power and have gotten majority votes in the previous elections. When a government is met with these challenges, a western idea of democracy is not a priority when the regime can barely provide basic service for their population. Instead, collective punishment like sanctions from a realistic perspective makes the targeted states keep using authoritarian ruling in order to keep their power position in the country. Armed confrontation becomes more common than peaceful dialogs as a result of lack of interaction.
What consequences are caused by the design of sanctions for third world states?
As this studies have shown, the indirect effect of sanctions have increased poverty rates, food insecurity and rejection of loans. More specifically, modern industries are very dependent on a fragile web of essential technologies. In the case of Zimbabwe, national banks could not give farmers loans to buy seed, fertilizers and other field equipment. Vulnerable states like Zimbabwe, who have an agricultural based economy, are now at risk for crises like hunger.
In this thesis it is clear that sanctions work as a counterproductive method. The premature nature of sanctions is presented as the purpose, intention and outcome is not aligned. It has operated against the achievement of multilateralism and failed to show targeted countries the importance of sharing the same norms as the international community.
6.2 Further research
The two decades the state of Zimbabwe has been under sanctions has not brought the desirable outcome. However, restrictive measures have yearly been reinforced by the EU and the U.S and so the question of the true intention of the imposition of sanctions emerges.
Many questions are worth discussions of the true intention of sanctions when opposed to weaker states by powerful states. So to strengthen world governance, the research can further be developed by investigating how to prevent states from abusing foreign policy punishment, as a political weapon for national interest. Also how to evolve foreign policy methods and provide third world nations better circumstances for a smoother democracy transition. Circumstances that are more effective, less harsh and keeps the well being of the population in center, so that the sanctioned country can have a fair chance of transitioning to democratic ruling.
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