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(1)ORIENTALIA SUECANA VOL. LVIII (2009). Edited by ÉVA Á. CSATÓ JOAKIM ENWALL BO ISAKSSON CARINA JAHANI ANETTE MÅNSSON ANJU SAXENA CHRISTIANE SCHAEFER Guest editor: AGNES KORN. UPPSALA SWEDEN Orientalia Suecana LVI (2007).

(2) 2 FÖRF. © 2009 by the individual authors Orientalia Suecana is an international peer-reviewed scholarly journal founded in 1952 and published annually by the Department of Linguistics and Philology, Uppsala University. The journal, which is devoted to Indological, Iranian, Semitic, Sinological, and Turkic Studies aims to present current research relating to philological, linguistic, and literary topics. It contains articles, reviews, and review articles. Submissions for publication and books for review are welcome. Books will be reviewed as circumstances permit. Publications received can not be returned. Manuscripts, books for review, orders, and other correspondence concerning editorial matters should be sent to: Orientalia Suecana Editorial Board Department of Linguistics and Philology Uppsala University Box 635 SE-751 26 Uppsala Sweden E-mail: orientalia.suecana@lingfil.uu.se Financial assistance for the publication of this volume of the journal has been provided by the Swedish Research Council. More information on http://www.lingfil.uu.se/orientalia. ISSN 0078-6578 Printed in Sweden 2009 Textgruppen i Uppsala AB Orientalia Suecana LVI (2007).

(3) TITEL. 3. Contents Editorial Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 5. Studies Ashk P. Dahlén, Kingship and Religion in a Mediaeval Fürstenspiegel: The Case of the 123245673849312314567891

(4) 191 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Mohammad Ghazanfari and Abdullah Sarani, The Manifestation of Ideology in a Literary Translation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 Urban Hammar, The K7

(5)  Initiation by the Fourteenth Dalai Lama in Amaravati, January 2006 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Mahmoud 1assanabadi, The Situation of Women in Sasanian Iran: Reflec5212112

(6) 1231

(7) 781

(8) 11515

(9) 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Michael Reinhard Heß1 3

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(12) 67 als Schlüssel zur ,orientalischen‘ Liebe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Ablahad Lahdo, Some Remarks on Language Use and Arabic Dialects in Eastern Turkey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Iranian Minority Languages, ed. by Agnes Korn Agnes Korn, Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Farideh Okati, Abbas Ali Ahangar and Carina Jahani, Fronting of /u/ in Iranian Sistani . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Saloumeh Gholami, Ergativity in Bactrian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Thomas Jügel, Ergative Remnants in Sorani Kurdish? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Agnes Korn, Western Iranian Pronominal Clitics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Antje Wendtland, The Position of the Pamir Languages within East Iranian. 120 132 142 159 172. Book Reviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 189 203. Orientalia Suecana LVI (2007). 117.

(13) 4 FÖRF. Orientalia Suecana LVI (2007).

(14) Editorial Note Gunilla Gren-Eklund, Lars Johanson, Bo Utas. The first issue of the journal Orientalia Suecana appeared after a period of preparation and fund-raising in 1952. Its founder was Erik Gren (1904–1959), Reader in Classical History and Archaeology at Uppsala University as well as librarian at the University Library. The journal came to be a successor to the journal Le Monde Oriental, published by scholars in Oriental Studies at Uppsala 1906–1946.1 From the very beginning the acting editor had at his disposal an editorial board consisting of about ten well-established Swedish oriental scholars who acted as reviewers of incoming contributions in their respective fields of research. The purpose of OS was described as follows in the introduction to its first issue: During recent years Oriental studies in Sweden have grown so much in intensity and scope that the need for a special periodical covering certain branches of these studies has become more and more urgent. This is so in the investigation of the ancient culture of the Near East, which has largely attracted increasing attention, and hardly less so in the case of certain aspects of Islamic studies, Iranology, Egyptology and African ethnology. The present journal is in the first place intended to satisfy this need, but the possibility of later extending the programme will be kept in view.. This outline for the journal has been followed ever since. The fields covered were soon extended beyond those mentioned. Indology was included as early as vol. 2, Turkology from vol. 3, and articles on Byzantine studies were subsequently also published. The need for the journal expressed at the start has certainly been confirmed by its unfailing survival during half a century. The editor of the journal, Erik Gren, had just finished vol. 8 when he suddenly passed away in 1959. The task of editing was taken over by the Byzantinist Gustav Karlsson and the Indologist Nils Simonsson who designed vol. 9 (1960) as a memorial volume for the founder of the journal, including an obituary. The same two scholars, with the support of the original editorial board, edited the journal up to vol. 13 (1964) when Frithiof Rundgren took over as sole editor. He stayed on as the editor for 25 years, doing most of the editorial work himself, with the help of the printing house Almqvist & Wiksell. During his period as editor there was a certain interruption when vols. 33–35 (1984–1986) were combined into a Festschrift for Frithiof Rundgren, edited by Tryggve Kronholm and Eva Riad (in collaboration with Lennart Carlsson, Stig Eliasson, and Lennart Grönberg). Frithiof Rundgren retired from his chair in Semitic languages in 1987 and handed over the editorial work to his successor, Tryggve Kronholm, with the double issue 38–39 (1989–1990, a congratula1. A special article about Le Monde Oriental has been published by Sigrid Kahle in Orientalia Suecana 51– 52 (2002–2003), pp. 275–295.. Orientalia Suecana LVIII (2009).

(15) 6. GUNILLA GREN-EKLUND, LARS JOHANSON, BO UTAS. tory volume for Gösta Vitestam, professor of Semitic Languages at the University of Lund 1968–1987). Frithiof Rundgren lived until 2006; his obituary was printed in vol. 55 (2006). Tryggve Kronholm was the sole editor of vols. 39–42. At the prospect of editing vol. 43 (1994) he summoned support from his colleagues at the then Department of Asian and African Languages: Gunilla Gren-Eklund, Indology; and Bo Utas, Iranian studies. For Turkic studies Lars Johanson, also originally from Uppsala, joined the editorial committee. Tryggve Kronholm passed away suddenly in 1999; his obituary can be found in vol. 49 (2000). His successor, professor Bo Isaksson, took over Kronholm’s responsibilities on the acting editorial committee from vol. 53 (2004) as a representative of Semitic Languages. For vols. 54–57 there was a slight change in the editorial committee when Gunilla Gren-Eklund was appointed as the main editor, with Bo Isaksson, Lars Johanson, and Bo Utas acting as collaborating members. The editorial committee as constituted until now has thus been responsible for the journal for sixteen years. During this period, vols. 51–52 (2002–2003) were edited as a combined volume by Éva Á. Csató, Carina Jahani, Anju Saxena, and Christiane Schaefer, intended as a congratulatory volume on the occasion of the retirement of the two editors Gunilla Gren-Eklund and Bo Utas from their respective professorships at Uppsala University: Indology, especially Sanskrit; and Iranistics. With the present volume the editorial quadriga has handed over the responsibility for the journal to a new committee which has the intention – in clear accordance with the vision of the founder – to broaden the journal’s content anew by including more fields of Oriental Studies. Such is the story of the editorial work behind Orientalia Suecana. The technical aspects of the editing were originally handled by Almqvist & Wiksell, the printing house traditionally engaged by the University of Uppsala. After a restructuring of the printing house and its distribution department, the collaboration was ended, and from the double vol. 43–44 (1994–1995) the working committee took over more of the technical duties: both the financial accounts and the entire distribution process. Since that time the typesetting has been competently performed by Textgruppen AB, Uppsala, and its resourceful director John Wilkinson. In spite of varying conditions the journal has remained financially stable. For at least three decades the editing has been supported by grants of greater or lesser amounts from the Swedish Research Council, thus securing both funding and quality. It is not, however, only the demands of the Research Council that have made the editors aware of the necessity to ensure high quality in the contributions. Since the journal is, in fact, multidisciplinary, expert knowledge, internal and external, has always been called upon, and many experts have, without personal compensation, been of great help in passing judgement on the incoming contributions. A closer look at the contents of the journal during its long history reveals certain changes in the scholarly world of Oriental Studies during the last decades. First, the number of contributions from abroad is greater today than in the time before the 1990s, which might also be an indicator that the journal has obtained wider acceptance among the international scholarly society. Orientalia Suecana LVIII (2009).

(16) EDITORIAL NOTE. 7. Second, it is also evident that most of the early contributions could be classified as primarily philological, with a wider view towards historical, and especially religious-historical issues. The articles dealing with antiquity are now joined by more studies of present-day topics and phenomena. At the same time, contributions addressing philological and linguistic problems are more clearly distinguished today, due to the fact that different modern theories are applied to these fields. The diversity of topics, times, and viewpoints might be exemplified by mentioning two articles typical of their times: “Mithra en vieux-perse” from the first issue in 1952; and from vol. 56 (2007), a paper treating the view on East and West in the novels of Orhan Pamuk. This is the story of Orientalia Suecana so far, and we three, now retiring editors wish the new editorial committee the best of luck – both in upholding the fine traditions of the journal and in meeting the demands of the present time for necessary renewal in all respects.. Orientalia Suecana LVIII (2009).

(17) 8. GUNILLA GREN-EKLUND, LARS JOHANSON, BO UTAS. Orientalia Suecana LVIII (2009).

(18) Kingship and Religion in a Mediaeval Fürstenspiegel:. The Case of the 123245673849312314567891

(19) 19 Ashk P. Dahlén Stockholm It is by virtue of the 1232456738493, and that alone, that Nidh789(

(20) 291 231 8

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(22) *1 21 " reckoned amongst the great names of Persian literature. Edward Browne (1921:xi). In the mediaeval period, works in the Fürstenspiegel (mirror-for-princes) genre were composed by members of diverse intellectual and social groups in the Iranian cultural sphere. The rich variety of the genre, combining the various themes of statecraft, ethics, history, and homiletic discourse, testifies to the widespread mediaeval preoccupation with problems of kingship and governance. Designed for the edification of rulers and princes on the ethical and practical aspects of government, the mirror-for-princes genre displays a notable contrast between works written by court officials and secretaries, whose political and social ideals were formed largely by the Persian royal tradition, and Islamic scholars, whose vision of the ideal polity was dictated by religious norms. This distinction can be observed most clearly in their conflicting conceptions of the relationship between kingship and religion. The an51+

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(25) 145678 al-Mulk (d.1092) in the 4343 (The Book of Statecraft), seeks to maintain equilibrium between the secular and religious domains of power. It represents a desire for a perfect state of parity and social harmony between kingship and religion based on the natural balance of the universe. In contrast, the Islamic view, as envisaged in homiletic mirror-for-princes literature, such as Ba25639 34 (The Sea of Precious Virtues) and La34639 2ikma1/01"51231 152821 2315

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(31) (The Book of 1. Mirror-for-princes is a universal genre which can be defined most broadly as “ethics of statecraft” or “advice on how to rule”. In contrast to philosophical and legal works on statecraft, the genre does not primarily address the theory of the state, but revolves around the personality and conduct of the ruler and his counsellors. Mirror-for-princes is also to be distinguished from other genres, such as instruction in etiquette and political philosophy, which it substantially overlaps. Considerable attention has been paid to the religious aspects of the Persian mirror-of-princes literature by Patricia Crone (1987), A. K. S. Lambton (1954 and 1971), Louise Marlow (1995) and Julie Scott Meisami (1991). Patricia Crone and Martin Hinds (2003:27–31) have discussed the tension between Persian and Islamic notions of governance in their study on religious authority in early Islam. The Iranian origin of the concept of social parity between kingship and religion has been evaluated by Molé (1963:51f) and Crone (1987:182–185).. Orientalia Suecana LVIII (2009).

(32) 10 ASHK P. DAHLÉN. Counsel) of Mu3881 791/31444421 318313198"21

(33) ,152121 inherent tension between Persian and Islamic elements in the mediaeval mirror-for-princes literature.2 Without much further elaboration she suggests that this tension can be observed most noticeably in the 1232456738493 (Four Discourses) of 1,3(

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(40) 19155( tially makes a concession to the classical theory of the Islamic caliphate and subsequently rejects it altogether (Lambton 1954:49). In this short essay I would like to explore the relationship between kingship and religion in the preface of the 123245 7384931512

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(44) 19<1-2552121"111 revival of the Persian concept of kingship or as a justification of Islamic political theory. The apparent tension in his discussion can be interpreted, as Lambton seems to suggest, as a form of intellectual inconsistency, but it can also be seen as an attempt to synthesize opposing doctrinal tendencies and cultural legacies. Before *5'1521512-5151512,*

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(49) ( phy and literary production on the basis of the mediaeval sources in order to understand the historical and cultural milieu in which the 1232456738493 was composed.. The Life and Times of 4567891

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(56) 12311* century, probably around 1085.3 He received his early education in his hometown and acquired extensive learning in the profane sciences such as grammar, rhetoric, poetry, and ethics, which comprised the heart of humanistic education in the Iranian cultural sphere. This curriculum was particularly aimed at training and educating 2

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(62) 191, also well-versed in astrology and medicine. To judge from his autobiographical accounts in the 1232456 738493, he was in all respects a multifaceted scholar and a man of great reputation in his own lifetime. For more than forty-five years, he 

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(105) 4584745dh134par excellence of Persian literature; so the poet with whom we are now concerned is always spoken of as Nidh13%13 (i.e. ‘the Prosodist’) of Samarqand.”. Orientalia Suecana LVIII (2009).

(106) KINGSHIP AND RELIGION IN A MEDIAEVAL FÜRSTENSPIEGEL. 11. about prominent, contemporary men of learning. In 1112, he visited Balkh, where he enjoyed the society of the astronomers $8

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(164) sure when he first entered service at the court or when he made his breakthrough as a poet but for some reason he left the court of Sanjar. Perhaps he lost favour or felt neglected in the shadow of more celebrated writers. His journey went to the Ghurid -51785731C2

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(206) 4 2294-76816 495845846. Orientalia Suecana LVIII (2009).

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(211) 31> was forced to escape to the east from bloody persecution with other members of the Persian nobility and finally settled in the inaccessible mountains of Ghur. The Umayyads launched several military raids into Ghur, which the local inhabitants successfully repulsed. The Ghurids did not convert to Islam before Sul47 Ma3mud’s military conquests (d. 1030), which initially only yielded a token submission to the new religion.6 :14567891

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(269) 8( nently retire to India, where he spent his last years in solitude. With good reason. 71(D716usain was thereafter called “Burner of the World” (324 ), a nick-name that endured among the people of Iran until the Mongol period.7 After his conquest of Ghazna, which marked the beginning of the Ghurid 1 71(D71651

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(276) 4-51#42%&36489. 6. as a judge under the Ghurids and the work gives valuable information regarding the early history of Islam in Afghanistan and India. Cf. Bosworth 1968:157–166. 7 8. 4. 4/0#16342345655575584694593 430(745842

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(310)  for fifty thousand 45 while the king was freed without ransom and granted a robe of honour. As is evident from the concluding anecdote of the6 123245 738493112

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(327) 19 is unknown, but it seems incontestable that he continued to be involved in the politics of his time. The Ghurid dynasty experienced a period of greatness under. 71 (D71 65<1 -,1 57s1 (D91 3ammad, and the latter’s "

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(344) scanty fragments (qi334) and one quatrain (5!4) have survived in the "!4! 39 39!4!6 (Sublime Intellects) of the literary historian Mu3881 391 /4?A7# 5AGN5A621/3145@523142,55'11535215-1"14567891

(345) 19 regarding his own poetical talent, his poems have not been judged by posterity as being of the highest order. As the literary scholar Edward Browne (1921:xi) It must, however, be mentioned that 2142%& 6144usain had less interest in philosophy, since a col2 5

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(352) 4+70645642:58 9. was put to the torch. Orientalia Suecana LVIII (2009).

(353) 14 ASHK P. DAHLÉN. argues “it is far inferior to his prose, which is admirable, and in my opinion, almost unequalled in Persian”.10 It is by virtue of the 1232456738493, and not his -2

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(360) 53 This prose work was composed around 1156 as a mirror-for-princes under the -512315'1C

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(365)  and aristocrats. As such, it is permeated not only by the attitudes that informed the Ghurid political activities in the region, but also by the general cultural atmosphere of the contemporary Persian renaissance. The 1232456 738493 has thematic similarities with earlier mirrors, such as the6#4!43 (The Book of B7" 215151

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(375) 123 court etiquette, such as chess, wine, love, horses, poetry, and rearing children. The didactic sections are augmented with illustrative anecdotes, often of amusing content. A. K. S. Lambton (1971:419, 421), who has discussed the mediaeval evolution of mirror-for-princes literature, observes that this genre generally is characterized by an assimilation of Islamic political and ethical norms to traditions of kingship drawn from ancient, mostly Persian sources.11 The mediaeval mirror-for-princes owes particularly much to concepts of the ruler, justice, and good religion envisaged in the old Persian manuals of court etiquette (4 43). Persian belles-lettres flourished 5117751-

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(398) 831 collections of maxims and sage proverbs about kingship and administration have been attributed to them. The most famous collection of Wuzurgmihr is the Ganj-i 2423$4 (“The Treasures of Kings”). He also figures prominently in a work known as %343$ (The Book of Counsel), which is known from a ninth century Middle Persian version.12 In the #4!431 81 87* 1 *21 1 ,21 -

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(407) ( ance in twelve points, which the king inscribed in golden letters. These commands (paraphrased below), can be said to adequately represent an Iranian ideal of kingship: Fear God; be trustworthy and loyal; seek the advice of wise men; honour scholars, the nobles, and the officials; supervise judges and tax collectors strictly; check on the condition of prisoners; ensure the safety of roads and markets; punish the guilty according to their This is also the opinion of Mu2ammad Mu364-47584*  4

(408) 4513413 2003. Lambton (1954:48) writes: “The writers of these manuals were not as concerned with the legal aspect as had been the jurists and thus they were not limited in the material on which they could draw; in fact they drew largely on pre-Islamic tradition, which meant in the eastern part of the Islamic world, where this type of work was especially popular, Sasanian tradition, and their works were in part inspired by the old Persian manuals of court etiquette.” 12 The 1 1 was also translated into Arabic and included in the    khirad (Eternal Wisdom) by Ibn Miskavay (d. 1030). Cf. Christensen 1930:97–98. 10 11. Orientalia Suecana LVIII (2009).

(409) KINGSHIP AND RELIGION IN A MEDIAEVAL FÜRSTENSPIEGEL. 15. crime; provision the army; honour the family; defend the borders; and watch government officials closely and remove the disloyal and incompetent.13. :11-

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(423) 551 1 55351 8531 0 4343 is made up of fifty chapters of advice to rulers, interspersed with illustrative anecdotes. It is not merely a theoretical handbook but also an administra5*1"-

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(427) 8121"1'2*( erned. His ambition was to maintain the vast empire, especially against internal

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(436) 1 vizier or premier-minister, who often exerted much influence on the king, to be the most important person under the monarch in the central government. He also sought 15182132

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(440) 11-1 correctness of its division into priests, warriors, scribes, farmers, and artisans /456781(14??A#55N7@231 In contrast to the 4343, the 1232456738493 belongs to the literary current of mirror literature. Like the above-mentioned works, it is a textbook directly instructing 5'314567891

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(446) ,1 521 21 456781 (<1 2521 1 1 5' needs wise and effective counsellors whose opinions he should follow. But in contrast to the latter, his purpose is not to specify the attributes and virtues of the king, but those of his ministers so that the king can govern in a wise and effective way. In the -

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(451) 2 court” (39 6394 6&4242) by defining kingship according to “the canon of wisdom (84 62ikmat) with decisive proofs and trenchant arguments”. As the title suggests, the 1232456738493 formally consists of four sections that separately discuss the 2335123112

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(456) 1 secretaries, the poets, the astrologers, and the physicians. The very structure of the book indicates that the author identifies the sine qua non of kingship with the king’s incumbents; that is, the government or public administration. He states: The French translation of Mas93$84!234;6;5<"4

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(461) 6 est près de céder à la concupiscence, à la convoitise, à la peur, à la colère ou à la passion ; redouter, dans les conséquences de ces passion, non pas l’homme, mais Dieu. (II) Être sincère dans ses paroles et exécuter fidèlement ses promesses et ses engagements, les pactes et les traités. (III) Prendre l’avis des sages en toute affaire. (IV) Honorer les savants, les nobles, les gouverneurs des frontières, les officiers, les secrétaires et les employés, chacun suivant son grade. (V) Surveiller les juges, examiner avec équité les comptes des agents du fisc ; récompenser les bons services et punir les malversations. (VI) Connaître par de fréquentes visites la situation des prisonniers, afin de redoubler de surveillance envers les coupables et de délivrer les innocents. (VII) Assurer la sécurité des routes et des marchés, contrôler les prix et les transactions. (VIII) Punir les coupables dans la mesure de leur faute et appliquer les sanctions légales (IX) S’approvisionner d’armes et de tout le matériel de guerre. (X) Honorer sa famille, ses enfants, ses proches, et rechercher ce quit peut leur être profitable. (XI) Avoir l’oeil ouvert sur les frontières, afin de connaître le danger et de le prévenir. (XII) Surveiller les ministres et les employés, et révoquer ceux dont la déloyauté ou l’incapacité est manifeste. 13. Orientalia Suecana LVIII (2009).

(462) 16 ASHK P. DAHLÉN Hence, a king must be surrounded by such men – since on their counsel, judgment and deliberations depend the loosing and binding of the world (2all va aqd-i 493) and the well-being of the servants of the God Almighty – as are in every respect the most excellent and most perfect of their time. Now of the counsellors (

(463) 23444) necessary to kings are the secretary, the poet, the astrologer, and the physician, with whom he can in no wise dispense. The maintenance of the administration is done by the secretary; the perpetuation of immortal renown by the poet; the ordering of affairs by the astrologer; and the health of the body by the physician. (4567891

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(470) 1,511-( gyric praise of God, the prophet Mu3ammad, and his benefactor, who is portrayed as a magnificent and just ruler. Following this short opening, he gives a learned explanation about the creation of the universe, minerals, plants, animals, and humans. 11"1''1"1 ""719791/4??6#75A215155351222151

(471) ' based on an Aristotelian taxonomy filtered through the works of Muslim peripatetic -522-

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(477) 11,51 classes of human society and the meaning and function of kingship. Each of the four main sections begins with a theoretical discussion on the foundations and methods of each art (i.e. the secretarial art, poetry, astrology, and medicine), which also describes the qualifications and education necessary for their practitioners. The theoretical introductions, which are largely based on Greek, Persian, and Islamic learning, are in each case followed by ten or more biographical anecdotes about learned men (and one woman), which illuminate the offices in various respects. The anecdotes are charming, more or less literary, and a few contain humoristic elements. The 1232456738493 offers a rich overview of the Iranian cultural history in the ,21 

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(486) 1212 about the literary development in that period but also about contemporary political events in West and Central Asia. Reflecting the prevailing cultural trends among the ruling elite and the social norms of the period, it can be used as a rich resource for studying social, intellectual, and literary tendencies. The anecdotes about the poets C5

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(506) 15 sober scholarship and stylistic genius already by his contemporaries. The 123245 738493 soon became a model for prose elaboration, and even imitation, and was referred to by many great authors of the following centuries. Mu3881 391,2 also served at the Ghurid court, wrote his "!4!639 39!4!6in the form and style of 4567891

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(520) KINGSHIP AND RELIGION IN A MEDIAEVAL FÜRSTENSPIEGEL. 17. continued to influence writers and intellectuals in modern times, such as Mu38810)917

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(533) thought, insisting on the central role of the Persian language for Iranian national 551/7

(534) 14?@(#5?6N74623111. Kingship and religion in the 1232456738493 In the preface to the 123245673849314567891

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(537)  and human society, and delves into the meaning and function of kingship. In his natural philosophy or physics he follows to a large extent Aristotle through the writings of peripatetic philosophers such as Mu3881 C7

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(545) 5215151851 empirical approach.14 His view of nature is essentially an evolutionary one in a pre-modern sense, from the mineral and vegetable kingdoms to the animal kingdom. He begins his discussion by elucidating in how man developed from the natural world. Interestingly, he defines man as a “perfect animal” (234 6

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(555) 1 1 fundamental pre-eminence of man lies in his ability to understand abstract ideas. So by reason of intelligence he [i.e. man] became king over all animals and brought all things under his control. From the mineral world he made jewels, gold, and silver his adornment; from the vegetable kingdom he made his food, raiment, and bedding; and from the animal kingdom he obtained steeds and beasts of burden. And from all three kingdoms he produced medicines wherewith to heal himself. Whereby did there accrue to him such supremacy? By this, that he understood abstract ideas (ma894) and, by means of these, recognized God. And whereby did he know God? By knowing himself; for He, who knows himself, knows his Lord.. 4567891

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(558) 2'1 " 1 91971,281 considers a model in science and philosophy. Like Plato, his ideal state is aristocratic and comprised of three classes of citizens corresponding to the three souls of men: the appetitive soul (emotion or desire), the spirited soul (will or volition), and the rational soul (mind or intellect).1514567891

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(562) 281+21515 definition of each class. According to him, the first class is the wild men and women who inhabit the wasteland; the second class is the merchants and craftsmen who dwell in the cities and collaborate with each other; the third class is the scientists and philosophers, who devote their time to intellectual activities, such as writing and teaching. 14 5134 13’s reliance on Aristotelian philosophical and scientific foundations has been demonstrated by 184321634!233>653:"456475848 94

(563) 4741 361

(564) 41. 15 Cf. Plato 1930:IV 436e–441c.. Orientalia Suecana LVIII (2009).

(565) 18 ASHK P. DAHLÉN So this kingdom [of man] became divided into three classes. The first is that which is proximate to the animal kingdom, such as the wild men of the waste and the mountain, whose aspiration does not suffice more than to secure their own livelihood by seeking that which is to their benefit and warding off what is to their harm. The second class comprises the inhabitants of towns and cities, who possess civilization, the ability to cooperate, and the aptitude to discover arts and crafts; but whose scientific accomplishments are limited to the organization of such association as subsists between them, in order that the different classes may continue to exist. The third class comprises such as are independent of these things, and whose occupation, by night and by day, in secret and in public, is to reflect. (456789.

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(571) 515*5( sion, as well as the division of professions, on the natural talent and education of the individual. This is also evident from his discussion on the competence and talent of the poet. But in contrast to Plato’s ideal state, which is governed by philosophers, 4567891

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(577)  class whose “arduous functions and noble arts are amongst the branches of the science of philosophy”. In the prologue to the 123245673849314567891

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(581)  mediaeval praise of his patron. Instead of conventional doxology he mentions the favours that God has ordained and vouchsafed to his patron. His primary goals are this-worldly and the theme of realpolitik, with its aspiration for temporal prosperity, "5511-

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(587) 3 not to assign a lot of religious honorifics to his benefactor. The prince is the “Helper of Islam and Muslims” (nu4536 39 946 36 39 9) and the “Majesty of the Faithful” (3949639 3), but these are his only religious titles among a resplendent string of more than thirty honorifics. His supreme title is the “Learned and Just Monarch” (39

(588) 649 649), which is profane and also evokes the ancient Persian emphasis on justice as the most essential criterion of kingship.16 Although 4567891

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References

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