CES SPA TR OF
E I AD TA N IN LL
U N,
NC ER TA IN TY A ND EV ERY DAY LIFE
Ma ste
r's thesis in
Architecture • Jana Džadoňová
us R i s b an za a r a
in
fronc
ontatio n w
ithN eolib
eralism
Umeå, Sweden 29th May 2015
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Antagonism and Everyday Life
TABLE OFCONTENT
Spaces of Trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life Jana Džadoňová
Master’s Programme “Laboratory of Immediate Architectural Intervention” (LiAi)
Umeå School of Architecture Umeå University
UMA Examiners:
Alberto Altés Arlandis Oren Lieberman
Roemer van Toorn
External Examiner:
Jérémy McGowan
Supervisors:
Alberto Altés Arlandis Josep Garriga Tarrés Oren Lieberman
INTRODUCTION
Abstract 3 Why Tallinn? 5 Relevance to LiAi Methodology 7 Matters of concern
Main research questions 9 Hypothesis 11
Table of content
CHAPTERS
1| Post-communist condition in Baltic states 14
‘’From the society without hope towards hope without society’’
2| Polarized Estonia 22 Estonians vs. Russians
3| Open-air markets in Tallinn 30
‘’Mirrors of two cultures’’
4| Keskturg, uncertainty and crime 40 Memory of the past and media
5| Neo-liberalization and Public space 48 Spreading of shopping malls
6| Displacement of Baltijaam Turg 56 Lack of struggle for the common 7| ‘‘Power of Things’’ 62
‘’Inverted market’’, case study 8| Experience and Craftmanship 74 Non-human materials
9| Production, consumption, disposal 80 Incubator of ‘a resonable consumer’
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
SPECULATIONS
Sentence-image 85 Speculative designs
• Playground + clothes share
• Kitchen/dining + food share
• Library + bookshop
• Apartment + service
• Distribution centre
• Greenhouse + shop
• Secondhand + bench
• Material library + workshop
• Tailor’s Studio
Bazaarspace Bibliography
TABLE OFCONTENT
Spaces of Trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life Jana Džadoňová
Master’s Programme “Laboratory of Immediate Architectural Intervention” (LiAi)
Umeå School of Architecture Umeå University
UMA Examiners:
Alberto Altés Arlandis Oren Lieberman
Roemer van Toorn
External Examiner:
Jérémy McGowan
Supervisors:
Alberto Altés Arlandis Josep Garriga Tarrés Oren Lieberman
The everyday survival of the other at the border between ‘East’ and ‘West’
is the object of this study. The coun- try in-between, Estonia, is a ‘melting pot’ of Russian, Western and Nordic influence, what makes this zone an active, diverse, nevertheless invisi- ble in the global awareness.
The process of transition and rapid neoliberalization, which is charac- teristic for the post-socialist coun- try such as Estonia, brings togeth- er number of side-effects, lots of redundant people, who could not adapt to the new regime, who spec- ulate and trade.
The investigation of ‘Russian’
semi-official spaces of trade in Es- tonian capital, Tallinn, reveals the values and defects of the open-
Abstract
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
TABLE OFCONTENT ABST
RACT air markets. The thesis highlights
the need to politicize the process- es around the disappearing and/or transforming the open-air markets in the city. In spite of the fact, that the informal trading is often con- nected with poverty, illegality, low hygiene, distrust and crime, this work explores the alternative ways of trading, the power of immediacy and aesthetics in confrontation to the global capital.
The architecture as the transversal practice cuts across the patterns of trading based on irresponsible consumerism and desire, and ex- periments with the original concept of the market with the dialogue in front. The speculative interventions are the sites of the common life, production and renewal.
WHY TALLINN?
Why Tallinn?
The Laboratory of Immediate Architectural Interven- tion (LiAi) is structured around the notion of intra- vention, a relational object, which challenges the ar- chitecture understood as ‘it’, a well-designed form.
We rather understand the architecture as a verb,
‘to architect’. The work of an architect is relational, what means that the site is not ‘given’, but ‘made’
by us. Working with the expansive notion of site involves the thickness of social, political, economic, material and other relations and discourses. The architect acts as a citizen with the expertise, who cares and believes that the better city is possible.
The purpose of this thesis is to test and enrich the LiAi’s strategies in non-Swedish context and to introduce new ways of making architecture in a post-socialist country. The mutual exchange of ide- as provides me an opportunity to develop my own and objective position, the position of an ‘outsider’, who comes from the country with the similar so- cialist past, Slovakia, and who brings a ‘difference’
of the architectural approaches based in Swedish Norrland. The arrows meet in the middle, in Estonia, country in-between.
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
WHY TALLINN?
As an exchange student at the Estonian Academy of Arts in Tallinn during the third semester of the Master’s program, I was part of the research studio at the Department of Urban Studies. The breath of research topic on ‘’Shopping’’ allowed me to con- struct my own target based on the relational ap- proach of LiAi. The outcome of the studio was the publication ‘’From Keskturg to Kristine Keskus and back’’, which sums up the research of 4 students with different backgrounds, the social science, land- scape architecture, urban design and architectural interventions. This experience helped me in merging the theory with practice, and I was allowed to re- think and develop the practical part of the research as my Master’s thesis in Architecture.
In the thesis, I am particularly interested in the LiAi’s discourse on the common life and coexistence and the understanding of the commonality in the coun- try driven by the memories of the communist past.
What happened with the dreams of the new era and why the contemporary post-communist society finds itself confused, passive, driven by consensus and nostalgia of looking back rather than artic- ulating new utopias of today? How architectural interventions can involve those with ‘no voice’ and embody the new ways of living together?
METHODOLOG Y
1. Postcommunism in Baltic States 2. Polarized Estonia 3. Open-air markets in Tallinn 4. Keskturg, uncertainty and crime 5. Neoliberalization and public space 6. Displacement of Baltijaam turg 7. ''Power of things'' 8. Experience and craftmanship 9. Production, consumption, disposal SPECULATIONS
MATTERS OF CONCERN:
Bazaarspace
MANIFESTO
Critical fiction Methodology
The research is built upon 4 main dimensions - the matters of concern. The matters of concern repre- sented by couple of terms are used in the Labora- tory as mappings tools, which produce meanings in the real situations in the city. They are ways of approaching crucial questions, things that genuinely matter. The matters of concern are tools for ‘archi- tecting’ the world responsibly.
On the basis of the original matters of concern designed by LiAi, I appropriate some of them and combine them into ’my own’ 4 matters of concern
: 1. other/coexistence, 2. memory/traces, 3. duration/
structure, 4. transversal/metabolism.
They are not the tools to flatten the complexity of the topic, but the opposite, they capture the par- ticular concern in different moments, what makes the mappings more relational and meaningful in the end. They define the clear axis of the research, which goes transversally through 9 areas of interest.
These areas are the real situations happening in real time, with real actors and in real space, in which I intervene. In very purified way they focus on the
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
METHODOLOG Y
1. Postcommunism in Baltic States 2. Polarized Estonia 3. Open-air markets in Tallinn 4. Keskturg, uncertainty and crime 5. Neoliberalization and public space 6. Displacement of Baltijaam turg 7. ''Power of things'' 8. Experience and craftmanship 9. Production, consumption, disposal SPECULATIONS
MATTERS OF CONCERN:
Bazaarspace
MANIFESTO
Critical fiction
notion of ‘community’, ‘event’, ‘space’ and ‘things’.
These dimensions pose the questions: who? how?
why? and what?, respectively.
The matters of concern are formulated into the main research questions, which are further supported by sub-questions in particular chapters -areas of inter- est. The mappings zoom in and out from the very concrete situation of e.g. a fisherman at the market or a collection of old porcelain to the political con- text, in which the situations happen.
The experimental and artistic line bridges the mappings and is represented by the critical fictions, which close each chapter. These visions/fictions based on values of the market are translated into the speculative interventions as conclusion of the relational mappings, interviews, observations and actions. The collection of 9 speculative architectural interventions is manifested in concluding manifesto about Bazaarspace.
HOW?
MEMORY / TRACES
WHO?
OTHER / COEXISTENCE
HOW?
matters of concern:
DURATION / STRUCTURE
WHY?
T? WHA
TRANSVERSAL / METABOLISM
MAIN RESE ARCHQ
UESTIONS
What socio-spatial limits are set within the Russian open-air markets and other semi-official spaces of trade in the city?
What makes the market memorable and how the media effect the perception of the space?
How neo-liberalization influences traditional market and what is the
‘power’ of temporal structures?
What kind of new relations need to be established in order to realize the dream of a ‘'reasonable consumer’'?
Main research questions
HOW?
MEMORY / TRACES
WHO?
OTHER / COEXISTENCE
HOW?
matters of concern:
DURATION / STRUCTURE
WHY?
T? WHA
TRANSVERSAL / METABOLISM
MAIN RESE ARCHQ
UESTIONS
What socio-spatial limits are set within the Russian open-air markets and other semi-official spaces of trade in the city?
What makes the market memorable and how the media effect the perception of the space?
How neo-liberalization influences traditional market and what is the
‘power’ of temporal structures?
What kind of new relations need to be established in order to realize the dream of a ‘'reasonable consumer’'?
Spaces of Trade in Tallinn , Antagonism and Everyday Life
Hypothesis
According to the age, language, gender and background of the vendors, the spaces of trade of this research seem to be welcoming especially for a certain type of people.
The majority of the vendors as well as buyers are elderly Russian-speaking women (in the case of Keskturg, most of them are coming from Lasnamae - ‘Russian district’ in Tallinn). The spatial and time limits to run the bussiness at the market depend on the decision of the administra- tion and fellow-vendors.
At the level of an individual purchase, I assume that the open-air markets offer more memorable and appreciated shopping experience than supermarkets thanks to the sociable character of the vendors connected with the honesty and transparency of the product’s origin.
However, in the case of the Russian open-air markets in Tallinn, this quality has been disrupted by the speculative trading activities - selling pirated, stolen or smuggled goods, as well as out-of-date groceries, which are kept in the bad hygienic conditions. These circumstances, together with the chaotic-looking self-made structures, create the bad image of these places. It seems that the misery of the reality and nostalgia for the former regime is the part of the marketing strategy and represent a
‘value’ of these markets. The sense of disorder creates the athmosphere, which allows the wayfaring rather than purchasing.
MEMORY / TRACES
TRANSVERSAL / METABOLISM OTHER / COEXISTENCE
DURATION / STRUCTURE
HYPOTHESIS
According to the age, ethnicity, gender and background of the vendors, the spaces of trade of this research seem to be welcoming especially for a certain type of people.
The majority of the vendors as well as buyers are elderly Russian-speaking women (in the case of Keskturg, most of them reside in Lasnamäe - ‘Russian district’ in Tallinn).
The spatial and time limits to run the bussiness at the markets depend on the decision of the administration and closed community of fellow-vendors.
The spreading of international and local chain stores and building more and more centralized shopping facilities is apparent in Tallinn more than in other European cities.
However, in compare with ephemeral trading structures defined by fast changing consumption patterns, these cheap-looking big boxes anchor to the strategic spots in the city expecting their unlimited presence. They moreof- ten radically replace the open-air markets and usurp the spaces of the common. This fact is not questioned and these decisions are being made beyond the democratic principles.
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
The spreading of global and local chain stores and building more and bigger centralized shopping facilities is apparent in Tallinn more than in other European cities.
However, in compare with ephemeral trading structures defined by fast changing consumption patterns, these cheap-looking big boxes anchor to the strategic spots in the city expecting their long-lasting success. They more- often radically replace the open-air markets and usurp the spaces of the common. This fact can be proven at
The hypothesis is, that the value of the market is in providing the variety of the choice from the number of in- dividual stalls selling different quality of the same goods.
Similarly, the brands don’t play the same role as in the shopping malls, so that the commodities of the mar- kets represent the common needs rather than individual desires. The assumption implied for the concrete Rus- sian markets is that these needs are not always satisfied
couple of examples in Tallinn. This fact is being forgotten to be politicized and such spatial decisions are being made beyond the democratic principles.
for lower price and the objects of needs are combined with the objects of desire obtained illegally. The met- abolic flow of products freed from the ‘brand burden’, consummed and recycled at market could be enrinched by new relationships with the chain stores within certain radius around the markets.
#
MEMORY / TRACES
TRANSVERSAL / METABOLISM OTHER / COEXISTENCE
DURATION / STRUCTURE
HYPOTHESIS
I assume that the open-air markets offer more memora- ble and appreciated shopping experience than super- markets thanks to the sociable character of the vendors.
However, in the case of the Russian open-air markets in Tallinn, this quality has been disrupted by the speculative trading activities and bad hygiene. These circumstances, create the ‘bad’ image of these places. It seems that the misery of the reality and nostalgia for the former regime is the part of the marketing strategy.
The value of the open-air markets is in providing the va- riety of the local and fresh products for good price. It is a centre of placing and exchanging old things as well. The brands don’t play the role, because the goods are the objects of common need rather than individual desire.
The metabolic flow of products freed from the ‘brand burden’, can be enrinched by new relationships with the chain stores within the certain radius around the markets or with individual traders in the city.
n eth ity ic nfo i ma r ity l o sh age rt
ce ac nce pta os n algt ia
niotnsiar t
POS TCOM
MUNIST CON
DITION IN BALTIC STATES
‘’Post-Communist life is life lived backward, a movement against the flow of time.’’
BORIS GROYS
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
n eth ity ic nfo i ma r ity l o sh age rt
ce ac nce pta os n algt ia
niotnsiar t
POS TCOM
MUNIST CON
DITION IN BALTIC STATES
Since the revolutions of 1989, Central and Eastern European societies have evolved from authoritarian, centralized, and bureaucratic Leninist regimes to- wards democratic forms of political and economic organization. This process of transition from com- munism to capitalism is characterized by rapid pri- vatization and rising inequalities in the society.
Boris Buden, in his book on the end of post-com- munism, defines the restorative mode of capitalism, which is the return from the socialist future back to its pre-revolutionary, capitalist past.! Instead of in- venting new utopias, the post-communist subject is passively looking back.
The real heritage of today’s post-communist subject, according to Boris Groys, is the real place of origin - a radical, absolute break with the historical past and with any kind of distinct cultural identity.
‘‘The contemporary Russian, post-Soviet citizen comes from nowhere, from the degree zero at the end of every possible history.’’2
1 Buden, Boris. “Konec postkomunismu. Od společnosti bez naděje k naději bez společnosti” (2014)
2 Groys, Boris. ‘‘Art Power’’, The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, (2008) Post-communist condition in Baltic states
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
As an introduction to the artistic layer of this thesis, I would like to indroduce an art piece, which repre- sents the experience of the end of post-communism very well.
It is a performance called Strojiteli (The builders) from Russian art group Chto Delat? (What is to be done?).
The group of artist reconstructs the painting of one of the most famous pieces of socialist realism: Viktor Popkov: Builders of Bratsk, 1960.
The painting represents groups of workers who are just having break. The silhouette of city Bratsk, which they are building is recognizable in the dark background.
The Russian artists arrange themselves in the same composition and raise the question of the meaning of the realist painting for the contemporary world.
What is being built nowadays? What does it mean to work collaboratively? What is the society like today?
Who builds the city?
This work tries to find the relation to the past, which seems to be overcame. However, the group is not recalling the past in order to awaken the lost identity and thus compensate the loss of the society. Their remake imitate the past with the aim to emphasize its ideologically alienated meaning.
The symbolic dimension of Popkov’s painting informs on the building of society, new human as part of the community, rather than the city in the background. In compare with this concept, the background of Chto Delat’s slideshow is rather flat and dark, as if there is nothing, an abyss.
The loss of society is apparent in the post-Soviet countries and the public space is its evidence. How- ever, the public space is the arena for the contempo- rary art and architecture.
How can architecture be responsible for building the new society on the lost fundament?
This thesis is an attempt to situate these concerns at the example of the Russian open-air markets in Western city, which act as ‘‘mirrors’’ of the society we live in.
The contemporary situation and the role of architec- ture in Baltic states is influenced by the Soviet past.
After these states were annexed to the Soviet Union after World war II, Stalin starts with Russification and industrialization of these states. These conditions brought lots of Russian workers to the Baltic states.
The main focus was on heavy industry, what caused the shortage of the common consumption goods.
People had to wait in long queues in order to satisfy their basic needs.
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the free trade decree was released in Russia, what allowed people to trade with almost everything, they occu- pied all suitable stops in the public space. Unofficial trade in public space is still active in the Baltic states as well. This phenomenon can be called ‘’fungus’’
which grows, as well as ‘‘commercial functionalism’’.3
3 Paramonova, D., Luzhkov era: ‘‘Aging of Contemporary Architecture - Preservation as Design’’, Strelka institute for Media, Architecture and Design, 2011
Post-communist condition in Baltic states
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
New capitalist regime caused the establishment of huge open-air markets, as an example I use Cher- kovsky market in Moscow, which was comparable with the size of Vatikan.
* image source: Jana Dzadonova, Saint Petersburg, 2015
‘’Capitalism did not suddenly enter East- ern Europe after the fall of Soviet Union which was observed on behalf of open- air markets and that open-air markets form a ‘bridge between the capitalism of the past, the second economy of the communist period and the capitalism of the present.’’
Sik, E.;Wallace, C. (1999), p.712)
• a man selling clothes Vadim
''Trampoline field'' MOVE! FIND!
CRIT IC
AL FICT ION
• clothes basket
Similarly, as Chto Delat?’s performance above the abyss, I stand critically about the individualism of the market. As if individual efforts lead to nowhere.
Only possible future lies in community.
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
• a man selling clothes Vadim
''Trampoline field'' MOVE! FIND!
CRIT IC
AL FICT ION
• clothes basket
POLAR
IZED ESTONIA
d i entit y c ns o ptio um n m co un m
ity
ni r teg ion at
on c flict
f
ood
ANDRES KURG,
The User’s guide to Tallinn
‘‘They are both here and there. Many of them feel an affinity with the great Russian cul- ture, but they feel bad when they actually visit Russia: too many rude habits, a tiresome tempo, different business cultures...’’
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
POLAR
IZED ESTONIA
d i entit y c ns o ptio um n m co un m
ity
ni r teg ion at
on c flict
f
ood
Polarized Estonia
1992
new identity - *Viru turg - Old Town
old identity - *Baltijaam turg
Russians and Estonians are two groups with very different language and mentality. That is the rea- son why it is difficult for Russian people living in Estonia to be successfully integrated in Estonian society. They respect each other, but there are two lives, which rarely meet.
After the ‘‘Singing revolution’’ in 1991, Estonia builds its new identity. The polarization of the soci- ety is visible at the open-air markets. On one hand, new identity is created to be sold, commodified, whereas another identity is here to recalled the past. The Russian bazaars play the role of ‘‘muse- ums of communism’’ in the western city.
Baltijaam turg, the Russian market located just be- hind the border of the Old Town is on the first place of ‘‘Top 10 cultural must-see in Tallinn’’ according to The Guardian. Nevertheless, Estonians are not proud of this place.
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
2007
One of the moments of tension between two cul- ture was the riot about the relocation of the Bronze Soldier in 2007. The Bronze Soldier, originally named ‘‘Monument to the Liberators of Tallinn’’ was unveiled on 22th September 1947. 47 years later.
Estonia reachieved its idependence from Russia.
The Estonian Parliament had enacted the Protection of War Grave Act, part of the ‘‘protective measures’’
proposed enabled the relocation of war graves cur- rently in ‘‘unsuitable’’ sites. Over the nights of 26th to 28th April 2007, thousands of people gathered, mainly Russian speakers, who protested at the ex- humation. Things got out of hand, with stones being thrown, vandalism, and over 1,160 arrests.1
1 http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/deadly-riots-in-tallinn-soviet-memorial-causes-rift-between-estonia-and-russia-a-479809.html
SUPERMARKETS CHAINS in Estonia: MAXIMA PRISMA A ja O RIMI SÄÄSTUMARKET SELVER STOCKMAN COMARKET KAUBAMAJA TOIDUMAALIM KODUPOED KONSUM MAKSIMARKET MEIE
GROSSI TOIDUKAUBA
151
9 61
35 52
44
1 19
49
2 25
88
9 62
Distribution of ethnic Russians in Estonia (2013)
Polarized Estonia
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
SUPERMARKETS CHAINS in Estonia: MAXIMA PRISMA A ja O RIMI SÄÄSTUMARKET SELVER STOCKMAN COMARKET KAUBAMAJA TOIDUMAALIM KODUPOED KONSUM MAKSIMARKET MEIE
GROSSI TOIDUKAUBA
151
9 61
35 52
44
1 19
49
2 25
88
9 62
CRIT IC
AL FICT ION
''Last supper''
• pickles and other food items arranged in specific way at the desks
• a group of vendors renting the desks
SHARE! INTERACT! It would be expected, that the market is the place of social inclusion, which gives different people the opportunity to integrate into a society and the consumption goods are the mortar between two cultures living next to each other. The vision reartic- ulates the sharing of food at the market. The indi- vidual desks are joined together and the space for trade becomes a place of production with common kitchen.
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
CRIT IC
AL FICT ION
''Last supper''
• pickles and other food items arranged in specific way at the desks
• a group of vendors renting the desks SHARE! INTERACT!
OPEN-A
IR MAR
KETS IN TALLINN
er ord re m me ring be o kn e wl e dg
rien o ati t n o yfa wa n ri
g
xpe
ecnriee
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
OPEN-A
IR MAR
KETS IN TALLINN
er ord re m me ring be o kn e wl e dg
rien o ati t n o yfa wa n ri
g
xpe
ecnriee
KESKLINN
NOMME HAABERSTI 41%
DISTRICT NAME % percentage of ethnic Russian population MUSTAMÄE 34%
12%
KRISTIINE 24%
21%
POHJA-TALLINN 46%
PIRITA 16%
1
Market name
space of trade number
of vendors
R •''Russian'' T •'Tourist'
• F 'Farmers'
'Uno fficial' LASNAMÄE
''Russian district'' 60%
A index
other markets : Rottermani turg Kristiine turg Telliskivi turg Vene street market Flower market near cementary
TALLINN OLD TOWN 1
Kohtuotsa vaateplats
100
Town-hall squareare
20
Müürivahe t.
50
Viru turg
1
Kiriku plats
~200
Nõmme turg
00
~80
Mustamäe turg
>10 14
Lilleturg (Flower market)
20
Pirita turg M
T T
T
T
T
M/T
~100
Lasnamäe turg M
M
M
?
Kalaturg (Fish market) M
Sat 10-16 +Pro Kapital Grupp AS
Mon-Sat 9–18 Sun 9-17
Mon-Sun 9 –19 Mon-Sat 9–18
Sun 9-17
Mon-Sun 10 –19
24/7
R
R
R R
R
next to finishing port
in residential area in residential area in residential area M
M
M
M M
in residential area
The map shows 4 categories of open-air markets in Tallinn: Municipal - farmer’s markets, Tourist oriented markets in the Old Tow, Russian bazaars and some of plenty of unofficial spaces of trade in the city. Munici- pal markets are well-organized, with similar typology of market buildings, with the common website and signs.
The majority of vendors as well as buyers are Estoni- ans.
Open-air markets in Tallinn
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
KESKLINN
NOMME HAABERSTI 41%
DISTRICT NAME % percentage of ethnic Russian population MUSTAMÄE 34%
12%
KRISTIINE 24%
21%
POHJA-TALLINN 46%
PIRITA 16%
1
Market name
space of trade number
of vendors
R •''Russian'' T •'Tourist'
• F 'Farmers'
'Uno fficial' LASNAMÄE
''Russian district'' 60%
A index
other markets : Rottermani turg Kristiine turg Telliskivi turg Vene street market Flower market near cementary
TALLINN OLD TOWN 1
Kohtuotsa vaateplats
100
Town-hall square
20
Müürivahe t.
50
Viru turg
1
Kiriku plats
~200
Nõmme turg
~80
Mustamäe turg
>10 14
Lilleturg (Flower market)
20
Pirita turg M
T T
T
T
T
M/T
~100
Lasnamäe turg M
M
M
?
Kalaturg (Fish market) M
Sat 10-16 +Pro Kapital Grupp AS
Mon-Sat 9–18 Sun 9-17
Mon-Sun 9 –19 Mon-Sat 9–18
Sun 9-17
Mon-Sun 10 –19
24/7
R
R
R R
R
next to finishing port
in residential area in residential area in residential area M
M
M
M M
in residential area
50
Priisle keskus
R
?
Päe turg R
>10
300
BALTIJAAM TURG (Railway street market)
R
Mon-Fri 8-18
Sat,Sun 8-17
>10
Linnamäe Kaubakeskus R
300 - 1000
KESKTURG (Central market)
300 - 1000
R
Mon-Sat 7-17
Sun 7-16
R R R R R
Russian markets: In contrast with ‘civilized’ markets, Russian markets are typical by rather chaotic spatial organization. The green areas at the maps indicate the places where the info- mal, unofficial trade happens. The notion of unexpected plays important role in the everyday life of these markets.
The open-air markets in Tallinn have been always very
trading outside of the border of market often directly from cars
a path connecting the railway station with the market is often occupied by elderly women -
‘babushkas’ selling
knitted socks, decorations, or other redundant things collected from their relatives
areas equipped with the desks, which provides short-term trade with little restriction
an area of old things, bazaar
13eur/day
7-8eur/day
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
50
Priisle keskus
R
?
Päe turg R
>10
300
BALTIJAAM TURG (Railway street market)
R
Mon-Fri 8-18
Sat,Sun 8-17
>10
Linnamäe Kaubakeskus R
>10 300 -
1000
KESKTURG (Central market)
R
Mon-Sat 7-17
Sun 7-16
R R R R R
important for Russians. During the Soviet era, family bonds were closer than nowadays and almost everybody in Estonia had a connection to the countryside in order to get supplied with basic edible goods. However, in Tallinn almost 40% of inhabitants are of Russian origin. Russian workers have always been attracted to live in bigger
the area under the trees is fa- mous for ‘babushka traders’
>20
the chaotic arrangement of stands used to exist under the Priisle arches - an example of Soviet public art.
the shopping centre and bus stop is suitable for the traders, most of the stands here are fixed.
cities in order to find better job and in contrast with Esto- nians, they couldn’t rely on their relatives in countryside.
Therefore, the possibility to be supplied with fresh, cheap and local food at the market have been very important for them.
Communication at the bazaar = handwritten cards, signs, messages and prize tags. There is no website, no bilboards, which would attract the customers.
The examples of the unofficial spaces of trade:
next to shopping centre
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
at sidedoors of a supermarket next to a bus stop
CRIT IC
AL FICT ION
''Forest of knowledge'' LEARN!
• books in window, (used as insulation)
• a lady selling books Rita
Ritatat
''The vendor opens the shop randomly..
comes around noon, but not everyday day..''
The markets are supposed to be places of sharing the knowledge and skills. That is why, this value needs to be re-activated. Rarely open bookshop could be extended with the space for reading and social interaction.
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
CRIT IC
AL FICT ION
''Forest of knowledge'' LEARN!
• books in window, (used as insulation)
• a lady selling books Rita
''The vendor opens the shop randomly..
comes around noon, but not everyday day..''
KESK
TURG, UNCER
TAINTY AND CRIME
rder o re mbe me ring o kn led w ge
rien o at t on i ayf w n ari g ex erp
encie
Spaces of trade in Tallinn, Uncertainty and Everyday Life
KESK
TURG, UNCER
TAINTY AND CRIME
rder o re mbe me ring o kn led w ge
rien o at t on i ayf w n ari g ex erp
encie
Valeri Kuznetsov Sergei Normanov
security manager of Keskturg
Andrei Dudotškin
murderer of Metsamaa KAKUMÄE
Jevgeni Bõkov
son of karate trainer
Jevgeni Bõkov
karate trainer / security manager
Turukaubanduse AS
Vadim Polištšuk
the owner of Keskturg
Jekaterina Lapinat
girlfriend of Vadim Polištšuk
girlfriend of Vadim Polištšuk
Abring 80 %
Andrei Polištšuk
son of Vadim Polištšuk
Igor ..
vodka salesman
Lastekodu 26
Kadi Viljak
friend of Polištšuk
Mait Metsamaa
mayor deputy
father - son friend / partner enemy
Kuulmann
AS Dzebeti 20%
?
apr 1999 may 1999 oct 1999 nov 1999
dec 1998 7:28am - bomb exploded in hands of Kuulmann in the meat loading space, 3 people are injured.
10:00am - Mait Metsmaa had agreed to meet Polištšuk at the market, however Polištšuk is not at the place. The meeting takes place 300m away from Keskturg, in the house of Kadi Viljak. Metsamaa is shot at the staircase.
Jevgeni Bokov (51) is killed.
Metsamaa with Polištšuk sell Keskturg to Turukaubanuse AS for 16 mil.eur (the real value is
estimated on 50 mil.eur)
When Polištšuk drives from his villa in
Kakumäe, his car is blocked by Ziguli.
Polištšuk is injured, but survives the attack. He is released from the hospital in Mustamäe after 2 weeks.
Police caught a murderer of Metsamaa - Andrei Dudotškin, who was hired by Sergei Normanov, friend of Polištšuk.
Polištšuk is arrested by police, who is concerned about his income. His fortune is not adequate to his (7000kr) salary.
Gift contract is made OU - Abring - owns 80 % of shares, Turukaubandus e AS goes to Andrei Polištšuk.
may 2001 20% of shares goes to Vadim Polištšuk under the company - AS Dzebeti
Polištšuk is prosecuted for ordering the murder of Mestsamaa, but since he is mentally and physically sick, he has to stay at Mustamäe hospital, the court is postponed.
Security managers deny that they killed Metsamaa, Polištšuk hires new lawer.
Workers in Polištšuk house found his girlfriend hanged up. It was suicide.
apr 2003 Jekaterina Lapinat is shot in her
shouldren in Polištšuk house. The police suspect Andrei Polištšuk from the shooting.
Polištšuk is released from jail.
Andrei Polištšuk buys the whole market for 480 000eur.
oct 2000 oct 2000 oct 2000 2001 2002 2002 2011 2014
Keskturg: ‘‘the centre of Russian mafia in Estonia’’
