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In The State We Do Not Trust
-A Field study in Social Control by Informal actors in Kibra settlement Kenya
Author: Emil Thillberg Tutor: Jonas Ewald
Examiner:Heiko Fritz Semester: Spring 2018
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Abstract:
Research has shown a shift from traditional interstate conflicts towards internal intrastate conflicts, with irregular armies competing for political legitimacy as well as an increase in global rioting and protests. With tensions and conflict turning inwards there is a need for further research into how and why informal actors are able to gain the legitimacy to exercise social control over a population.
The study analyses the security setting, social environment and actions of informal actors to try to explain how they are able to act within jurisdiction assumed to be under the state. Data was gathered through an in-depth field study in Kibra informal settlement, Kenya over a period of 4 months. The data was analysed using the State in society approach and Human Security to explain the setting and phenomenon.
The findings show that informal actors were widespread in Kibra, however, these groups do not necessarily act in the interests of the community, but often the activity itself was a part of the survival strategy of the members rather than the community.
The state role in this was mostly related through practices which either benefited only specific segments of the population or an outright lack of visible practices too begin with. In the social setting, this meant that the Image of a dominant state authority was damaged and damaging legitimacy, in practical terms this forced the population of Kibra to turn to other actors for their basic survival. In turn, this allowed informal actors to dictate local behaviour manly through coercive means such as withholding resources or threatening violence. Any effort to counter this development will be difficult as local power structures and brokers have diluted the social boundary between the public and private resources, creating a setting where too many on both sides gain from maintaining the status quo.
3 Table of Content Abstract………2 List of abbreviations………5 1.0 Introduction………6 1.1 Research objective……….7 1.2 Research questions………..7 1.3 Relevance……….7 1.4 Definitions of concepts………..8
1.5 Structure of the thesis………..………9
2.0 Literature review……….……….11
2.1 The state from a traditional perspective………11
2.2 The state at risk of intra-state conflict………...………..12
2.3 Social control………...………15
2.4 Previous research in Kibra……….…………18
2.5 Research gap……….20
3.0 Theoretical framework………...21
3.1 State in society approach………..………..21
3.2 Human security………24
4.0 Methodological framework………25
4.1 Abductive inference……….………..………..25
4.2 Qualitative approach……….………...27
4.3 Semi-structured interviews………..27
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4.5 Participant observation………30
4.6 Challenges and critiques………...………..31
4.7 Ethical considerations………..32
4.8 Conducting the research………...………..35
4.9 Choice of the region……….………..36
4.10 Sampling………..………37
4.11 Limitations………..37
4.12 Delimitations………...…38
5.0 Findings……….39
5.1 State practice and image……….39
5.2 Economic security………41 5.3 Food security………41 5.4 Health security………...………..42 5.5 Personal security………..42 5.6 Community security………44 5.7 Political security………...………..………..44 6.0 Analysis……….46
6.1 State in society approach ……….……….46
6.2Human security……….47
6.3 Discussion………48
7.0 Conclusion……….51
8.0 Bibliography……….…………53
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Abbreviations:
GoK=Government of Kenya
NCIC=National Cohesion and Integration Commission PEV=Post Election Violence
PSC=Private Security Companies PPG=Political Pressure Group
TJRC=Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission UN=United Nations
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1.0 Introduction:
In the last decades conflicts have shifted from inter-state towards intra-state and from government actors to non-state actors as well as drastically increasing in number, from 33 non-state conflicts 2006 to 82 in 2017 (UCDP 2016) Furthermore global rioting and protests climbed significantly between 2011 and 2016 reversing a decades-old trend of pacification (Murphy, 2017).
Further research highlights this trend is a part of a gradual shift in how conflicts are fought and the actors who take part in them with a focus on relations between groups within a state. (Blin, 2012) The emergence of these types of conflict involve irregular armies or informal groups which in turn change the power dynamics usually associated with conflict, such as clear territorial lines, recognised players, “The very notion of power, which is nonetheless the essential – and traditional – aspect of balances of power, has now been turned completely upside down by the new conflict dynamics, not to mention the concepts of combatants and non-combatants or even of the legitimacy of the use of force.” Blin, 2011:294)
The intrastate conflict thus tend to be found within regional nations with recurring small-scale conflicts due to a lack of legitimacy from the state and its inability to mobilise the population under its authority (Blin, 2011) In explaining this research and authors has shown that among developing nations the state lacks the legitimacy, internal dynamics and external capability to penetrate to a level where comparable to the developed nations where outright conflict is less visible. This allows social control and power to migrate to informal
institutions and groups outside of the formal state institutions and norms (Hydén, 2013; Migdal, 2001; Adetula, 2014; Bratton & Chang, 2006) Added to this it has been shown that in nations where the state has lacked the ability to consolidate power and provide the services expected other actors have often have filled the existent vacuum to provide services for local communities. Providing a challenge to state authority. (Lambrechts 2012; Grynkewich 2008). So while there doesn’t have to be an outright violent conflict the social conditions which might cause one could still exist as discontent.
But despite this, the traditional discourse regarding the state and social control tend to downplay the ability and existence of non-state actors (Parsons, 1964; Migdal, 2001;
7 1.1 Research objective:
The objective of this thesis is to contribute to the theoretical discourse of social control with regards to informal groups exercised in competition with weak states using the case of Kibra Kenya. This will be done through a field study exploring the varying informal groups which exist within Kibra and how they exercise social control within the context of Human
Security. The dynamics will be further explored using Migdal´s (2001) State in Society approach.
1.2 Research questions:
In answering the research problem and fulfilling the research objective the study will answer the following research questions:
• What sort of informal groups exist in Kibra?
• Do these informal groups have the capacity or space to exercise social control over the population of Kibra?
• Does this social control come at the expense of the government? • How are these groups able to resist government response?
1.3 Relevance:
Due to the increase of intrastate conflicts increases the possible scenarios where the state loses its position as rule maker to informal groups, aside from those already existing. Thus states and organisations will be forced to interact with these actors either through conflict or dialogue. Research into how informal actors exercise social control and the reasons for how they were able to attain it could be of importance in designing approaches for addressing the underlying causes which created the tensions.
8 societies, especially in the urban setting. (Graham, Marvin 2001, Santos 1979 cited in Herrle & Fokdal 2011)
While the existing research assists in explaining the dynamics of informal groups and social control. It could be helpful for organisations and states which have to engage with either informal actors which can exercise social control or the causes which allowed them to take over social control.
1.4 Definition of concepts:
This research will be based on three main concepts which will form the centre of this study from which other concepts and phenomenon will extend from. Due to the vagueness inherent in these concepts, it is difficult to create the definition which will be universally applicable. Therefore, these definitions, while based on commonly held notions in research, exist more to provide more clarity in this study rather than developing the concepts overall.
The State:
Defining the state is a matter of some debate as will be shown in the literature review. However, for this study, the state refers simply to the which conducts a formal rulemaking such as writing laws, conducting international diplomacy and overall the entity which has the responsibility to fulfil the responsibility of a state on the national and international arena, regardless if those responsibilities are actually fulfilled or not. A practical example would be gaining membership in the United Nations, which requires other member states to approve of an application by the new state. (United Nations) Another practical example would be the agencies and responsibilities outlined in a constitution or similar document. Thus statehood is being granted by other states and thus not necessarily related to the opinions of the
population. (United Nations, ) Social Control:
9 guidelines and the enforcement of these. If an entity has achieved social control over a region or populous their behaviour corrections will be followed. The reason and motivations will be further explored in the literature review.
Informal actor:
An informal actor within this study becomes more of an opposite to the state. While defining any actor which is not a state actor as informal is very simplified the term of informal has been so debated, as will be explored in the literature review, that the term has and can symbolise almost any form action or actor (Herrle Fokdal, 2014). Thus, for all practical purposes in this study, an informal actor is an individual or group which lacks formal recognition and incorporation in the state as defined above.
Conflict:
Conflict within this study regards to competition or friction between groups or entities which can be violent or non-violent. While conflict can be defined specifically as armed violence (UCPD), this fails to capture the social aspects leading up to and during the conflict. Social conflicts, especially protracted and recurring ones, are characterised by competition between communities or groups for basic needs such as food and resources, but also security, political and social recognition and fair access to institutions. The divisions tend to follow identity lines such as tribal or ethnicity where the groups are in a state of hostility with sporadic spouts of violence. (Ramsbotham et al, 2011:84,87-86)
1.5 Structure of the thesis:
The introduction chapter consists of exploring the research problem, context and the debate regarding the study and its chosen subject. The literature review will further explore the context as well as the existent literature with regards to the state and social control as well as further explore the context for the study. Previous research on Kibera will also be explored. The theoretical framework will present the state in society approach to explore the
dynamics between the state and informal groups within Kibra. By focusing on the state as a participant in society rather than as an autonomous authority separated from the ‘ordinary members’ the approach will be better suited as a framework for the study. The methodology chapter will explore the data gathering method for this field study. Semi-structured
10 relevant data. The findings chapter will present the data gathered in regards to the research questions. The analysis chapter will attempt to contribute to filling the research gap as identified in the introduction and literature review by applying the state in society approach to the findings. Finally, the concluding chapter will present what can be taken away from this study as well as presenting future possibilities for further research.
11 This chapter will go over relevant fields and literature as well as existing research regarding Kibra and interactions between the informal and formal groups and institutions. The main focus of the review will be on defining the state, the formal and informal circuits of society and research into how the dynamic between these affects the governance of society.
2.1 The state from a traditional perspective:
In defining the state and its social dynamics a common reference for authors is the original definition by Weber. “a 'state' if and insofar as its administrative staff successfully upholds a claim on the 'monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force” (Weber, 1921 cited by Parsons, 1964; Migdal, 2001:10).
The foundations of Weber’s scheme of authority is the Verband which Parsons translated as “corporate group” which can be loosely defined as a group of individuals with a common interest, this can be on the level of small groups or society as a whole. Within the Verband there exist the Chiefs, who have the authority to create orders and policy. The administrative staff are a part of the agency of authority, but they don’t create the orders but enforce them. Lastly, you have the ordinary members who are recipients of the orders and influence from the chiefs and administrative staff and compose the vast majority of society (Parsons, 1964:56).
The basic structure of ordinary members, administrative staff and chiefs were assumed by Weber to be universal regardless of the size and composition of the group with divergent cases being due to extraordinary circumstances. (Parsons, 1964:56) This, in turn, argues for that influence and action only originates within the chiefs and administrative staff towards the ordinary members. Shils Further explored this notion by stating that every society contains a centre and a periphery, the centre is made up of the political elite or in Weber’s terms the administrative staff and chiefs. The periphery, in turn, makes up the ‘ordinary members’. Actions and orders, essentially policy and rulemaking, Flow from the centre to the periphery. (Robert, 1977:257) Shils notion of how societies are organised around the centre leaves little room for the agency of the periphery or the ordinary members not a part of the decision-making elite or the state.
12 administrative and ordinary members, there is little distinction despite internal differences. In describing personality and culture within the social system Tolman, Parsons and Shils et al write “…the orientation of action of any one given actor and its attendant motivational processes becomes a different integrated system. This system will be defined as the
personality… Personality and the social system are very intimately interrelated… the social system is not a plurality of personalities. Sic” (Tolman, 1962:7)
2.2 The state at risk of intra-state conflict
Within regions which tend to suffer from overt intrastate conflict, the idea of the state from such a perspective fails to account for forces in competition with the state and. Hydén (2013) shows this by describing the weak tradition of statehood in Africa in favour of the
community. Hydén argues that is due to the tradition of statehood in Africa originated from the colonial governments, a state form that lacked legitimacy among the population. Instead, local community institutions enjoyed legitimacy rather than the state and civil institutions formed by the colonial powers. (Hydén, 2013:53) The threat posed by slavery and the institutions imposed during colonialism turned many Africans to their tribal, clan and
community identity in response, citing Ekeh in stating that Africans “…had no loyalty to the civil institution of the state.” (Hydén, 2013:54) and that this aversion remained even after the institutions were inherited by the emerging African states after independence with the result that institutions became an avenue for accessing resources for the community rather than performing institutional functions. (Hydén, 2013:53)
However, there has been a shift towards acknowledging the existence of informal politics and rulemaking where legitimacy and power shifts from formal institutions and norms
(Christiansen & Neuhold, 2012:1) even in nations usually used as examples of the type of associated Weber’s definitions such as the European nations. (Borras & Greve, 2004, Kohler-Kock & Rittsberger, 2006, cited in Christiansen & Neuhold, 2012)
13 making that is uncodified, non-institutional, and where social relationships and web of
influences play crucial roles…” (Christiansen & Neuhold, 2006:4). Further
Herrle and Fokdal introduce a model for explaining the interaction between the formal and informal developed by Santos. This model argues that the urban economy is divided into informal and formal ‘circuits’. These circuits interact with each other through a ladder of middlemen which facilitate the transfer of capital and services. The middlemen have access to modern credit storage and banking but are in turn dependent on the clientele of poor communities. The further down on the ladder one looks the lesser access to broader resources the middleman will have. (Santos 1979:123-124 cited in Herrle & Fokdal 2011:5) The
advantage of Santos’s model was that it showed that the informal circuit didn’t have to be below the formal circuit and was mutually dependent on one another. Despite this Santos model was in line with what Herrle and Fokdal argued was the tendency of the field at the time to only focus on the economic aspect of the informal/formal interdependency, Herrle and Fokdal argued that “certain patterns of informality also occur in places (and circuits) other than those dominated by poverty and ii) that informality cannot be limited to the economic system of the cities” (Herrle & Fokdal, 2011:5)
The basic idea of the model by Santos rests on the idea that at least two circuits exist
mutually. Graham and Marvin take on an interdisciplinary view within urban studies to show how the urban setting today has and is fracturing into multiple networks of infrastructure. (Graham, Marvin 2001:35). The idea of the modern city was heavily influenced by
modernisation theory (Graham, Marvin 2001:84) in which the ideal became a city networked in all manners from economics, culture, to communication and transportation to allow for the facilitation people and services on the basis of liberal interdependence (Graham, Marvin 2001:85). This ideal was never implemented due to a variety of factors including market forces and logistics, but the main reasons identified by Graham and Marvin was the
splintering of the networks into smaller sections to be managed by individual contracts rather than a centralised large-scale project. (Graham, Marvin 2001:97) This was also due to the shifting social and cultural movements together with the shift in economics and urban
planning where focus ended on a project to project risks. (Graham, Marvin 2001:123). These factors acerbated the uneven development of regions and communities, in turn creating the space for inequality. While Graham and Marvin do not deal explicitly with informal and formal circuits they connect many factors and disciplines ranging from technical
14 factors lead to unequal development and how it separates communities within the urban setting. In turn, Gottdiener and Budd show the connection between lower development areas and the existence of an informal economy (Gottdiener, Budd 2006:76).
Using the example of Goma Congo, Büsher argues that due to the city urbanising without a centralised urban planning authority, which was central to the ‘modern ideal’ by Graham and Marvin, Goma has become a highly fragmented where “…power and authority over
political, economic and sociospatial resources are being contested between different conflicting forces.” (Büsher 2012:1).
Within this setting informal economic, political and security actors engage in urban
governance in conjunction with formal state actors. The relationship between these actors is very complex in which Goma residents must navigate in their everyday life. Büsher uses the concept of Hybrid governance in explaining the interaction between the informal non-state actors and the formal state actors. However, she argued that instead of a negotiated settlement she argued that the situation was contested where multiple alliances between formal and informal actors are working to gain legitimacy in providing services and security. Noting that the line between informal and formal became blurred over time (Büsher, 2012)
Similar situations of a lack of central authority or state withdrawal leading to informal groups taking over functions can be observed in other countries.
Going back to Herrle and Fokdal they conclude that within the field of urban studies informality has become more of a ‘myth’ due to being so vague as to fit so many narratives (Herrle &Fokdal 2011:7). “The concept still retains the problematic legacy of its founders: If not clearly defined (and narrowed down to operational terms), 'informality' remains
15 informality as Herrle and Fokdal suggested ignores much of the dynamics which comes with formal vie informal channels. While the separation is hard to pin down definitely they do operate in different spaces with their own spheres of legitimacy.
2.3 Social control:
The states’ ability to take action rests on the fundament of social control. Martin Innes writes that “the term social control is often used to refer to some form of organised reaction to deviant behaviour” (Innes 2003:3) Further exploring the historical concept Innes argues that the definition of social control has evolved in the last century (Innes 2003:10) however, the most form of state social control remains the punitive enforcement of the police officer (2003:63) On the other hand community policing programmes in contemporary policing philosophies. (Innes, 2003:67
The state requires cooperation by the population to exercise its policies or even exist as an entity. Bergeman argues that the level of cooperation by the population is critical in
maintaining social control and that citizen participation and reporting of a crime or ‘deviant behaviour’ as essential to activating the justice system or whatever mechanism which prescribes incentives and sanctions towards certain activities. (Bergeman 2017:385) The formal social control he focuses on is based on denunciations or as he defines it “The primary way in which individuals cooperate with authorities to enact social control in repressive settings is through denunciations. A denunciation occurs when an individual report an act of wrongdoing by another individual to the authorities.” (Bergeman 2017:386) Bergeman compares two types of models in explaining denunciations, the coercion model and the volunteer model. The coercion model regards a setting where threats of sanctions or negative incentives through direct or indirect means against individuals are used to coerce cooperation. However, they can also be diffuse, targeting entire communities. In such a setting an
16 denunciation behaviour which ranges outside of the acceptable norm imposed by the
authorities. Volunteering denunciation according to Bergeman is connected to the negative relationship within communities, such as rivalries between groups or negative judgements. These often come from real or perceived economic disparities or social and political rivalries. As such the conflict within the population are exploited to gain information on its citizen by the authority (Bergeman 2017:386) Bergeman found that the different institutional
approaches found in these models affected the pattern of denunciations “Environments with authority-based incentives to denounce lead to denunciations that attempt to placate or appease those authorities; voluntary environments result in denunciations that tap into negative networks and reflect the striving to harm others and gain relative to them. In both cases, the predominant motivation is self-interest. Nevertheless, both models serve to enhance social control and consolidate power in repressive regimes” (Bergeman 2017:400) However, Bergeman used two European states for the analysis, similarly, as Innes, his work looked at established states within the concepts of criminality and its repression by the state as exercising social control.
Regardless, social control in both of these models hinges on the idea of state sanctions or punishment as the premier form of incentive. It assumes however that the population would be receptive of either from the state.
17 structures of organised crime become a “concentration of illegal power in society that can significantly influence political, economic and social life” (Williams, 2002:165)
The lack of effective policing and enforcement of the rule of law allowed the Criminal Gangs to expand their operations and level of influence within the community (Lambrechts
2012:792-793) Lambrechts, refereeing to the Robin Hood phenomenon, highlighted how gangs provided goods and in some cases funding and investment into the community when the state failed to do so in a visible way. Gaining a reputation as “benevolent dictators” (Lambrechts, 2012:794) This was despite the fact that the gangs themselves were the perpetrators of much of the violence in addition to demanding protection money to protect from that gang violence. (Lambrechts, 2012:795)
This, in turn, influenced how the community interacted with and perceived the state.
Especially the law enforcement were heavily criticised for slow and selective response time and being unable to fulfil basic security needs for vital infrastructure such as the local hospitals. A lack of resources but also bribing and cooperation with the gangs were some of the causes. A specific example was removing casefiles before gang member appearances in courts. (Lambrechts, 2012:796) This eroded the community´s confidence in law enforcement to the degree that individuals would stop reporting to the police out of fear that repercussions from the gangs. (Lambrechts, 2012:796)
For this reason, participation and social control became vested in organised criminal gangs rather than the structures associated with the state. This was through both coercion and incentives (Lambrechts 2012:798). This, in turn, prevented the state from exercising its control over the community such as collecting taxes or initiatives such as law enforcement and other development projects. Despite this none of the social groups maintained a
monopoly on power. Instead, a relationship can be highlighted between the actors which in some fields worked in harmony and others in conflict. (Lambrechts, 2012:806)
Similar cases and studies have found similar results. Research suggests that the drug traffickers present in the Favelas around Rio impose a basic set of rules regarding security and politics. This serves as a way to maintain support from the local populous by providing conflict resolution and a “myth of security” in which the populous believe that connections to the gangs provide security (Arias &Rodrigues, 2008)
18 salvation front and similar groups. By examining which groups survived/ flourishes or
recedes/dies out Grynkewich concludes that non-state actors were able to significantly challenge the state authority and create a competing social contract excluding the state by inserting themselves into the populous survival strategy. (Grynkewich 2008:352-353)
“Whether violent or nonviolent, groups reap three main benefits from providing public goods through their social welfare arms. First, the creation of a social welfare infrastructure
highlights the failure of the state to fulfil its side of the social contract, thereby challenging the legitimacy of the state. Second, non-state social welfare organizations offer the population an alternative entity in which to place their loyalty. Third, a group that gains the loyalty of the populace commands a steady stream of resources with which it can wage battle against the regime.” (Grynkewich, 2008:353)
2.4 Previous research in Kibra
Research about Kibera tends to highlight the insecurity in many aspects of daily life and long-term politics. Most of the research is geared towards immediate issues such as
healthcare, schooling or housing (Schouten & Mathenge, 2010; Kizito et al. 2011; Wilbers, 2014; Mitra, 2017) surprisingly little is easily available on interactions with wider society or the state. My observation is that if state-community interactions are mentioned regarding Kibra the issue is described as fact or a background dynamic, rather then being explored in depth.
Slum upgrading is a commonly stated goal of Urban development (UN-Habitat 2014, KENSUP) which also addresses the need for this is also a project undertaken in Kibera Kenya, Meredith and MacDonald evaluated the government-run project KENSUP in
19 or why the GoK didn’t use the same approach in the broader upgrade project given the fierce criticism regarding human rights that have been levelled at the project (Amnesty International 2009).
An article in dedicated to chartering the criminal gangs existent in Kibera and Mathare by Dr Muthai found that due to the inability of the police to ensure security within the slums many have turned to ”criminal gangs” to fill that vacuum. The article highlights that the origins of the gangs are complex, and their activities skirt the boundaries of legality and approval and disapproval within the settlement regarding their activities. The article focused on physical, informal security within the communities only connecting the premise to the wider
government interaction by stating the existence of the vacuum. The article also shows how the gangs run protection schemes in a surprisingly organised manner ”Gangs in both Kibera and Mathare charge a security fee of KES100-200 (about 1-2 USD) per month depending on whether residents occupy a permanent or semi-permanent house. Businesses pay KES300-500 (about 3-5 USD) per month depending on the size of the business. For tourists and filmmakers there is a flat security fee of KES5000 (55 USD) that is only paid once. These fees are set by the gangs, and are non-negotiable and paid on demand. Failure to pay results in harassment and makes it impossible to live in the area or operate a business.” (Mutahi, 2011) By using such examples Muthai argues that there is a need to move away from traditional definitions of criminal gangs to highlight the complex relations and causes for criminal activity.
While Mutahi exposes a setting where criminal gangs can work as security providers However, little is mentioned on how or why the pattern exists or how this prevents the state from enforcing its policies and neither does his theoretical approach. By stating that Kenya is a hybrid regime simply implies the what and not the how of the issue. Mutahi further focuses mainly on the interactions between the individual and the gangs, how a middle-upper class worker might only encounter the formal police security while the commuter and lower economic classes have to interact with the informal aspects of security such as gangs controlling and thus protecting certain bus stops. (Mutahi, 2011)
20 by state agencies, there is little research looking specifically at how informal groups are able to compete. Lambrecht and Mutahi both limited themselves to organised criminal gangs and their activities when looking at social control and neither focus heavily on the implication for state´s ability to further its own influence or how those groups influence the state's policy. 2.5 Research gap:
In reviewing the literature, we see that there exists a large debate regarding informal groups and governance and its interaction with formal governance across multiple fields. Within this debate, the role, scope and ability of informal non-state actors vary considerably even
bringing into question how to classify the informal. The debate, however, is so ‘well
developed’ that it lacks clarity, especially regarding informality. However much of the debate focuses on in which setting the informal exists and how it interacts with the formal setting. Little overt discussion and research focus on how non-state actors compete with the
government for social control over society. Within the setting of social control, we see that the common discussion originates from the state or formal institutions and how it should impose control over society similar to how Weber argued for the authority of the state or it focuses on criminal gangs.
This creates a gap regarding how informal and non-state actors can compete with the state in terms of social control. Previous research regarding Kibra as mentioned above focuses on development issues such as healthcare and housing, leaving a specific research gap regarding actors and social control.
21 This chapter will introduce the theoretical framework for this study. Starting with an
introduction to the State in Society model by Joel Migdal, including definitions, concepts and connection to this study. Followed by operationalization of the theory in the context of analysing states overall and Kibera in particular while also introducing the definition of Human security. Within this framework, the state is not assumed to have the highest authority but shown to be in competition with local communities, especially in a nation with a weak state and a strong society. Within that framework, the ability of local informal groups to exercise social control can be explored.
Previous research tends to highlight two phenomena regarding intrastate conflict and tensions. The lack of legitimacy with the state and the lack of services or security. In this study, two different theories will be used to examine these different causes to explain the phenomenon.
The state in society theory was chosen to explain how the state, in this case, the GoK, lacks the legitimacy to implement its policy and rules. The human security theory was chosen to explain how a lack of security beyond physical can create an environment in which conflict and tensions.
In operationalising these theories, the Human security theory was used to determine which sectors of society where relevant with regards to services while the state in society theory was used to analyse the interactions between state, informal groups and the community.
3.1 State in society approach:
22 In 1988 Migdal introduced the idea of the state not being the centre of society but rather a part of it. This was in response to the path of discourse derived from Max Weber's original definition of the state and the assumption of its authority. ”I present a new definition of the state in place of Max Weber´s widely used one, which I believe has led scholars down a sterile path... the new definition will offer social scientist a better, more grounded way to conceive of the state” sic (Migdal, 2001:3)
Central to this concept is Image and Practices, which is defined respectively as ”the image of a coherent, controlling organisation in territory, which is a representation of the people bounded by that territory” and ”the actual practices of its multiple parts” sic (Migdal, 2001:16)
The concepts of Image and Practices can be mutually reinforcing or destructive, however, the Image has become somewhat universal since the inception of the modern state in Europe in that the state is assumed to be a central authority in society. Even in regions which this isn’t the case (Migdal, 2001:16).
Similarly to Shils definition, the Image is the belief of a dominant single force resting on the authority of its members. Thus the image of the state becomes one of dominance and
authority to the extent that it can act autonomously from other groupings such as, businesses, families, clubs etc and frequently imposes sanctions on these groups through its agencies or by indirect means to assert its rules on society. (Migdal, 2001:16)
23 Similarly, Practices can enforce the social boundaries, such as ceremonies for high-level officials or dividing society into the jurisdiction where only specific state actors are allowed to make decisions for example. The social boundaries are more visible when the state has an in-depth presence in societal functions such as courthouses or other services such as
education, schools and law enforcement. (Migdal, 2001:19)
However, assuming that practices follow a unity of purpose would be to overestimate the harmony of the state and its various actors and agencies. In differentiating image from practices, or image(s) from practice(s) that weaken the image, it becomes a case of do as I preach not as I do (Migdal, 2001:19).
The image hints at a singular morality by which to judge if an action is right or wrong. However, practices denote multiple types of performances with varying moral codes. For example nepotism and smuggling would both be connected to corruption given the image of the state, however, they could also be an expression of adherence to kinship or freedom of movement across arbitrary boundaries imposed by a distant state. (Migdal, 2001:19-20) The singularity of morality imposed by the image will therefore often clash with the multiple moralities of practices as much as they reinforce if not more.
The social boundary is further undermined by the unwieldiness of the state and its varying appendages. Coalitions which form between state agencies and private actors present multiple practices and direction weakening the image of singular state dominance. These alliances also neutralise the sharp border between the public and private giving the state its role as separate from the state (Migdal, 2001:20). This breakdown of the social boundary can eventually make it almost impossible to distinguish between the public and the private within a society hurting the state´s legitimacy and ability to justify the authority its hold over the population. Eventually, a state will lose the ability to enforce its policies and affect change due to the society it coexists with is resisting its influence or social control (Migdal, 1988:20). State social control thus is dependent on “the successful subordination of peoples own
24 the rulemaking privilege within society. Within this framework, the state becomes another social entity on not necessarily equal but closer footing as informal or private organisations which have to employ similar strategies of incentives and sanctions to attract members and become a part of the survival strategies of those members.
3.2 Human security:
In explaining how the lack of security creates tensions and conflict the Human Security similarly to state in society shows that more metaphysical and social factors. Unlike the previous theory, Human Security provides more measurable factors for observation and how these impacts a society.
The modern view of Human security emerged as a multidisciplinary understanding of
security, the United Nations Human Development report of 1994 highlighted the need for this expansion.
Kofi Annan, in turn, spoke of human security as moving beyond the previous definition by including factors above physical safety “We must also broaden our view of what is meant by peace and security… Human security can no longer be understood in purely military terms. Rather, it must encompass economic development, social justice, environmental protection, democratization, disarmament, and respect for human rights and the rule of law.” (Kofi, Annan. 2000:43-44) Further discourse has both expanded and contracted the definition of Human security and should be defined and interpreted both conceptually and as policy. (Takahashi, 2014)
In a later report by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, further
guidelines were provided in how to define what is included under Human security which can be divided in the following as shown in table 1.
25 as the case of Egypt in 2011 and the following ¨protests and violence against repressive regimes in the region termed the ‘Arab spring’. (Takahashi, 2014:59)
To summarise the framework the theories were chosen to complement each other. Human security provides clear areas of security which when deprived create the space in which social competition and conflict can surface. However, it lacks conceptually regarding social control and the role of the state beyond as a provider of security. State in society provides this dimension to the framework by exploring the state and social control within the Human Security sectors.
4.0 Methodological Framework:
Type of security Examples of Main Threat Economic security Persistent poverty
Food security Hunger, famine
Health security Deadly infectious diseases, unsafe food, malnutrition, lack of access to basic healthcare
Personal security Physical violence, crime, terrorism, domestic violence, child labour
26 This chapter will explain the methodology used for this study. The data collection of the study will be conducted in Kibra informal settlement in Nairobi, Kenya. Methodological triangulation will be used to gain a more detailed and nuanced picture of the subject. The methods used is a qualitative approach semi-structured interviews, ethnographic participatory observation and focus-group interviews. This will be explained in detail separately.
4.1 Abductive Inference:
Research can usually be divided into three points of inference. These are deduction, induction and abduction. The deduction is confirming an already existent idea or theory by applying it to reality and drawing conclusions from its applicability.
Douglas Walton defines abductive reasoning as linking the premise to the conclusion through probability. (Walton, 2013:3) Thus abductive reasoning infers an incomplete observation with the goal of providing the best prediction within the frame of reference of theory. Given that the main source of data will be interviews and observations which fall on the interpretation of both the interviewees and the author, stating that a conclusion supports the premise to be false as an impossibility through a deductive argument or that the premise supports the conclusion with equal certainty in an inductive one. (Walton, 2013:3) In a deductive argument, therefore, the notion of the premise to be true and the conclusion false is an impossibility. In the inductive argument it is improbable that the conclusion is false if the premise is true. (Hurley, 2000:33) While the premise being true and conclusion false based on abductive reasoning the plausibility exists but might be a probability. (Walton, 2013:4) The link between the premise, of an inability by the state to implement policy and own rule-making, and the conclusion, of that informal groups exercising social control as to limit the state’s ability to act, in this study can’t be more certain than a probability. Or even that the premise and conclusion themselves are a probability in existence.
This focus of abductive reasoning is prevalent for this study as absolute certainty cannot be inferred either in the premise, link or conclusion.
4.2 Qualitative Approach:
27 Compared to quantitative research which focuses on the gathering and analysis large sums of statistical data qualitative research focuses on the narrow and more in-depth. (Bryman, 2016:377)
Given the lack of official data, the best way to answer the research questions is through interviews, a method which commonly falls within qualitative approaches.
Semi-structured interviews will be carried with residents in the Kibera area and with experts and NGOs in Nairobi at large to gain a more complete picture.
Semi-structured interviews are based on an interview guide. The guide and questions were designed to identify different centres of power based upon security needs as defined by the Human Security theory, that is if groups control or provide different aspects of security such as basic resources or physical security.
Ethical consideration plays a large roll in interviews and will be covered under that chapter.
4.3 Semi-Structured interviews:
Semi-Structured interviews used to gain information from key informants, in this study, governmental officials, NGOs and Kibran residents with large community knowledge. As advised by Bernard (1994 cited in Bryman 2014) these informants were carefully selected to be either culturally competent such as the Kibran residents or had specific information that comes with the position such as governmental officials. These contacts were usually known to the author or recommended by trusted sources.
Semi-structured interviews are organised around an interview guide with specific questions and themes to be followed. However, the interviews are flexible in their execution where wording and order dependent on the circumstances and how the interviewee responds. (Bryman, 2014:471) Emphasis is placed on the interviewee's responses and how they frame issues or questions dependent on what they consider is important for the interviewer to understand. By allowing the interviewee to set the frame and express themselves beyond the specifics of a question it allows for a deeper exploration of the specifics regarding the
28 The interview guide serves as the schedule for the interviews and what topics and themes that will be covered (Bryman, 2014:473). What’s important however is to not be to fixed on your questions for the interview guide or its implementation for the interviews so as to not close off certain avenues of questioning or research in line with the qualitative research process. (Bryman, 2014:473) It is important to avoid preconceptions about an area or topic in designing the guide. By going over previous research for the topic in combination with designing the guide this can be mitigated but also aggravate the condition if not done with care.
The questions themselves must cover the areas of interest for the study but from the perceived perspective of your interviewees while trying to avoid the previously mentioned mental trap. (Bryman, 2014:473)
While there are few rigours in a semi-structured interview guide compared the structured interview there are some organisational guidelines to follow. A certain thematic order should be followed to make the questions and conversation flow along a reasonable thread.
However, the order can be changed due to the circumstances of the interview. The questions should give answers relevant to the research questions.
Language plays an important factor; the question should be framed in such a language that they can be understood by the interviewees. (Bryman 2014:473) The official languages of Kenya are English and Kiswahili, however, there are many local dialects and language which depend on tribe and region within Kenya. While communication was never an issue since English is a part of the curriculum some respondents had some difficulties translating certain phrases and concepts into an English equivalent.
The interview guide for this study was developed in relation to the research questions with the intent of establishing the content of the different sectors of Security as identified by the Human Security definition in the theoretical framework chapter. By focusing on identifying the groups existing in each sector and their ability to exercise social control over the
population.
29 The focus group differentiates from normal group interviews in that the interviewees fulfil some kind of criteria as established by the researcher. The technique focuses more on how the participants discuss a certain issue among themselves as members of a group rather than as individuals. Of interest is how the group responds to individuals’ ideas and how they build a view from the various viewpoints (Bryman 2014:501).
Several participants is interviewed at the same time with a moderator or facilitator providing a direction for the discussion.
The advantage of this method is that more space is given for the interviews to talk about why they feel about a certain topic or more willing to give out information within the safety of a group of similar individuals instead of a one on one interview, the method also allows for the participant to probe each other’s views or expand certain queries that the researcher wouldn’t have had availability to otherwise. Interviewees can thus be challenged in a way that might not be available in a one on one interview (Bryman 2014:503)
Within this setting, the researcher has to relinquish some control over the direction of the discussion and the topics to allow for such avenues to be explored. However, the participant might consider certain topics to be more important than the topics related to the research. While this is also one of the advantages of the method and should be included to an extent, the facilitator also has to be careful to keep the topics relevant. (Bryman:2014:503)
The size and number of groups depend on the research. Generally smaller groups tend to be favoured when it can be expected that the participant will have much to share (Bryman, 2014:503) Smaller groups are also recommended topics are controversial or complex. (Bryman, 2014:503)
For this study, the topics followed the general theme of the interview guide developed for the semi-structured interviews. However, the focus group interviews took on a free flowing form than the one on one interviews and the questions where less specific with a larger focus on introducing new topics. Specific questions were used in conjuncture with previous
30 The first issue to address in participant observation, as well as the most critical, is to gain access to a social setting whether it is a closed or open setting. The distinction between a closed and an open setting is that a closed one refers to varying organisations such as schools, cults, firms, while open or public settings is anything beyond that such as gangs and
communities drug uses (Bryman, 2014:433).
Different ways to gain access to a social setting often require an ingress point to show legitimacy in the eyes of the organisations or communities you want access to. The tactics of gaining this similar regardless of an open or closed setting and they often relate to gaining some sort of contact within the organisation. (Bryman, 2014:434)
This can be obtained by using friends, colleagues or other contacts to gain access to an organisation. By gaining someone who can act as ‘champion´ you have someone who can vouch for your or the research you are conducting, such sponsorship can be invaluable to gain access. Dependent on the culture or level of deference to hierarchy this sponsorship should be attained from ´top management positions´, within organisations even if you have lower access this might still require clearance from above before they are willing to talk or include you.
Usually, something will have to be offered in return, or you can gain deeper access by offering something. However, this can risk your access turning into a part of a survival strategy where your respondents come forth or include you based on the gains they get which can jeopardise the validity of data. (Bryman, 2014:434,435)
Regardless, some negotiation is often required in some form to gain access, the balancing act comes with maintaining ethical considerations as well as independence from limiting
influences on the report. (Bryman, 2014:434)
The process of gaining access should not be underestimated, persistence and a certain amount of luck is required, it´s a process that is difficult to rush and should be allowed to take the time required. (Bryman, 2014:438)
31 2014:433) Due to ethical considerations, an overt approach of informing active participants of the study will be used. By active participation by respondents will be defined as the interviewees or other interactions where specific individuals can be identified.
Once access has been gained it must be maintained and access to an organisation or community doesn’t mean access to people in a readily available setting. People can be suspicious of you and your intentions coming from outside the community. (Bryman, 2014:439) Ethnicity, gender, class and language can all be barriers to gain access to the community.
There are certain actions can be taken to mitigate these and involve different ways socially integrating and creating a connection to the community. In the closed setting, you can
highlight certain credentials and previous relevant experience, maintaining a non-judgemental attitude regarding informal activities within an organisation.
Your sponsor or gatekeeper might also become key informants within the setting. Key informants differentiate from others in that they often provide a deeper account of your inquiries as well as becoming probes for gaining deeper or new access. However, care must be taken to ensure that the researcher doesn’t develop an over-reliance on the key informants to the extent that the focus moves from the group experience to the key informant’s
experience. (Bryman, 2014:440)
4.6 Challenges and Critique:
Qualitative research comes with some flaws. The most common critiques are a lack of objectivity and problems of generalisation.
Due to the nature of most qualitative methods researchers are often criticized for developing unsystematic.
32 Qualitative research also tends to suffer from a lack of transparency. That is, it can be
difficult to establish what the researcher actually did and how the conclusion was reached. This also affects the replicability of the research. While the transparency can be addressed to an extent as far as ethics allow it, replicability is another matter. People interviewed may change their statement or outlooks from one study to another, this can depend on the person conducting the study, to different circumstances to the time of the day. This is assuming the identity of the interviewees is known.
However, if all these issues were addressed, the issue of replicability to the level associated with quantitative research would remain. Social settings are ever changing, therefore it's a statistical impossibility to find an exact replication of a setting over time and space. (Bryman) Most of the criticism of replicability is in comparison to quantitative studies, however,
quantitative studies rarely use sources and methods which exposes or focuses on individuals. Qualitative studies, especially interviews, expose the views and believes of individual people and organisations in a more in-depth matter. In certain settings, and I would count Kenya among those, such exposure can lead to significant risk. Therefore ethical considerations are of higher priority than methodological considerations.
It should also be noted that this study was conducted during a period when the author was an intern at the National Cohesion and Integration Commission. While this gave some sources and contact persons in Kibra it presented a possible source of friction or bias. This was addressed by making it clear that this study was separate from my work and responsibility to the commission as an intern and no attempts at censor or attempt to affect it would be
tolerated. This was respected by the commission.
4.7 Ethical considerations
33 Bryman (2014:136) These spheres do share some overlap as the lack of informed consent could lead to harm to the participant. These will be explored more in depth.
1. Whether there is harm to the participants; 2. Whether there is a lack of informed consent; 3. Whether there is an invasion of privacy; 4. Whether deception is involved;
Harm to participants can express itself in different ways, it can be physical or mental. Such as stress, loss of self-esteem, triggering repressed memories. Harm can also come in indirectly in the form of political consequences or harm from third parties due to statements made in the report. (Bryman, 2014:137)
Lack of informed consent within social science often become relevant in regard to covert data gathering. The case where either revealing the scope of the research would affect the data or prevent access within participant observation or just keeping the identity if the researcher is hidden. Another aspect would be within simple observation or informal conversations. While explicit consent is easy and often necessary for a one on one interview or focus group
interviews the same cannot be said for passive observation or informal conversations where an individual might reveal something of interest. Informed consent also includes providing information regarding the nature of the research. (Bryman, 2014:138-139) By not fulfilling the obligation of gaining informed consent a participant could be exposed to harm for which the individual wasn´t willing to risk if full information had been provided.
Invasion of privacy is a central area of concern for qualitative studies as the data gathered often need depth to be relevant. There is significant overlap with informed consent as covert methods of failure to fully inform the participant of the scope of the research is considered an invasion of privacy. By giving the participant the opportunity to refuse an invasion of their privacy a consent comes with the understanding that the participant has willingly given up some of that privacy. (Bryman, 2014:142)
34 forms of research such as covert methods of data gathering or observation. However,
deception is considered a morally dubious act and not desirable. If the deception is exposed, it may also severely compromise the researcher's legitimacy especially in a method which requires much social interaction and access. (Bryman, 2014:143)
The steps taken within this study to avoid or mitigate these risks are as follows:
Care was be taken to preserve the anonymity of the participants in referencing in the study but transcription, field notes etc, will be considered confidential. Therefore except for those cases with explicit consent, the identities of the participants will be kept out of the report. Other identifiable information will be removed from the transcripts as well.
As mentioned in the methodological framework anonymity is not just preferable but necessary. No interviewee or contact will be identified by name, position or ethnicity. Instead, only the name of the organisation will be used or simply numbered interview when not applicable, i.e., interview 1. Interview 2 etc. The same is applicable to any informal conversations or settings where the field notes could identify an individual While this presents an issue with replicability and validity the ethical consequences.
Voluntary participation will be the premise of every interview and the participants will be informed of their right to withdraw from the study at any point. However, given the participant observations, part of this study could lead to observations without technical consent. However, such observations are so unspecific that it would be unpractical to gain permission from what amounts to the entire society and the amount of information gleaned from such observations would make identification improbable.
Still, the basic principle of informed consent will be applied. The participants will be
35 As previously mentioned, interviews carry with them the premise of engaging a person directly, given that topics or questions can bring up traumatising memories and emotions. Therefore care was taken to design questions to avoid offensive language and to
unnecessarily trigger such emotions. This was, however, balanced in turn with the need to gather relevant data.
4.8 Conducting the research:
The research was conducted during the spring term of 2018.
Interviews were conducted in Kibra from the 17th of March until the 1st of May with one
preliminary visit on the 6th February within the capacity of NCIC.
A large part of the study rested on being able to attain legitimacy to gain access to the community due to the highly polarised nature and tribalism present in Kenya, such a historically marginalized community can be difficult to gain access to, especially as a
foreigner. While Kibra is far from the dangerous slum in a constant conflict which is how the perception often is there are risks that have to be considered and to go in unprepared can be extremely dangerous as an outsider. Therefore much time was spent on establishing and cultivating contacts and possible interviewees were before the field study. Great care was taken to gain contacts who were well established in the community either formally or
informally who could provide further interviews. Given the qualitative scope of the research, more emphasis was placed on the quality of interviews rather than quantity. Care had to be taken in scheduling the interviews, none of them could be conducted during the afternoon since by that time the area becomes unsafe to the extent that it becomes unsafe for outsiders to move around even with a chaperone. Given the regular workdays this regulated interviews to weekend mornings, usually between 0800 to 1300 since by 1500 and onwards the risks would increase dramatically according to the chaperone.
36 general subject of the study. The walks also allowed me to gain more legitimacy since I often could reference these to gain more legitimacy during interviews or to counteract certain statements which became more politicised or tribal. This also allowed the interviews to do go deeper compared to having done the interviews without previous experience of the
community.
While this could be considered as affecting answers each such interdiction was carefully considered and done within the framework of conducting semi-structured interviews where the role of the interviewer is to maintain the themes of the discussion and to moderate. The NGOs representatives were interviewed within their offices in Kibra.
Transportation to and around Kibra where possible was facilitated by a local transporter. When conducting the interviews, the interview guide was used as per the framework for semi-structured interviews. In order to delve deeper into certain issues or discussion an effective tactic was to share some information from other interviews or such sources, it facilitated a more informal give and take discussion which often provided more contextual information as well as the interviewee sharing information he/she might not have shared before a report was established.
Seminars and events were also attended to gain a deeper understanding, specifically the defend my future organised by leadership school and the event presenting the Organised Criminal gang's report by NCIC 2018 28:3:18.
With certain key informants, the relationship reached a level where I got invited into their homes. Adding to this 4 months were spent in Kenya, while marginally little time overall was spent exclusively on the field study the everyday interactions with locals as well as discussing topics related to the study assist in contextualizing the findings of the study to a broader scope in state-community interactions. Much of this fall under the observation aspects of the method and will be covered in field notes and general observations in the appendix.
4.9 Choice of the region
37 4.10 Sampling
Sampling for this study was purposively using the typical case sampling approach. While some aspects of the recruitment of participants relied on a snowball effect that was within the criteria of being Kiberan residents.
The sampling can be divided into three groups.
Kiberan residents: This sample group provided insight and access to Kibera community and the dynamics within the community as well as the dynamics with its relationship to the state. Information was also gained on the conditions within Kibera and different informal actors. NGOs: provided more contextual data on the relationship between the community and the state from a more neutral point of view. Provided information on the existing peace
infrastructure and different groups operating in Kibera and different state programs available for the community.
State actors: Provided insight into state policy towards Kibera as well as information on existing issues regarding Kibera.
4.11 Limitations
The intentions of the study were to rely more on interviews with a larger number of participants. However, gaining access proved to be an issue. Despite repeated attempts at contact with relevant institutions and individuals gaining access to governmental institutions for formal interviews met with little to no success. Even attempts through known contacts didn’t yield much result. This was most likely to both the culture of Hierarchy within Kenya’s governmental institutions and me being a foreign student. Added to this the period of my internship in Kenya was during a period when institutions faced increased scrutiny from both international and national actors, specifically for their praxis regarding voter fraud and overall corruption. Allowing a foreign student access in such a setting is probably seen as counterproductive.
38 which added to my ethnicity cemented me as a foreigner. This, in turn, affected what the participants were willing to divulge about culturally sensitive topics. This wasn’t always detrimental since being an outsider lent credit to my claim as a neutral party.
While access to Kibra community was simpler similar issues presented themselves, gaining formal interviews with residents proved difficult partly due to being a foreigner and the fact even within an area where living costs are lower many struggles financially and the. Added to this once the rains started to reach levels where flooding became a daily occurrence through April, and May it become too unsafe to enter Kibra due to the risk of flooding.
4.12 Delimitations:
While the informal discussions were immensely valuable and added much material and a deeper understanding of material gathered in a formal setting, codifying these reliably is a challenge. Adding to this while the author started these discussions by stating the premise of the study much information was obtained through informal discussions and observation which are of a sensitive nature, especially within the state and the commission. Therefore, the information will be omitted due to the criteria established in the ethics section despite its relevance to the study.
39
5.0 Findings
The findings of this study will be presented in the following chapter to show the different informal groups that exist in Kibra and how they exercise social control within the
community in competition with the government. The findings will be presented following the concepts developed in the Theoretical Framework.
The findings are based on both interviews, first-hand observation and other sources within and outside of Kibra.
Overall there are multiple informal groups that exist within Kibra that contest with the government for social control in multiple sectors. However, not all of these groups work in tandem towards overall community goals. In fact, in certain cases, these groups are in competition with each other and often the goal is not supporting the community but to rather ensure the groups own survival. The existence of these groups is within the space given by the government due to both neglect and lack of capability. (INT 5, GO) Some government agencies such as the police actively engage with the informal gangs through corruption which in turn hamper their ability to combat their influence. Much of the social control engaged in Kibra by gangs are coercive in effect, there is often not many incentives to allow them the social control that they enjoy, however, the consequences for not doing so can be severe as the legitimacy or rather the respect of authority afforded to leaders are often based on their ability to execute punishment. (INT 5, FN 2) Every sector identified by the Human Security contained informal groups controlling aspects which allowed them to claim social control or at least the ability to enforce their own set of rules. In some cases, the groups were active in several sectors such as the Political Pressure Groups (PPG) which affected both political and physical security. The fact that many actions affect more than one type of security both directly and indirectly, however in presenting the findings groups will be categorised based on the main threat they represent or work against.
5.1 State Praxis and Image
40 The state visibility within Kibra is limited to certain areas. The most common service are police officers patrolling certain areas, mostly the outskirts where the housing has been upgraded. (FN 1, FN2, INT4,5) The perception of the state in Kibra seems to be largely based on politics and services provided or not provided. (FG1, FN1, FN2, INT1,2,5,6)
One interviewee pointedly asked that the state shows that they have a plan for the community and that all they would happily accept it. (FN1, INT2) However, ethnicity plays a role at least superficially in perception as the members of tribes associated with the government are perceived to have a more positive view of state institutions even in Kira which is highly associated with the opposition. Added to this, members of the Kikuyu tribe allegedly are persecuted and victims of targeted violence in the guise of political activism. Whenever there is unrest Kikuyu homes in the Olympic area of Kibra (Also identified as a hotspot or starting point for large scale violence (FN1, INT1.3.4)) are looted by those living in the deeper slum areas. (INT3) Allegedly this is the result of jealousy as the Olympic area is one of the areas which has been upgraded in terms of housing. (INT3, FN2)
Added to this, resident in what was termed ‘chocolate city’ the valley area in the deep slum mainly consist of Luo and are stated to be extremely critical of the Government. While the chaperone in one instance referred to the ‘other side’ pointing towards the more heavily upgraded sectors in terms of housing as being more positive about the government. (FN2) The perception seems to be that even when the government provides resources and develop Kibra, that it is an effort of voter persuasion (INT 4, FG1) or that such effort is directed towards areas where the tribes associated with the government are concentrated as the developed areas are focused around the perimeter and Nubian areas. (INT3,5) (GO)
