Being Fit to Lead -
Travel of Ideas within the Leadership Context
Master’s Thesis 30 credits Department of Business Studies Uppsala University
Spring Semester of 2020
Date of Submission: 2020-06-03
Robert Rtveliashvili Oscar Swinden
Supervisor: Katarina Lagerström
Acknowledgements
First and foremost we would like to acknowledge the help and support from our thesis supervisor, Katarina Lagerström. Especially for the advice on how to structure the thesis and how to approach each different chapter.
Secondly, Linda Wedlin who has contributed with her theoretical insights.
Thirdly, the interviewees for taking time out of their busy schedules to speak with us.
We would also like to acknowledge all the other people involved in the research process. Such as the seminar group, and our loved ones who have read and commented on some quite tedious snippets of text.
Thank you!
_____________________ _____________________
Robert Rtveliashvili Oscar Swinden
Abstract
Nowadays actors within the business context are presented with a vast menu of different ideas which they can potentially adopt. This begs the question why actors choose to adopt a specific idea out of all the other available options. Our study explores the theoretical topic concerning travel of ideas, through the empirical context of leaders who practice extreme athleticism. The research question is: How and why do leaders adopt the idea of extreme athleticism? To answer this question, we assort several theoretical insights into six themes that are foremost predicated upon Scandinavian institutionalist contributions. The six themes are translation, previous practices, strategic purposes, fashion, legitimacy, and field, which is synthesised into a novel conceptual framework to help us understand how and why actors adopt an idea. The study is qualitative and collects data from 12 semi-structured interviews and 48 newspaper articles. Our main finding is that each of the six themes explored in this study are salient and helps us understand how and why actors adopt an idea, with a particular emphasis on the interplay between the intrinsic and extrinsic benefits. A suggestion for further research is therefore to develop and refine the conceptual model presented in this study.
Keywords: Travel of ideas, Scandinavian institutionalism, organisation theory, adopting actor, proliferation, leadership, extreme athleticism
Table of Contents
1. Introduction ... 1
2. Theoretical framework ... 4
2.1. Extreme athleticism in the leadership context ... 4
2.2. Translation ... 5
2.3. Previous practices ... 6
2.4. Strategic purposes ... 7
2.5. Fashion ... 7
2.6. Legitimacy ... 9
2.7. Field ... 10
2.8. Conceptual framework ... 11
3. Methodology ... 12
3.1. Research strategy ... 12
3.2. Study design ... 12
3.3. Data selection ... 13
3.4. Data collection ... 14
3.4.1. Interviews ... 15
3.4.2. Documents ... 16
3.5. Data analysis ... 17
3.6. Limitations ... 17
3.7. Ethical considerations ... 18
4. Empirical chapter ... 19
4.1. Translation ... 19
4.2. Previous practices ... 20
4.3. Strategic purposes ... 22
4.4. Fashion ... 23
4.5. Legitimacy ... 23
4.6. Field ... 25
4.7. Additional themes ... 26
4.7.1. Intrinsic benefits ... 26
4.7.2. Extrinsic benefits ... 27
5. Analysis and discussion ... 28
5.1. Translation ... 28
5.2. Previous practices ... 29
5.3. Strategic purposes ... 31
5.4. Fashion ... 33
5.5. Legitimacy ... 34
5.6. Field ... 36
5.7. Conceptual model ... 39
6. Conclusion ... 41
6.1. Theoretical contribution ... 42
6.2. Practical contribution ... 43
6.3. Limitations and further research ... 43
Reference list ... 45
Appendix ... 53
Appendix 1 ... 53
Appendix 2 ... 55
Appendix 3 ... 56
Appendix 4 ... 58
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1. Introduction
Nowadays actors within the business context are presented with a vast menu of different ideas which they can potentially adopt (Höllerer et al., 2017). This begs the question, why do the actors choose to adopt any specific idea out of all the other ideas that are available? Previous literature on the subject concerning travel of ideas suggests that actors adopt ideas due to various pressures and motivations. This study explores these theoretical perspectives and assorts them into six themes including translation (e.g. Perkmann & Spicer, 2008; Pallas et al., 2016; Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017), previous practices (e.g. Czarniawska & Joerges, 1996; Sahlin- Andersson, 1996; Höllerer et al., 2017), strategic purposes (e.g. Sahlin-Andersson, 1996;
Colyvas & Jonsson, 2011; Höllerer et al., 2017), fashion (e.g. Abrahamson, 1991; Røvik, 2011), legitimacy (e.g. Czarniawska & Sevón, 2005; Boxenbaum & Jonsson, 2017; Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017), and field (e.g. Bourdieu, 1977; Sahlin-Andersson, 1996; Boxenbaum & Jonsson, 2017).
These theoretical perspectives tend to be captured throughout brief and scattered excerpts, and are often siloed analytically. However, this study synthesises the theoretical insights into the six themes just mentioned. The themes are relatively novel although they are predicated upon concepts and theories that can primarily be attributed to the Scandinavian institutionalists’
work. The Scandinavian institutionalists are a stream of scholars that help us understand the travel of ideas through their theoretical insights, but also through their methodological emphasis on a nuanced account of the empirical context (Boxenbaum & Strandgaard Pedersen, 2009).
Scandinavian institutionalism is a distinctive and identifiable variant of institutionalism that emerged at the turn of the 21st century (Boxenbaum & Strandgaard Pedersen, 2009). The phrase
‘travel of ideas’ was coined at a similar time in Czarniawska and Sevón (1996)’s seminal book Translating Organizational Change. The book does not provide a clear definition of travel of ideas, but broadly speaking it encompasses how ideas travel between actors (Czarniawska &
Joerges, 1996) and to actors (Colyvas & Jonsson, 2011). In their book, Czarniawska and Sevón (1996) argue that it is important to distinguish the idea that is travelling, from the actors who adopt it. Since then, Scandinavian institutionalists have given precedence to the properties of an idea and its proliferators (e.g. Sahlin-Andersson & Engwall, 2002; Djelic & Sahlin- Andersson, 2006; Wedlin, 2006; Pallas, 2007; Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017) rather than on the actors who adopt the idea. Moreover, the adopters are often portrayed as mechanical and powerless victims in the idea proliferation process (Höllerer et al., 2017), especially in terms of the adopters’ own power, intelligence, autonomy, and creativity.
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The synthesis of the previously siloed analytical insights is one of the key ambitions in this study, because it permits a more nuanced understanding of the actors’ choice to adopt any specific idea. Abrahamson (1991) highlights that the actors producing and the ones consuming management practices are viewed separately, such segregation omits the role that the adopters play in the co-production and localisation of an idea (Clark & Salaman, 1998). In order to understand the process of real-time propagation of any given idea, it is important to account for both formal and informal power mechanisms in the hands of proliferators but more importantly to closely assess the key motivations incentivising the adopters towards the adoption of the practice in question (Czarniawska & Sevón, 1996; Røvik, 2011). This study explores theoretical insights regarding the travel of ideas through observing the real-time propagation of the practice concerning extreme athleticism amongst business leaders.
There is no clear consensus in the leadership literature as to what makes a successful leader (e.g. Schedlitzki & Edwards, 2017). Goleman (2014) illustrates this well, by stating that identifying the right leader for the right circumstances is much more of an art than a science.
But one thing is for certain, regardless of the context in which effective leaders emerge, they all possess a key characteristic that ‘separates them from the pack’ (Limbach & Sonnenburg, 2015). Furthermore, it appears that more and more leaders across the globe are becoming extremely physically fit (Loehr & Schwartz, 2001; Maravelias, 2015), thereby altering the standard of what it means to be an appropriate leader.
Insights about the travel of ideas do not adequately explain how and why actors adopt an idea, which can be explored further through business leaders who adopt the practice of extreme athleticism. The research question is: How and why do leaders adopt the idea of extreme athleticism?
In the research question, leaders refer to business leaders who adopt extreme athleticism in order to advance their strategic business interests. It is important to note that the research question is theoretical in nature, and as such, it is not an attempt to understand the empirical context in terms of leaders nor the specific idea of extreme athleticism. Rather, business leaders and their adoption of extreme athleticism are utilised as an empirical vehicle that contributes to the theoretical understanding of how and why actors adopt an idea.
The primary aim of this thesis is to explore how and why actors adopt an idea from the travel of ideas perspective, by applying a novel combination of six themes that are mainly predicated upon Scandinavian institutionalism. The primary aim is aided by three secondary aims, the first
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of which is to attribute a more prominent role to the adopting actors in the process of travel of ideas. Secondly, to identify and understand the pressures and motivations that are fuelling specifically the extreme athletic pursuit amongst contemporary leaders. And lastly, through a synthesis of assorted theoretical themes and perspectives, explore the interplay between intrinsic and extrinsic benefits of an idea, which reveals the extent to which an idea is adopted for its intrinsic benefits (e.g. work performance) or extrinsic benefits (e.g. fashion), and the interplay between these two perspectives.
This study’s theoretical contribution is to problematise the lack of knowledge in regards to how and why actors adopt an idea, given that existing literature does not necessarily depict the adopting actors in an accurate way. This study’s practical contribution is to highlight how actors could reflect more critically upon the ideas that they adopt. This study also affects the proliferators of ideas because it requires them to adhere more to the consumers of ideas, but also provides an opportunity to gain a greater understanding of them. On a societal level, this study might alleviate some of the broader drawbacks as the result of ideas that proliferate frivolously and then become adopted uncritically.
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2. Theoretical framework
The theoretical framework intends to position this study within the broader context by incorporating theoretical insights from Scandinavian institutionalists into six different themes.
The framework also incorporates contributions by other organisation scholars whose work augments the line of reasoning within each of the six themes. These organisation scholars are often referenced in the papers by the Scandinavian institutionalists, even though they are not Scandinavian institutionalists as such. The six themes are the result of our syntheses and critical reflections on several theories and concepts, which are connected, applied, and framed within each of the themes. This enables the study to understand the reasons why and the expressions of how actors adopt an idea.
The theoretical framework begins with a brief account of extreme athleticism in the leadership context, which provides information that is relevant in the subsequent chapters in order to contextualise the line of reasoning inside the empirical setting. The chapter then presents the main emphasis in the theoretical framework which is the six themes, that are presented heading by heading. The final section shows how the different themes are connected to each other and in what way they all enable us to understand how and why actors adopt an idea.
2.1. Extreme athleticism in the leadership context
Limbach and Sonnenburg (2015) argue that all prominent leaders possess a key characteristic that distinguishes them from the general population, regardless of context or time. Our study explores the travel of ideas through leaders’ practice of extreme athleticism, which is one way for the leaders to distinguish themselves from the others. Moreover, the benefits of leaders’
physical fitness are captured in research that shows a clear positive relationship between exercise and workplace performance (e.g. Loehr & Schwartz, 2001; McGillivray, 2005;
Limbach & Sonnenburg, 2015). Less clear, is the relationship between extreme exercise and workplace performance. In fact, scholars in various scientific fields show that extreme exercise can lead to adverse effects (e.g. Maravelias, 2015) such as impaired cognitive abilities (Blain et al., 2019; Kalenscher, 2019).
In their quantitative study, Limbach and Sonnenburg (2015) use a sample of 1,500 companies in a ten-year-long time frame where they provide evidence that the fitness level of a CEO has a positive impact on the firm’s value. The results from their study could partly help explain leaders’ pursuit of physical excellence from a functionalist perspective, whereby the practice is adopted because it aids their strategic business purposes. Moreover, McGillivray (2005) shows
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that physically fit individuals exhibit a higher capacity for work. Similarly, Loehr and Schwartz (2001) argue that physical fitness helps leaders to manage their environment and improves their work performance. Griffiths (1996), on the other hand, highlights that the benefits of physical fitness are indeed positive at the organisational level, but not as clearly traceable at the individual level.
Leaders stress both the performative as well as the transformative benefits of adopting fitness practices in the corporate context (Loehr & Schwartz, 2001). However, what this section demonstrates is that the scientific rationale behind leaders’ practice of extreme athleticism is quite ambiguous and even contested. In the subsequent headings, this study presents six different themes which reveal that there are a multitude of pressures and motivations that affect how and why leaders adopt extreme athleticism.
2.2. Translation
There are significant contributions by Scandinavian institutionalists about the travel of ideas and especially regarding translation (e.g. Czarniawska & Sevón, 2005; Wæraas & Nielsen, 2016; Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017). These contributions enable this study to accentuate the role that other actors play in the process of diffusion and subsequent adoption of ideas. Combining translation with the notion of institutional work (e.g. Perkmann & Spicer, 2008) could reveal a more exhaustive view of how ideas proliferate. This perspective is a necessary stepping-stone to understanding how and why actors adopt an idea, but the subsequent headings emphasise the adopting actors more in-depth.
In its essence, the translation theory revolves around the idea that enacting a practice in a new environment effectively means rebuilding it in accordance with the local context (e.g.
Czarniawska & Sevón, 2005; Wæraas & Nielsen, 2016; Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017). Moreover, ideas evolve differently in response to the setting in which they are enacted (Sahlin & Wedlin, 2008). Sahlin and Wedlin (2017) highlight how models, presentations, and publications are perpetually morphed in response to local contexts as the materialised translations of a given idea, signifying that actors involved in both the propagation and the imitation of any given practice adjust the idea in accordance to their goals and environments. The key transformative aspect of proliferation is the shift from idea prototypes to templates (Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017).
The material expressions of leaders’ adoption of extreme athleticism can help explain the extent to which the practice is transformed, and how it subsequently affects the actors mimicking it.
In line with fashion theory (e.g. Abrahamson, 1996; Røvik, 2011), the Scandinavian
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institutionalist scholars (e.g. Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017) emphasise that the mimicking actors could be putting certain adopted practices on display in order to appear up to speed inside their respective context. Sahlin and Wedlin (2017) argue that this is primarily motivated by the drive to assume more dominant positions in the actors’ environment.
Perkmann and Spicer (2008) offer a deeper understanding regarding the kinds of institutional work that is required for a practice to be translated in response to the environment. They suggest that actors advocate a practice in order to gain social approval via suasion. The authors highlight how social approval is closely linked with identity construction where identity formation is the key which enables recruitment, a process which is comparable to the spread of a social movement.
Clark and Salaman (1998) highlight how the dissemination of an idea is facilitated by professional organisations and management gurus. Furthermore, the process of dissemination is also arbitrated by media (Pallas, 2007; Pallas et al., 2016), international organisations (Perkmann & Spicer, 2008), and management consultancies (Clark & Kipping, 2012).
Perkmann and Spicer (2008) show how the diffusing role should also be attributed to individual gurus, signifying that they are not mere messengers but they also actively edit the success stories that they carry.
2.3. Previous practices
The literature about the travel of ideas suggests that for an idea to become implemented it has to somehow relate to previous practices (Czarniawska & Joerges, 1996) such as experience (Sahlin-Andersson, 1996), identity (March, 1981), or other contextual elements (Höllerer et al., 2017; Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017). The idea must somehow fit into a pre-existing framework (Sahlin-Andersson, 1996; Höllerer et al., 2017).
Czarniawska and Joerges (1996) highlight the interplay between the context, the actor, and the idea that is being adopted. They state that we cannot adequately perceive something unless it somehow relates to what we already know. Höllerer et al. (2017) argue that the established local level practices influence the way global templates become implemented. Hence, the actor has to connect the context and the idea, which can be realised in various ways (e.g. Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017). March (1981) shows how an actor adopts an idea if it is congruent with their current identity. Furthermore, Sahlin and Wedlin (2017) suggest that ideas which circulate and become adopted by actors should be congruent with other ideas inside and outside their field.
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Actors adopt an idea, partly because it builds upon previous practices. For example, whether the idea resembles previous ideas, is appropriate in the local context, is congruent with the actor’s identity, or similar to other ideas.
2.4. Strategic purposes
As discussed previously, actors adopt and translate ideas to fit their local contexts (e.g. Latour, 1986; Czarniawska & Joerges, 1996; Höllerer et al., 2017; Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017). The theory of translation is taken for granted amongst Scandinavian institutionalist scholars, which is evident in several papers (e.g. Boxenbaum & Strandgaard Pedersen, 2009; Höllerer et al., 2017;
Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017). However, this section discusses translation through a different perspective, as there is also a slight consensus that actors adopt, translate, and enact the idea in order to fit their own strategic purposes.
Sahlin-Andersson (1996) argues that in order for an idea to be put into practice it must entail some sort of benefit for the adopting actor, in which any given idea is adjusted in accordance to the adopting actors’ aim. Höllerer et al. (2017) provide an interesting perspective in connection to this, stating that the underlying principles of an idea remain unchanged even though it is translated and enacted differently amongst the various adopting actors to fit their respective strategic purposes. Moreover, the idea becomes customised and reinvigorated by developing connections to new contextual elements native to the actor who adopts it (e.g.
Sahlin-Andersson, 1996; Czarniawska & Joerges, 1996; Røvik, 1998; 2011). This is often done deliberately, so that the translation of the idea aligns with the adopting actors’ own interests (Höllerer et al., 2017). This strategic choice of translating a travelling idea into the local context illuminates the question of how and why actors choose one specific interpretation of the idea over all the other available ones (Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017). This editing process shows that actors are thinking and acting individuals (Sahlin-Andersson, 1996) and not mere passive entities who simply react and adapt to fashionable practices (Sahlin-Andersson, 1996; Colyvas & Jonsson, 2011).
2.5. Fashion
There is a notion amongst Scandinavian institutionalists that fashion influences the travel of ideas and the reasons as to why actors adopt practices (e.g. Abrahamson, 1991; 1996; Røvik, 1998; 2002; 2011; 2016). Fashion theory is an interesting, yet contested lens to analyse the proliferation of management ideas. This section shows how fashion theory could be seen as a
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potent tool to understand the formation, proliferation, and subsequent adoption of ideas and management practices in various institutional contexts.
Røvik (2002) suggests that institutional environments continuously generate new standards which should be adopted by organisations, at least on the superficial level, in order to appear legitimate. Mimicry of fashionable trends could very well be fuelled by social motivations (e.g.
seeking recognition) rather than the intrinsic need to improve efficiency. Abrahamson (1991) offers an intricate perspective on how the understanding of fashion can be employed in traditionally more important realms of endeavour (e.g. science, technology, and management).
Abrahamson (1991) suggests that the aesthetic fashion, conventionally limited to trivial trends such as generational music preferences or shifts in children naming patterns, could conceal valuable insights for scholars researching strictly technical fields. Moreover, technicians that utilise fashionable ideas oftentimes perceive these ideas as the rational and progressive means to desired technical outcomes (Abrahamson, 1996). As long as there is some ambiguity surrounding the conception of the utility of a given trend, fashion can be utilised to understand its proliferation (Abrahamson, 1996). The take on fashion theory proposed by Abrahamson (1991; 1996) brings forth two key agents facilitating the trend-setting process. Fashion leaders, the actors who make a trend seem fashionable and fashion followers, the actors who adopt the trend once it appears legitimate.
Fashion leadership, also referred to as the trend-setting power, is similar to market leadership on a competitive arena (Abrahamson, 1996). Trend-setting power lies in understanding customer demand and one’s ability to provide the supplementary discourse which legitimates the proliferating idea as well as its proliferator (Ibid.). Pallas et al. (2016) shows that this discourse is often hosted by the fashion-setting community, which is composed of intertwined industries that define the context. The three key roles of the fashion-setting community are procurement, fashioning, and marketing (Abrahamson, 1991; 1996). For example, in the field of management the process is conducted by management consultants, business schools, and business mass-media. Abrahamson (1996) argues that pinpointing the discourse facilitated by these actors is key to understanding the emergence and spread of any given management practice.
Another useful insight revealed by Røvik (2011) is the cyclical nature of the social relevance that a trend possesses. In other words, trends go through the process of institutionalisation but with time they fade. However, eventually they might make a comeback, in response to the
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demands determined by the dominant doctrines of the time. Benders and Van Veen (2001) define fashion as the production and consumption of a temporarily intensive discourse. This definition comes with its implications, whereby Røvik (2011) argues that it leads to non-lasting responses which are often decoupled from the core objectives and practices of an adopting actor.
Proceeding with the above in mind, Abrahamson (1991) proposes two perspectives in tension with the efficient choice perspective which suggests that a practice is adopted because it works and allows for achieving organisational goals more efficiently. The two perspectives include the fad and the fashion. The fad proposition suggests that organisational goals are uncertain and that groups of organisations influence and mimic one another, rather than being affected by organisations outside the group. Conversely, the fashion perspective puts emphasis on the organisations outside the group, arguing that the external trend-setters make a practice fashionable due to the high-status actors’ preceding adoption whereby other actors imitate the practice regardless of its technical efficiency. This results in adoption of inefficient practices, also known as pro-innovation bias. Accounting for the pro-innovation biases while investigating the process of idea diffusion is key to understanding the actual efficiency a certain practice carries. (Abrahamson, 1991)
2.6. Legitimacy
There is an established consensus amongst organisation scholars that actors adopt an idea because it portrays them as appropriate and modern (e.g. Meyer & Rowan, 1977; DiMaggio &
Powell, 1983; Abrahamson, 1996; Czarniawska & Sevón, 1996; Sevón, 1996; Alvesson &
Willmott, 2002; Engwall & Kipping, 2004; Windell, 2007; Røvik, 2011; Boxenbaum &
Jonsson, 2017). In line with Meyer and Rowan (1977), Sahlin and Wedlin (2017) state that actors merely have to adopt certain ideas in order to appear legitimate.
Moreover, Sahlin and Wedlin (2017) emphasise how actors put certain adopted practices on display in order to appear up to speed inside their fields. Primarily motivated by the drive to assume more dominant positions in their respective environments (Ibid.). Abrahamson (1991) proposes that an idea could even be technically inefficient, but nonetheless mandatory to adopt due to the environmental pressures and the need to be perceived as legitimate. At the same time, Sahlin-Andersson (1996) discusses that there are usually scientific references that legitimise the idea, showing that the idea might not always be adopted solely due to its extrinsic benefits.
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Although Røvik (1996) points out that this scientific reasoning can also emerge after the trend has proliferated, whereas the initial stages tend to involve subjective cases from specific actors.
The consensus amongst the scholars is that an idea is adopted by actors as a way to portray the image of a legitimate actor. Sometimes even though the adopted idea does little to increase the adopters’ internal efficiency.
2.7. Field
There is a notion within the theory regarding travel of ideas that actors adopt a specific idea because it strengthens the connection with other actors within their field (e.g. Abrahamson, 1991; Sahlin-Andersson, 1996; Hedmo et al., 2005; Djelic & Sahlin-Andersson, 2006; Höllerer et al., 2017; Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017). Certain actors in the field play a more salient role than others regarding the actors’ choice to adopt a specific idea (e.g. Tolbert & Zucker, 1983;
Czarniawska & Joerges, 1996; Westphal et al., 1997; Røvik, 1998). In particular, high-status actors tend to be heavily imitated by other actors within the field (e.g. Haveman, 1993; Palmer et al., 1993; Sahlin-Andersson, 1996; Sevón, 1996; Boxenbaum & Jonsson, 2017; Sahlin &
Wedlin, 2017).
The field is a setting where actors and their social positions are located in terms of their habitus and social, economic, and cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1977). Originally the concept of field was used in sociology, but has been applied by the Scandinavian institutionalists in their research.
In this respect, the field is a group of actors that the actor perceives they belong to in terms of sharing common beliefs, values, and norms. The field is continuously socially reconstructed and not particularly stable (e.g. Sahlin-Andersson, 1996; Hedmo et al., 2005; Djelic & Sahlin- Andersson, 2006; Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017). Imitation occurs because actors within the field constantly compare each other to one another (Sahlin-Andersson, 1996; Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017). However, this process is not mechanical, nor particularly straightforward. Sahlin- Andersson (1996) shows that similarities are often overemphasised while the differences are downplayed (e.g. differences in local contexts). As proposed by Abrahamson (1991), fashion- followers mimic practices of the fashion-leaders, which sheds light on actors’ propensity to imitate high-status actors in their respective fields (e.g. Czarniawska & Joerges, 1996; Sahlin- Andersson, 1996; Sevón, 1996; Røvik, 1996; Boxenbaum & Jonsson, 2017; Höllerer et al., 2017; Sahlin & Wedlin, 2017). Or in other words, actors tend to imitate those whom they would like to resemble (Sevón, 1996). It is quite clear from theory that actors adopt an idea to
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strengthen the connection with actors within the field, and that this is done due to various reasons.
2.8. Conceptual framework
The theoretical insights from the six themes presented above alludes to the fact that they all should be able to help understand how and why leaders adopt the idea of extreme athleticism, which is presented in the conceptual framework below (see figure 1). The conceptual framework should be taken into consideration in the subsequent chapters, but it is important to note that the conceptual framework presented in this chapter is a simplification of the various themes. One reason for this is to provide a more coherent overview of the themes, but also because applying these concepts and theories to understand how and why actors adopt an idea is a relatively novel research endeavour which needs to be explored further in the subsequent chapters. The empirical chapter as well as the analysis and discussion chapter enables us to refine and develop the conceptual framework below (i.e. figure 1) into our finalised conceptual model in figure 2.
Figure 1. Conceptual framework.
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3. Methodology
The methodological choices in this study are guided by the Scandinavian institutionalist school (e.g. Sahlin-Andersson & Söderholm, 2002; Alvesson, 2003; Czarniawska & Sevón, 2003;
Czarniawska, 2004; Kreiner, 2007; Boxenbaum & Strandgaard Pedersen, 2009). Although, note the word ‘guided’, hence not predicated upon their methodology, especially considering that there is no Scandinavian institutionalist methodology as such. In practice, this foremost entails that this study emphasises a social constructionist approach alongside qualitative research with an emphasis on a data collection that allows for an in-depth, detailed, and rich account of the empirical context (Boxenbaum & Strandgaard Pedersen, 2009).
3.1. Research strategy
This study utilises a qualitative research approach in order to understand how and why actors adopt an idea. The advantages of a qualitative strategy are highlighted by a vast majority of Scandinavian institutionalists (e.g. Røvik, 1998; Sahlin-Andersson & Söderholm, 2002;
Czarniawska & Sevón, 2003; Røvik, 2007; Boxenbaum & Strandgaard Pedersen, 2009). The qualitative research strategy is particularly appropriate considering that the intention is to view the phenomenon with an emphasis on the study objects’ perspectives (Bryman & Bell, 2015, p.
392-397). As per Czarniawska (2004), the intention is to be as close as possible to the individuals’ experience of their situation in order to understand the meanings that they attribute to the behaviours they practice. This is particularly important for this study as the intention is to grant the adopting actors a greater voice, more so than in previous literature that study the travel of ideas.
Furthermore, Czarniawska (2004) shows how the social constructionist epistemology is a pivotal part within Scandinavian institutionalist research. In particular, this study is based on the assumption that social reality is subjective and co-constructed by human actors (Berger &
Luckmann, 1967). Social constructionism argues that knowledge and meaning are extrapolated from, and created by, human actors (Bryman & Bell, 2015, p. 626-630). Czarniawska (2004) highlights the importance of the latter, because without this assumption the behaviours are meaningless and mechanical.
3.2. Study design
This study applies a case study design in order to effectively address the research question.
More specifically, we use a single instrumental case study design (Creswell, 2007, p. 74-75).
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This enables the study to focus on the issue regarding travel of ideas and the adopting actors, by selecting the bounded case of leaders that practice extreme athleticism to illustrate this. The main reason for this is because it allows the research to understand the complexity and specific nature of the phenomenon within its context (Bryman & Bell, 2015).
The unit of analysis is travel of ideas, in which the major entity that is analysed are the leaders who adopt extreme athleticism. This is how this study ensures the boundaries of what data is collected. However, Boxenbaum and Strandgaard Pedersen (2009) highlight an important implication of this, the researcher must signal awareness of the situated nature of this type of knowledge production. One such implication is how this study collects a lot of information from a restricted number of interviews. This is somewhat exacerbated considering that the data selection relies on snowball sampling and might therefore not fully depict the population.
However, the intention is to emphasise the specific case, not the population. To generalise in terms of theory, because of the unique insights that the case study provides (Bryman & Bell, 2015, p. 67-72).
3.3. Data selection
The sample of participants have been purposefully recruited in order to answer the research question. Specifically, the data selection consists of a purposive sample, a non-probability sample that is selected based on judgements regarding the characteristics of the sample and the objective of the study (Bryman & Bell, 2015, p. 430-434). The objective of this study is to explore and to understand how and why actors adopt an idea, which is investigated through the empirical context of leaders that practice extreme athleticism. Simply put, the purposive sampling includes leaders that practice extreme athleticism.
In practice, the data was selected according to two criteria (see below). The data was identified by initially scanning the authors’ own network for appropriate samples, in which a snowball sampling technique was subsequently employed. Snowball sampling is particularly useful for identifying relevant actors in the field and accessing them (Bryman & Bell, 2015, p. 434-436), especially considering that there is no pre-existing framework (e.g. database) that has already identified the actors that are relevant for this study. Moreover, this is appropriate since there is a theoretical census in the Scandinavian institutionalist literature that the ideas spread within certain social groups (e.g. Sahlin-Andersson, 1996), which enables this research to explore this group and its boundaries.
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Each criterion for data selection is based on the authors’ own judgement, and also guided by previous studies regarding extreme athleticism (e.g. Johansson, 2017). Having said that, there is limited theory about both extreme athleticism and, in particular, leaders that practice extreme athleticism. Extreme athleticism tends to be captured in popular magazines, rather than in academic journals. Nevertheless, the two criteria include:
• Extreme athleticism
The data for extreme athleticism is selected in terms of either:
o Exercising four or more times per week, or
o Participating in a minimum of two major extreme events per year (e.g. marathon, Iron Man, Toughest Elite)
Note that the definition concerns either or, not both. The reason for this is because extreme athleticism takes on different shapes and forms, in which the intention is to capture extreme exercise and not the particular practice per se. Rather, a leader is included in this study if they are judged as extreme athletes, one (i.e. David) out of the twelve interviewees currently exercises less than four days per week but is nonetheless judged as an extreme athlete.
Moreover, considering that extreme exercise involves running, cycling, gym, and so on, it is not possible to determine measures for each specific practice.
• Business leader
The study concerns travel of ideas within the business context. We are selecting business leaders, not other types of leaders (e.g. political). The study includes mainly CEOs, and the sample foremost consists of current CEOs. However, whereas current CEOs were captured in a majority of the interviews, the newspaper articles that are also used to collect data range back to year 2000 in which it is important to note that they were CEOs at the time the articles were published.
3.4. Data collection
The instruments to collect data include both semi-structured interviews and newspaper articles.
Hence, the study uses data triangulation to answer the research question, which is common practice in case studies (Bryman & Bell, 2017). This form of data collection is also prevalent in previous Scandinavian institutionalist studies (e.g. Boxenbaum & Strandgaard Pedersen,
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2009; Czarniawska, 2009). The two sources are complementary to each other and allows for sufficient data collection concerning how and why leaders adopt the idea of extreme athleticism.
3.4.1. Interviews
This study uses semi-structured interviews to collect primary data. According to Bryman and Bell (2015, p. 480) semi-structured interviews contain open questions where the interviewees can elaborate freely upon their answers, by maintaining an emphasis on the topic but allowing for the interviewee to deviate. This allows for both depth as well as breadth in the data collection (Collis & Hussey, 2013).
The semi-structured interviews follow an interview guide, included as Appendix 1. Considering the novel and complex nature of the questions in the interview guide, an important decision was to send out the interview guide approximately one week prior to the interview in order to enable the interviewee to provide thoughtful answers on how and why they practice extreme athleticism.
Moreover, in order to ensure the scientific rigour of the data collection, a pilot study was conducted. This ensures the same level of quality from the first interview to the last (Lim et al., 2017). The pilot study was conducted in the same format as the other interviews but was slightly longer due to the extensive feedback, both during and after the interview. The main insight and revision emanating from the pilot study involved the realisation to give a greater attendance regarding the amount of time scheduled for each part in the interview guide.
In practice, the interview began by presenting the research topic in order to acquaint the interviewee with the research scope and its context. Then it proceeded onto the interview guide.
The interviews were conducted online by using both audio and video, specifically Whereby.com. The interviews took place between the 12th of March, 2020 to the 20th of April during which 12 individuals were interviewed for an average length of approximately 33 minutes. The interviewees are given pseudonyms so as not to disclose their identity. See Appendix 2 for more information regarding the interviews.
3.4.1.1. Operationalisation
Bryman and Bell (2017) argue how operationalisation is a vital part of research, for example in formulating an interview guide. The operationalisation in this study concerns how various themes in the theoretical framework are expressed as different items in the interview guide (see Appendix 3). However, considering the abductive reasoning of this study it is important to note that the questions must be formulated in a careful way as not to superimpose theory. For this
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reason, the interview guide also consists of other various questions that are indeed relevant to theory but do not superimpose it. This approach enables sufficient information in relation to the theory while simultaneously allowing for new theoretical insights. Jacobsen (2002) brings forth another salient point, that the theory tends to be too academic for a non-researcher. Hence the necessity to also operationalise the theory in layman’s terms throughout the interview guide (Jacobsen, 2002; Bryman & Bell, 2017).
The research question asks how and why leaders adopt the idea of extreme athleticism. The interview questions are divided into three different parts consisting of why, how, and the intrinsic and extrinsic benefits. In order to ensure that each part is sufficiently answered, each question contains a few sub-questions which adhere to each specific part. Hence, each item in the interview guide operationalises one specific part.
3.4.2. Documents
Secondary data is collected from documents in the form of newspaper articles. Bryman and Bell (2015, p. 554) argue that the advantage of using documents is that they are not produced specifically for the researcher’s purposes. However, this study concerns the travel of ideas which acknowledges the nature and impact of media (e.g. Pallas, 2007; Pallas et al., 2016).
Subsequently, the newspapers can be regarded as proliferators of ideas which thereby requires attention in how they depict the practice of extreme athleticism. Bryman and Bell (2015, p. 555) shed some light on this as they discuss four criteria including authenticity, credibility, representativeness, and meaning. Especially authenticity is important, and to note where the newspaper article is published considering that various interests might be involved.
In practice, the 48 newspaper articles used in this study were identified and collected through Retriever Research (Mediearkrivet) as well as simple Google searches. Some articles are more informative than others, but considering the interpretative and qualitative nature of this study, they are nonetheless insightful in order to understand how and why leaders practice extreme athleticism. A vast majority of the articles are published by authoritative Swedish newspaper agencies such as Dagens Industri. The newspaper articles have been published between 2000 and 2020, the logic behind this is that there is reason to believe that the phenomenon emerged somewhere within this period. See Appendix 4 for more information about the newspaper articles.
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3.5. Data analysis
The data analysis in qualitative research enables the researcher to find meaning in the collected data, which can be achieved in several different ways (Bryman & Bell, 2017). Data does not speak for itself, as it were. Both the interviews and the newspaper articles have been analysed concurrently. The data analysis in this paper is perhaps the most time-consuming and effortful component of the study, which was initiated early-on in the research endeavour. Foremost due to the vast initial theoretical framework, by realising that commencing the data analysis as early as possible would shed light on what theoretical insights could be omitted. However, it is equally important to not superimpose previous literature or patterns onto the remainder of the data collection process. Rather, to use it as a framework to place the data collection into a context and find meaning in the data. We have used thematic coding with the intention to find themes through patterns, thereby either adding new theory, relating the themes to the theoretical framework, omitting theory, or reflecting upon what specific insights the theory does not capture.
In practice, the interviews were transcribed into approximately 45,000 words. The newspaper articles and interviews have been analysed by using thematic coding, from patterns both within and across all data sources. Which were distilled as much as possible in order to capture deeper, all-encompassing themes. The explicit coding regards colour coding schemes, in which the most salient themes were elaborated upon in separate documents and through subsequent discussions between the authors. This was done by keeping theory in mind, yet not superimposing it. This process was executed several times until the data analysis was deemed satisfactory.
3.6. Limitations
Many of the methodological limitations in this study emanate from an underlying limitation, the Scandinavian institutionalists tend to neglect in-depth methodological discussions in their texts (e.g. Czarniawska, 2009). Moreover, considering that a lot of their knowledge is presented in books, the methodological aspect is subsequently downplayed in those texts compared to articles that are published in scientific journals. Having said that, a few of the scholars within this field have published books about methodology (e.g. Czarniawska, 2004).
The data collection warrants a discussion about limitations. In regards to the interviews, several Scandinavian institutionalists argue that there is a tendency by the adopting actors to depict the adoption process differently from how it actually occurs (e.g. Czarniawska & Joerges, 1996;
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Sahlin-Andersson, 1996; Czarniawska, 2009; Höllerer et al., 2017). Moreover, the newspaper articles epitomise the media as a proliferator of ideas (e.g. Pallas, 2007; Pallas et al., 2016). The newspaper agencies included in this study do not aim to proliferate the practice of extreme athleticism as such, but there is a caution from Scandinavian institutionalists to be aware that the idea might be narrated as a success story and thereby undermine certain aspects of how and why actors adopt an idea (e.g. Abrahamson, 1996; Sturdy, 2011; Clark & Kipping, 2012;
Kiechel, 2012). Nonetheless, considering this study’s research strategy and design it is not necessarily a problem. But it is important to be aware of misrepresentation of the phenomenon, especially in regards to the Scandinavian institutionalists’ precautions.
Another aspect concerns the interview guide in which it is astonishing how similar the interviewees’ reflections were regarding certain topics, such as the interplay between intrinsic and extrinsic benefits. This begs the question whether sending out an interview guide prior to the interview was an appropriate choice, and more importantly if the items might have been too theoretically anchored and constructed into too leading questions and thereby unable to capture the true nature of the interviewees’ answers to how and why they practice extreme athleticism.
However, considering that the interviews capture similar themes as the newspaper articles it might not necessarily be the case. Moreover, one of the underlying intentions of this study was to grant the adopting actors a greater voice, sending out the interview guide in advance certainly aids this as they can elaborate on their answers prior to the interview.
3.7. Ethical considerations
This study investigates how and why actors adopt ideas within the empirical context of leaders who practice extreme athleticism. This is not a particularly sensitive research topic, thereby it is not fraught with ethical pitfalls. Nonetheless, this study complies with the ethical guidelines presented by the Swedish Research Council (2017) and Uppsala University (2020), and also takes into account the code of ethics set by the Academy of Management (2020).
The most pressing ethical consideration concerns how this study depicts the topic and how it might be exploited by others. Bryman and Bell (2015, p. 129-155) shows how research can be used for deviant purposes by other non-researchers. This is relevant to this research endeavour considering that the study might implicitly give advice to other actors (e.g. management consultancies) on how to exploit the travel of ideas, and specifically the adopters of ideas.
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4. Empirical chapter
This chapter is structured in a similar manner as the headings in the theoretical framework and analytical chapter, in order to show a clear connection between the empirical evidence and the thematic theoretical headings. Hence, this chapter somewhat deviates from the common structure in Scandinavian institutionalist papers which tend to present a vast empirical account that is sometimes disconnected from the other chapters (e.g. Boxenbaum & Strandgaard Pedersen, 2009; Czarniawska, 2009; Buhr, 2012; Lindberg, 2014).
4.1. Translation
Two main themes emerge through the empirical evidence in regards to translation. One theme highlights the pattern of how the leaders make extreme athleticism their own. It is clear that the leaders’ practice of extreme athleticism is enacted in different ways depending on the specific leader and their context. The other theme concerns the influence of various proliferators such as gurus, but also how peers play a salient influence in both the leaders’ adoption and translation of extreme athleticism.
The first theme concerns how the CEOs adopt extreme athleticism and make it their own, in particular how extreme athleticism becomes enacted depending on the practitioners’ preferred physical exercise. Many interviewees run or go to the gym. The newspaper articles capture a wider spectrum of practices ranging from cycling (Retz, 2018) to CrossFit (Nimbratt, 2013), and many more. Regardless of the specific exercise, the empirical evidence highlights the ways in which many design their own routines in an effort to adjust the athletic pursuit to their context. A handful of newspaper articles highlight how leaders run to or from work, sometimes both (e.g. Asker, 2020). Sean mentions his ‘prison workout’ routine and argues: “It is my own thing. I travel a lot and I can literally do my prison workout from the side of my bed, anywhere in the world”. Most leaders twist their athletic pursuit to their context but in different ways.
George, who has an interest in data and works within the tech-industry, incorporates a data- driven approach to his athletic pursuit.
Related to their unique approaches are the intrinsic benefits that the leaders claim that they reap as a consequence of their athleticism. All of the interviewees have their own theories as to why it works for them, and a similar pattern is captured in the newspaper articles. Even though they have their own take on extreme athleticism it is possible to distil it into underlying themes of mental acuity, increased energy, and stress-relief. Interestingly though, none of the interviewees goes into the scientific rationale behind these benefits, even though they are eager to
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communicate these rationalised intrinsic benefits as a part of their advocating effort. Moreover, the interviewees who are the most extreme also seem most eager to position themselves as experts on the type of fitness routines that they are practicing, regardless of any scientific rationale.
The other theme in the empirical evidence regarding influences highlights the variety of individuals that inspire the leaders’ pursuit of extreme athleticism and the type of related content leaders consume. Many interviewees refer to their peers as the initial source of inspiration, and also reference family members, business partners, as well as other peers inside their network.
However, whereas the peers sparked the initial first steps in the CEOs’ journey towards extreme athleticism, it is clear that as their athletic endeavour progresses other sources begin to emerge, namely gurus. Names such as Nick Mitchell, Joe Bennett, David Goggins, Tim Ferriss, Ryan Holiday, Casey Neistat, and Tony Robbins are some of the inspiring figures, and a majority of them have a considerable online presence. Hence, in regards to the medium, most interviewees highlight the influence from individuals that promote content on social media such as Facebook, Instagram, or YouTube. Another form of influence on the CEOs’ athletic pursuit are the leaders in the interviews and newspaper articles themselves. That is to say, they clearly influence each other. They have a tendency to put their athletic pursuit into the limelight in almost the same way as the aforementioned gurus. However, this theme diverges into different patterns. For instance, Richard consciously utilises his athletic excellence to evangelise others to go on a similar journey. Richard acknowledges that “I have helped a lot of influential people to get in shape” even though he is not necessarily a guru in that sense. Whereas in Sean’s case, it is not as intentional but rather a by-product of his athletic excellence. Sean does not admit to actively evangelising other leaders but reveals that he talks about his fitness routine and fit lifestyle with all his peers, for instance Daniel mentions Sean’s ‘prison workout’ as an inspiration.
4.2. Previous practices
Two prevalent themes emerge in the empirical findings regarding how extreme athleticism builds upon previous practices. One, a vast majority have a history of exercise, which is captured from both the interviews and the newspaper articles. The second is how many interviewees show significant awareness of how the image of a CEO has transitioned from the previous image (e.g. male, overweight, smoking a cigar, and sipping whisky), into one that represents someone physically fit. Moreover, many interviewees were eager to relate their extreme athleticism to the competitive nature of being a leader.
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The interviewees consistently acknowledge and confirm how they have nurtured their extreme athleticism in that they have always exercised and are extreme people. This is illustrated well by Richard who tells the story of how “I started lifting at the age of 13. I have always been a very high-level athlete. I had a few complications which stopped me from going to the Olympics”. Many other interviewees share a similar story of being professional athletes in their past. “I started running in my teens. I have a series of national medals from that period”, David declares. There are also other accounts that tell a more modest story in regards to their athletic history. They acknowledge their thirst for the athletic pursuit and willingness to be extreme, but were not as successful. Conversely, there are stories from the newspaper articles that portray the opposite in that the transition to extreme athleticism was sparked by a pursuit to clear an unhealthy lifestyle in favour of a healthy one. This is best exemplified by Johan Steene who is mentioned in several newspapers (e.g. Lerner, 2018; Palmgren, 2019; Asker, 2020). Steene says that he used to be very unhealthy, but eventually became an ultramarathon runner.
In regards to the second salient theme, it is noteworthy that all the interviewees reflect deeply on the other ideas that are either travelling or have been travelling in their own business context.
Interestingly, many of the interviewees make references to other ideas (e.g. journaling, mindfulness, and cold showers) that they believe are complementary to their own leadership and their athletic pursuit. A few elaborate on this to say that all these new ideas typify a 21st century leader and are part of an holistic image. They emphasise the transition to the new image of a CEO, which differs from the past archetype in the late 20th century. They make many references to Stockholm and Silicon Valley, both in regards to the general atmosphere that the interviewees can feel as well as examples of specific leaders that typify this new type of leader.
Timothy reflects upon how “in the last years the CEO of Spotify has transformed his body into a super fit athlete. I think that is definitely something that is becoming more common among leaders”. However, very few show awareness of how the transition that they are acknowledging affects their own practice of extreme athleticism.
Another pattern that emerges is the competitive element of the leaders’ context. Every one of the interviewees mention the competitive environment that they navigate on a daily basis. Half of the interviewees elaborate upon this and frame the context as both competitive and extreme.
They claim that they themselves, as well as their contemporaries in their industry, tend to be extreme individuals.
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4.3. Strategic purposes
The empirical evidence makes it apparent that the leaders adopt the practice of extreme athleticism as a management idea to fit their strategic purposes. One theme is how the idea fits their everyday lives as leaders. Meanwhile the other salient theme captures the intrinsic benefits of extreme athleticism in their leadership. In fact, the most salient empirical finding in this chapter is the adopting actors’ unambiguous and unanimous emphasis on the intrinsic benefits.
The first theme highlights that a majority of interviewees adjust the practice to fit their strategic purposes, in various ways. These individuals lead a life which entails an array of distractions and a dearth of time. For example Sean reasons that “I needed to figure out something that I could do while also travelling a lot. So I developed my own programme. Which I could literally do anywhere”, in which he adjusts the practice in and of itself. Specifically running was a quite common form of extreme athleticism, which was argued for because of its seamless integration into their business life. Similarly, a majority of the interviewees tend to exercise more often, and also more extreme, when the workload intensifies. George eloquently argues that “I have always had the mantra that: the harder you work, the harder you should workout”. At the very least, they prioritise and abide to their exercise schedule, regardless of the workload. The reason for this, they explain, is because of the benefits of extreme exercise.
The second and more important theme has to do with how everyone practices extreme athleticism in order to reap the intrinsic benefits. The leaders attribute more or less the same benefits to extreme athleticism, regardless of the specific shape or form of exercise. Every interviewee asserts that the intrinsic benefits are the reason as to why they practice extreme athleticism. This was usually the topic that they are most enthusiastic to talk about. Moreover, a majority of the articles highlight how the respondents acknowledge several benefits from extreme athleticism, both for themselves and their role as leaders. The data from interviews and newspaper articles capture more than 100 different leaders in which the vast majority attribute extreme athleticism to the intrinsic benefits, which can be summarised through the underlying patterns of mental acuity, stress relief, ability to push mental boundaries, and improved problem-solving. Although no single quote can capture this point sufficiently considering that the intrinsic benefits were manifold and discussed for lengthy periods of time, what William says is a relevant illustration: “It really trains your mind about what is possible. It expands your mindset of what is possible”. Moreover, Daniel explains that “I would like to put it down to the mental acuity difference“.
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4.4. Fashion
This heading captures two themes related to how the leaders are aware of the fashionable aspect concerning their practice of extreme athleticism, even if they do not state it explicitly.
The first theme of fashion concerns how the majority of interviewees state that athletic excellence is in fashion amongst leaders. Most interviewees recognise the shift from the previous archetype of a CEO towards the contemporary CEO image. The responses vary regarding their explanation of why the image has shifted the past years. Sean highlights that:
“A lot of CEO founders want to optimise for everything. I say this because I have a lot of clients in Silicon Valley. They follow fads. I mean, Jack Dorsey is extremely athletic, and then all of a sudden everyone is doing that. So many people these days are doing it. No, most people. I meet founders and CEOs, and everybody is trying to stay really fit. Everybody is basically doing some version of the same thing”.
While the empirical evidence does not explicitly highlight the leaders’ thoughts about their own image, it does however show their awareness. The majority argue that extreme athleticism is important in their context and that there is a need to adhere to it. Surprisingly though, all the interviewees talk about the others, and rarely about themselves when expressing this train of thought.
Another theme concerns the leaders perception of how fashionable extreme athleticism is and others’ perception of their athletic pursuit. David notes that “on a subconscious level, we tend to treat people differently based on how fit they are”. However, an interesting pattern emerges whereby the leaders argue how they adopt the practice of extreme athleticism wholeheartedly, instead of merely putting it on display. Although, many leaders disclose that they also utilise their athletic pursuit to be perceived in a particular way, for example in terms of being progressive. Interviewees acknowledge the interplay between the intrinsic and extrinsic benefits, and utilise both means to their own advantage. In other words, every interviewee highlights the intrinsic benefits, while simultaneously discussing the effect it has as a fashionable image.
4.5. Legitimacy
The notion of practicing extreme athleticism to portray a certain image is related to fashion but not restricted to it. Portraying a certain image was discarded by many interviewees, nor did any of the newspaper articles capture this point of view. It could therefore seem quite peculiar as to
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why this section should be included in the paper at all. But it is actually an important perspective to explain how and why leaders adopt the idea of extreme athleticism. The implicit notion embedded in their stories demonstrates the significance of this perspective, notwithstanding the explicit accounts in the empirical evidence. The main theme is that the notion of legitimacy is implicit.
A number of newspaper articles demonstrate that extreme athleticism is becoming increasingly prevalent amongst leaders (e.g. Edgren, 2010), and since 2010 there has been an exponential increase of articles about the phenomenon. This is especially the case when it comes to how an in-group forms around the image of a modern and appropriate CEO. In the interviews conducted for this study, it was only recognised by two interviewees that they consciously utilise their practice of extreme athleticism to portray an image of an appropriate CEO. However, the majority of interviewees acknowledge that the image of a CEO is shifting toward the image which they themselves are striving towards. Alongside the image of an appropriate CEO, the social context and its relation to the image are frequently mentioned. It seems that the adoption comes about because it is how a CEO in their context is seen to carry themselves. This is not necessarily as part of a conscious effort to be perceived as modern and up to speed, but rather as a by-product from the interviewees’ awareness of their context. Despite the interviewees’
reluctance of portraying themselves as practicing extreme athleticism for the extrinsic benefits, the majority recognise this image shift.
Another theme which emerged, very much implicitly, is how most interviewees can be categorised as quite archetypically modern CEOs in terms of the ideas and practices which are travelling in this sphere. That is to say, they are very aware of the modern behaviours in their context. Albeit they rarely explicitly state that they practice extreme athleticism to appear modern. For example, many of them engage in similar modern practices alongside extreme athleticism which they know can be attributed to the modern CEO. Geoffrey admits “I could definitely say that is true when it comes to meditation or journaling. I have definitely been a trend-follower in those respects”. But they also capture this in regards to attributing it to books and highly regarded individuals in their context, especially considering that certain books and individuals are mentioned frequently. Exemplified by Roger who says “there is this author that has made Stoicism more accessible. Ryan Holiday. He also exercises a lot”. Moreover, thanks to the internet and social media it was also possible to gather background information about the leaders, both about the interviewees and the profiles in the newspaper articles. This information confirms how a vast majority are embracing the archetype of a modern CEO, which includes
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ideas and practices such as journaling, meditation, yoga, Stoicism, self-help literature, cold showers, and so on. The leaders seem very aware of what constitutes a modern and legitimate CEO, and the practice of extreme athleticism is a part of this modern and up to speed image of the contemporary CEO. More often than not it might be the main reason, but it is seldom explicitly stated by the leaders.
4.6. Field
The field influences how and why leaders adopt the practice of extreme athleticism, both the inception but also the continuity and evolution of the practice. A caveat to this section is that the themes and patterns are heavily intertwined, even more so than in the other headings. Two themes stand out, in-group norms and status. These two themes also contain a few subthemes.
In-group norms highlight how normalised extreme athleticism is within their context whereby evangelisation encapsulates the status aspect. As the data collection proceeded it became clear who the individuals were in this context, and to distinguish the high-status practitioners.
“Obviously I have extreme people around me, like Richard. I have other friends that are not far off from Richard. Probably not quite at Richard’s level though“, is a quote from Daniel which illustrates the prevalence of extreme athleticism in the leaders’ context. Moreover, one interviewee has even set up a CEO running club. The articles also highlight the formation of in-group norms and how normalised extreme athleticism is in the leadership context. There are accounts in the newspaper articles of CEOs challenging other CEOs to extreme athletic pursuits (e.g. Lundell, 2011). There is an in-group forming around the leaders who are practicing extreme athleticism, and they are aware of the other extremely athletic leaders. Extreme athleticism seems to have become normalised in their context, many interviewees do not necessarily even view themselves as extreme. Rather, they make references to other CEOs that they consider extreme. Interestingly, the referenced individuals themselves do not perceive themself as extreme either. Another insight concerns how some interviewees have been
‘extremely athletic CEOs’ for a longer period of time than others. Interesting to note is that once many of the interviewees began their CEO-journey, they concurrently adopted the pursuit of extreme athleticism. The reason for this is not something that the interviewees are able to pinpoint, but what they do recognise is that there are certain individuals that have had a bigger influence than others.
There is a second theme involving high-status leaders and their proclivity toward evangelising other leaders to practice extreme athleticism. A large majority of leaders tend to place this
