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Public tendencies and perception of brightness and light in Odenplan

ANASTASIA ANGELI

KTH ROYAL INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY

SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT

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www.kth.se

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Public tendencies and perception of brightness and light in Odenplan

by Anastasia Angeli

A Master Thesis submitted to KTH Royal Institute of Technology Degree Project in Architectural Lighting Design, course AF270X 28 May 2021

Supervisor: Jim Collin

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Abstract Contents Introduction

This research paper is discussing light, and brightness in particular, in terms of perception, taking Odenplan as a case study.

Some links between light characteristics and behaviour patterns, such as lingering, have been made, raising the discussion about the qualities of the artificial lighting that would add to convivial urban spaces at nighttime, attempting at differentiating between how people think they would behave and how they actually behave in a public square, and the impact of artificial lighting on public tendencies, suggesting if people feel comfortable and safe in the space, then they tend to perceive the space brighter. The research has shown that it is hard to draw conclusions when it comes to perceived qualities of light.

Different research methods have been used with the intention of suggesting a methodology to be explored by others, including literature review, empirical study, informal interviews and word association survey.

Abstract 2

Introduction 3

Objectives 4

Methodology 4

Limitations 6

Sustainability Statement 7

Literature Review 8

Research stages and findings 10 I. Public space and movement behaviour patterns - Empirical study II. Perceived brightness - Informal interviews of users’ perspective III. Interpretation and symbolism of night - Word associations survey Discussion and conclusions 22

References 24

Table of Figures 27

Appendices 28

Research advisors:

Marcus Finbom, Evelien Fiselier, Ambra Trotto Keywords:

Public tendencies, movement behaviour patterns, convivial spaces, urban lighting, transportation hub, perception, perceived brightness, adaptation, symbolism of night

There has been a rising tendency for appreciation of darkness in the lighting community. However, some users of night spaces still tend to believe that darker outdoor spaces are by default not as good as lighter ones when it comes to nighttime. There is a universal connotation of darkness as a threat, danger and evil (e.g., Lakens et al., 2012). Arup in its publication (2015) points out that lit spaces tend to appear safer than dark ones, taking into account the difference between perception of safety and actual risks in the nighttime and the importance of the contrast in light levels and eye’s ability to adapt (2015).

The discussion around what is an

«adequately lit» public space is influenced by shared beliefs and perceptions, and depends on the use of space and the goal of the user.

Transport hubs can be seen as a good example of public spaces where people spend time passively and actively which allows to observe behaviour patterns in its partially unconditioned manner. Odenplan in the city centre of Stockholm is a transportation hub that has varied lighting applications and is connected to several transportation modes, such as train, metro and bus, making it a relevant case study to focus on. As commuters identify lighting to be the most effective solution when it comes to

safety, which is a primary concern in such spaces (Hess, 2012), it feels to be a crucial area of investigation, mapping the perceived brightness of users against the use of space, attempting at filling in the gaps in understanding public tendencies at nighttime.

Additionally, there has not been much research on perception and lighting in non-commercial spaces (Wänström Lindh, 2012) as there is no obvious monetary benefit from it, hence doing such a research on a transportation hub seems to be relevant and even more so, considering the wider use of open public spaces fostered by the pandemic situation.

This research can be seen as a step towards shaping successful functional night urban spaces, formed by observation of what encourages people to chose a certain path or linger in spaces as it is an indicator on a successful urban space, according to Shaftoe (2008). He also states that good urban places are the ‘heart of democratic living’ (2008, p.

5), referencing Carr et al. (1992). Arguably, this could be applied to both daytime and nighttime.

Moving from analysing spaces from the position of citizens’ perceived needs to observing their patterns of behaviour, allows the environment to be adapted, resolving potential conflicts (Jarvis, 1980). Public tendencies in

urban spaces have been observed before, focusing on users and activity types in order to evaluate design factors that foster social activity (e.g. Ridings and Chitrakar, 2020), however, not focusing on the lighting as a factor at all or mentioning only daylight (e.g. Shaftoe, 2008), while some studies have shown that a change in lighting conditions has an impact on the pedestrian flow (e.g. Unwin et. al., 2017) and, hence, impact public tendencies.

This research invites further discussion

when it comes to brightness and qualities of light

that is comfortable to stay and linger, relating

observed public tendencies at Odenplan to what

people perceive when looking at a photograph.

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Objectives Methodology

Literature review on perceived

brightness and public tendencies I. Public space and movement

behaviour patterns - Empirical study II. Perceived brightness - Informal

interviews of users’ perspective III. Interpretation and symbolism of night

- Word associations survey

- To search for correlation between the perception of light, dark and brightness in particular with behaviour patterns of public space users, the location and time of lingering in a transportation hub outdoors

- To identify favourable artificial lighting qualities that encourage lingering (as a marker of convivial space) to contribute to the creation of successful urban spaces at night

- To examine a methodology for urban lighting analysis to be shared and used in other urban public contexts

Qualitative Data

Secondary Research Primary Research

Literature Review

Empirical Study Informal Interviews Word Associations Survey Analysis of existing research has been undertaken to support the paper and deepen the understanding of the topic. The literature review has been split into three sections:

I. Public space and movement behaviour patterns (gathering, walking through, lingering) II. Perceived brightness (visual system, contrast, glare, atmosphere)

III. Interpretation and symbolism of night (darkness as danger, human perception)

The following sections are also divided into these three steps, according to the method used (Tables 1 and 2) that have been chosen with the intention to grasp qualitative characteristics of light as opposed to measurable data.

First section has been based on structured observations of behaviour patterns, including that of gathering, walking and lingering, followed by creation of users’ tendencies map. This was carried out through coming to Odenplan during day and night to observe and record movement of people through the space. Videos have been made (Image 1) to record observations on two days, rest of the observations have been done empirically in order not to influence the movement of people by directing the camera onto them. Comments and observations have been written down into the log (Table 3). This has been visualised via the public tendencies map (Image 14).

This step has been carried out via informal on-site interviews at Odenplan during nighttime, visualised through perceived brightness mapping. Twelve people have been approached on site in the location where they would linger for a few minutes. The objective of the interviews was to understand a user perspective on perceived brightness at Odenplan and gather general thoughts and feelings on the lighting at the square, highlighting its strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and strengths (Table 4). Interviews would start with inviting general comments on lighting and then followed by two formal questions:

- What do you feel about lighting at Odenplan?

- Based on your perception, how would you rate the brightness on the point where you are standing right now from 1 to 10, one being very dark and 10 being very bright? What about the other locations on the square?

Perceived brightness maps (Image 17) have been done after the interviews and then edited further to make them easier to understand, hence the maps are not a direct perception of interviewees but rather a simplification, based on the users’ comments and the brightness rating they have given, hence it is to be noted that the maps have gone through the alterations and assumptions of the researcher. Another consideration is that of the language: different languages have been used when talking to people - Swedish, English and Russian - with an intention of allowing people to relate to the space more directly in the language they are comfortable with, which might have caused some inaccuracies at the stage of writing up the comments.

The last step was aiming at capturing further qualitative data, comparing daytime and nighttime, dealing with symbolic, assumed aspects of light. This has been done through sending two images (18 and 19) of Odenplan to twenty people who are comfortable with sharing their thoughts with the researcher, achieved through individually contacting a mix of people from different backgrounds that the researcher has been in contact with before.

To ensure people are not trying to please the researcher, the purpose of the study has not been specified. Questions that have been asked:

- Which 5 words regarding the quality of light and space come to your mind when you see each of these two photographs?

- Have you been in that space before?

- Do you think you would choose to linger there at nighttime? How about daytime?

This step has been added in order to investigate how much of our perception is assumed by comparing the associations people would have when shown photographs of Odenplan and noticing whether those who have been to the space give a different set of words to those who have not been.

Table 1. Methodology

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Limitations Odenplan

Context Sustainability

Statement

It is to be acknowledged that perceived brightness is not the only influencing factor of movement behaviour in transportation hubs.

According to the urban theory of «eyes on the street» (Jacobs, 1961) passive surveillance, visual and spatial permeability (Saraiva and Pinho, 2011) are some of the other conditions desired by commuters to feel safer. While lighting can be seen as an enabler for safety, increased illumination is also a way of attracting people to a space, hence making it appear more convivial (Arup, 2015). This highlights the importance of lingering for successful spaces and its complex cause-effect relationship.

It is understood that light may also trigger antisocial behaviour (de Kort et al., 2014) which is not analysed in this research.

Kevin Lynch (1960) states that people’s perceptions are connected not only to physical elements of a space and points out that experience of the space is

“always in relation to its surroundings, the series of events leading up to it, the memory of past experiences” (1960, p. 1), which cannot be grasped by this research. It is also to be acknowledged that human perceptions and experiences are culture-dependent (Wänström Lindh, 2012) and, hence, subjective.

When it comes to phenomenological elements of the research, the unfinished nature of phenomenology

is not to be taken as a sign of failure but as an inevitable quality of it (Merleau-Ponty, 2002).

Personal bias of the researcher should also be considered, providing the background of being raised in Moscow and living in a variety of cities, ranging from metropolitan cities of the UK and small towns of Italy, together with having an education in urban planning and architectural lighting design, which could result in some unintentional assumptions and biases.

These biases could come through the notes from the interviews that have been transcribed (Table 7) and might have been altered slightly through the interpretation of the researcher.

When it comes to interview and survey stages, it is to be noted that familiarity to the space is argued to impact the behaviour (Craig, et. al., 2012). There has been evidence that people who have not been to the space in real life have significantly higher chance to express their opinion about the space in more extreme terms (2012), which might be explained by the psychological patterns that vary depending on whether the environment has been experienced in real life or not (2012).

Moreover, brightness might be mixed up with the level of light, while it might be argued to be only one of the elements influencing it, together with reflectance of the surfaces and

Currently the majority of the world’s population lives in cities with further urbanisation being expected globally (UN, 2014), hence the need for the shift towards sustainable cities and safe living environments is apparent (UN, 2012). Analysing public behaviour patterns at nighttime adds to the conversation on the importance of providing access to safe and accessible spaces, as highlighted by the United Nations Agenda 2030 (UN, 2015), with this thesis focusing in particular on the Goal 11:

Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable (UN, 2015).

Neither night nor lighting is mentioned in that document (2015), allowing me to assume that the night city is expected to have the same features as the city during day time. In order to develop cities from a sustainability perspective, new and alternative ways of work should be used (Johansson and Forsemalm 2019), which this research is aiming at contributing to.

colour temperature of the light source (Liljefors, 1999). The term «brightness» is proposed for the sake of interviewee simplicity, which could cause confusion as vocabulary around brightness are not unified and commonly used, e.g. luminance, illuminance and reflectance (Livingston, 2014).

It is acknowledged that photography, used in the last section of the research is not a direct reproduction of reality and is a subject of pre-chosen view angle and technical characteristics (Conord, 2007), which might add to the aesthetic appeal which could change the perception of the space. On top of objective dimensions, photography also conveys emotions and memories (Conord and Cuny, 2014), which skews observations of those looking at it.

The special context of Odenplan as a case study location should also be taken into account. It is located in Stockholm, Sweden, meaning that it would have short natural daylight period in December and long daytime in June, creating a big range of opportunities. The research has been carried out in March-May, starting observation on the day of changing to the summer clock, leading to a nighttime being shifted forward, making the perceived day last longer in the evening and the sun setting later.

Hence it is a different population that might be using the square at 10pm and at 4pm, when it would get dark in December. Meaning that to accurately observe lighting the research would need to take place across different years during the same months of the year.

Odenplan is mainly used as a transport

hub and due to its functionality not many

people would stay there if they come to use it

for its primarily function. One of the hypothesis

is that this same space might be used also as

a space for gathering at night if the lighting is

done appropriately which does not appear to

serve this function at the moment.

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Literature Review

The study of movement, according to Knopp (2006) includes different kinds of spatial activity and interaction at a variety of scales. However, in this project, it is the public tendencies that are being considered, which can be explained as observable patterns of behaviour (Jarvis, 1980). Being in motion can be seen as a part of what it means to be embodied and to be human (Knopp, 2006), hence a transportation hub has been chosen where gathering and lingering would not be the primary objective of the space, however where static behaviour is enabled by the urban fabric, e.g. seating, overhangs, wind shields.

These different behaviours in a public space are extended into the nighttime by artificial lighting. When considering Jane Jacobs’ urban theory and the importance of ‘eyes on the street’ (1961), the ability of higher brightness to make spaces safer can be questioned: rather than considering lighting as a direct enabler for safety, enhanced illumination should be seen as a means to attract more people to a space, thus creating safety through presence and activity. This highlights that effective lighting for safety requires more than a simple illumination of the space (Arup, 2015). It is believed that most public crimes are triggered by windows of opportunity (Saraiva and Pinho, 2011), hence it

is important to keep areas around stops

“adequately” lit at night.

Moving into behaviour patterns, walking can be described as a pattern of movement that plays an important role is sustainable urban movement systems as most of the journeys include walking to some degree (Rahm, 2019).

Accessibility of cities after dark changes together with the variation in daylight hours coming with seasons (2019), in some parts of the world in particular, such as Scandinavia, meaning that artificial outdoor lighting would play a role on the amount of walking people in the city throughout day and night.

Gathering, lingering and wandering are seen as characteristics of convivial urban spaces (Shaftoe, 2008). These movements mark places where people can be “social and festive” (2008, p. 4) which requires a variety of reasons and are the essence of urbanity.

Without convivial spaces, cities would be a collection of buildings with no opportunities for casual encounters, positive interactions between strangers (2008) and co-experience.

This section has proved that public movement has a direct link with the quality of urban places, which is influenced by lighting as well. The value of convivial spaces has been explored, framing the objectives for the lighting.

Brightness is a subjective assessment that relates to the emission of light from the object and not the property of the surface (Cuttle, 2008). Human sensations of brightness, however, are not determined by the amount of light arriving at the eye only, rather it is a sensation occurring in the human brain (Cuttle, 2008).

Hence there is no one reliable tool measuring the relationship between the perceived brightness and the amount of luminous flux arriving at the eye and this research is not aiming at evaluating this relationship. Brightness is tightly linked to experience (Cuttle, 2008), making qualitative approaches more relevant in attempting to measure it. While Berliner (2002) mentions that qualitative research is the hard to do science with, this approach has been chosen as it is the unmeasurable characteristics of light that are to be identified in that research.

When it comes to the perception of light, contrast plays a key role as our visual system operates in comparison, resulting into overly lit nightscapes reducing the eyes’ ability to adapt to darkness, which makes areas with varying light level be subjectively perceived as unsafe places (Arup, 2015). While even lighting, rather than spot-lighting, would provide an ambient environment with lower contrast, creating a condition that is desired by commuters to feel

safer because activities on site can be easily observed (Saraiva and Pinho, 2011). This highlights the subjective nature of brightness and the need to assess it with qualitative research methods. Differences in brightnesses along with the colour temperature and reflectance of surfaces influence the perceived level of light (Liljefors, 1999) and these concepts could be mixed up by the general public. Measurements of brightness are not expressed with the same vocabulary. Related words used to describe light are reflectance (light bouncing off of a surface), luminance (light emitted from a light source), illuminance (light landing on a surface) (Livingston, 2014). While this research is not bringing these in the centre of focus, aiming at making questions sound less confusing by talking about light mostly in terms of brightness.

Cuttle (2008) argues that everything that enters human conscious perception has the attribute of brightness (or lightness), which is always associated with the perception.

Recording observers’ perception of brightness in a research framework should be done using clear instructions, clarifying the rating from one to ten or one to twenty, where rating of ten would indicate that the observer perceives the point as twice as bright as the point that was given a rating of five (2008).

Perception is a way of interpreting or understanding something, creating a mental impression (Livingston, 2014). It could be linked to the perceived atmosphere that in contrast to the mood, is a more stable concept (Vogels, 2008). Humans’ perception of safety in nighttime environments differ from the actual risks (Arup, 2015) - lit places tend to feel safer than dark areas (Arup, 2015). In general, there is a universal symbolic connotation of darkness as evil, threat and danger (Lakens et. al., 2012).

Spatial experience includes perception together with other interpretations (Wänström Lindh, 2012), including feelings and familiarity to the space, which can be excluded when analysing a photograph of the space. The process of perception of objects changes with experience, however the role of experience in human perception has yet to be understood (Roth, 2012).

Some elements of the phenomenological approach have been used to cover the experiential aspect of perception.

Phenomenology is the study of essences. It is seen as a way of analysing light as it deals with a general tendency of the research to overlook the experience of perception in favour of the perceived object (Merleau-Ponty, 2002). The aim of a phenomenological inquiry, which

classically first-person (subject-centred), is the articulation of experience in terms of values — this approach therefore develops psychological concepts that are applicable to every single human being (Roth, 2012).

This section shows that there are symbolic connotations that impact perception of light and brightness and aim at distinguishing them from the experience of the user of the space.

I. Public space and movement

behaviour patterns - Empirical study II. Perceived brightness - Informal

interviews of users’ perspectives III. Interpretation and symbolism of night

- Word associations survey

I. Public space and movement behaviour

Literature review steps

II. Perceived brightness

III. Interpretation and symbolism of night

Empirical study

Relation to the primary research

Informal interviews with users

Word associations survey

Table 2. Research steps

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Research Stages and Findings

The first step was to analyse the perceivable elements of the lighting situation at Odenplan which can be seen of the diagrammatic plans and section (Images 5, 8-11). It was important to analyse features that could be seen or felt by common users of the space, hence no meters have been used that an average citizen would not have access to, as the aim of the research is to analyse the perception of light and brightness, linking to the lingering time and not identifying the link to the quantitative measures. Public tendencies illustrated on the plan, showing the entrances and bus stops (Image 14), have been collected via video recordings during day and nighttime.

The lighting appears to be appropriate for the main function the transportation hub in terms of illuminance, distribution, colour temperature and reflectance of surfaces — elements that impact perceived brightness (Liljefors, 1999), which allows people to quickly move through the square, to safely wait for the public transport and find their way around, considering a triangular shape of the square, which might be misleading in terms of intuitive orientation.

Personally, the researcher relates to the square as a space where one could linger without feeling on the spot due to a quick flow of people and availability of spaces for seating and almost hiding from others, e.g. the staircase and the windshield. However, presence of the police entails some insecurity and at times causes sharp light from the police car (Image 13), which does not invite lingering at night.

Additionally, during the daytime it was possible for the researcher to recognise familiar faces, causing some spontaneous conversations, while under the artificial light no common faces have been found, which might have been only an accident. The fact that the researcher became familiar with the space also might have changed the perception and added some bias to observations during that and nighttime.

I. Public space and movement behaviour patterns - Empirical study

Image 4 (above). View onto the square at night

Image 5. Luminaire direction map Image 6 (above). View onto the square at daytime Image 7. View from the square towards East Image 3 (above). View from the square towards North

Image 1 (above). Empirical study set up and a video link Image 2. Odenplan at night, 30.03.2021

Pendant WAY linspänd Pole with 4

luminaires

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Image 9 (above). Luminaires direction map of Odenplan Image 10. Section. Image 11. Position of the researcher

Image 8. Luminaires numbered and a legend Image 13. Police cars at Odenplan Image 14 (above). Users’ tendencies map

Image 15. View onto the square, facing East Image 12. The stair case from which the video recordings

have been taken

Research Stages and Findings

The transition between the day and night appears to be the most animated time of the square, after which the square falls into the monotonous cycle of coming and leaving buses and waves of commuters, quickly passing through the square to reach their final destination. This might have been caused by the sensation of visual excitement of the researcher when it comes to observing quick changes of colour appearing on the sky.

One of the edited video results of the square during sunset is to be found here or via the QR code on Image 1, while the screen shots are presented on Image 16.

Entrance Luminaire

Bus Bus stop Crossing

Pendant WAY linspänd

Pendant

Location of the camera during video observations

Pole

Pole with 4 luminaires

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Key comments that have been done during the observations are presented in the Table 3, linked to Image 16 as an example.

A visual summary of the public tendencies in terms of movement and lingering at Odenplan is presented on a users’ tendencies map (Image 14), marking most commonly taken paths and movement dynamics of users.

It has been made clear through observations that people tend not to linger on the square but rather to walk through, cycle or scooter across the area - both during day and nighttime. As a reason behind such behaviour is not to be influenced purely by lighting, an importance of conducting interviews and further discussion seemed to be a relevant step to follow up with.

Date General Situation Comments from observations (linked to screen shots, Image 16) 30.03 Monday, 13°C

20:00-20:25 - People tend to take the shortest path

- An assumption that groups of people tend to stay in the spotlight - potentially to see each other’s faces better (1.7)

- Individuals with no company stay on the edge, closer to a vertical surface, an edge, in between dark and light but on the dark side (1.5) 01.04 Thursday, 5°C

18:50-20:50 - Lights are on 10 minutes after the sunset, at 19:40

- First - square lights, then - street lights, 5 minutes after - the church (1.3 and 1.4) lights are on, creating a sequence of visual changes - People tend to walk through places with gradual change of brightness, and to stand at the sharp edge between light and dark (1.6)

05.04 Monday (Easter weekend), 2°C 18:50-20:30

- It feels more casual to stay in the middle of the square during the uniform light of the day (not spotlighted but rather enveloped by light) - People lingering at the narrowest places for longer time (1.10) - Artificial light it not perceived similar to daylight by the observer 06.04 Tuesday, 1°C

20:00-20:40 - Police lighting standing in the middle of the square results into people avoiding coming close to it or stand next to it (Image 13)

- The proximity of the police light might prevent people from lingering - A general comment that the perception depends on how often a person comes to this space and their relationship with it

13.04 Tuesday, 4°C

19:45 - 21:00 - Not much happening on the square at all, people seem to be rushing somewhere, keeping the square feel unused and not cared after - People tend to stand on the nodes, looking in the direction of where they will go after the moment of pause (1.9)

- Pace of movement and a purpose of being there influences the experience together with the current mood and weather conditions

Image 16. Series of screen shots from the video recording on 01.04.2021, given as an example Table 3. Observations of Odenplan log

1.1

1.3 1.7

1.5 1.9

1.2

1.4 1.8

1.6 1.10

Research Stages and Findings

- Comparing the movement patterns of users of the space during daytime and nighttime has not shown clear distinctions, which might mean that lighting does not impact public movement to a degree that could be clearly perceived;

- The twilight period appears to be most full of people, which could be explained by the bias of the researcher or the desire of people to watch the view and not the static artificial lighting;

- The police car with its emergency lights seems to impact public tendencies, stopping some people from lingering on the square due to the perceived danger or uncertainty brought by the temporary element, a police car

Preliminary conclusions from the

Empirical study

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Research Stages and Findings

This stage included approaching people at Odenplan at nighttime (after 20:30) to get general comments in terms of perceived brightness and lighting. People who have been found lingering in a place for more than few minutes were interviewed, suggesting that they felt comfortable at the point of standing. Some of the comments that people have given at Odenplan (Table 5 and Table 7 for full notes from interviews) have been numbered accordingly to the perceived maps (Image 17) that have been sketched by the researcher based on the qualitative data given by interviewees (e.g. map 2.1 relates to person 2.1).

- Perceived brightness seems to be closely linked to familiarity to the space and memories, associations one has with the particular environment, that could be linked to the age and nationality, rather than brightness as such, causing extreme differences in perception;

- There has been a tendency of people perceiving a spot where they were standing as the brightest, while the rest of the square would appear darker when asked to evaluate the perceived brightness from 1 to 10.

- Women tend to give more of an emotional response, using words that describe the feelings, ranging from cosy to scary;

- Men seem to be generally happy about the light, which might be linked to not openly reflecting on feelings but rather stating facts, describing the light in terms of it being adequate, fitting its purpose;

- Generally women might feel less safe when it comes to dark spaces but this should be further researched to understand the cause of this finding;

- It has been noticed that there is a lack of shared lighting vocabulary, resulting into words being used inaccurately to represent what a person means;

Number Context Fragments from the informal interviews

2.1 Woman ≈ 30 yrs Feel safe and cosy, observing people on the square; shop fronts feel brighter than the square

2.2 Woman ≈ 40 yrs There is no harmony; the square appears chaotic, I would not spend a lot of time here; cool and warm light clash 2.3 Man ≈ 40 yrs It is nice and bright; I can see everything on this square

2.4 Woman ≈ 20 yrs Too dark, it is scary

2.5 Woman ≈ 20 yrs It should be lighter here; I do not feel safe anywhere here

2.6 Woman ≈ 25 yrs The square itself is too bright in relation to its surroundings; flood lights directed to the square are also glary 2.7 Man ≈ 25 yrs Lighting is adequate; should be more light in the centre so that it is evenly lit and not dark in the middle 2.8 Man ≈ 50 yrs I like that it is indirect light (= the light source is not visible); lighting is good suits the place

2.9 Man ≈ 50 yrs Good lighting, suiting its purpose; the traffic lights work well; people used to break inbuilt lights intentionally 2.10 Woman ≈ 35 yrs When I travel my scooter I feel like there is not enough light as I cannot see where textured pavement begins 2.11 Man ≈ 35 yrs The lighting here is fine

2.12 Man ≈ 15 yrs It is good light here; I feel quite safe

II. Perceived brightness - Informal

interviews of users’ perspective Preliminary conclusions from the Informal interviews

Table 4. SWOT analysis of Odenplan from informal interviews of users’ perspective on perceived brightness

Strengths Weaknesses

Feeling safe when observing people on the square Everything can be seen

Light source is not seen in the surrounding façades

There is no harmony

The frequency of light and the place are not matching Cool and warm lights clash with one another

Not enough light for scooter users

Opportunities Threats

Delicately lit surroundings to match to Innovative traffic lights

More light in the centre to make it more evenly lit Considering travel mode and shortest paths

Appears chaotic

It is scary and too dark

People breaking the lights intentionally Cold weather preventing from lingering

Table 5. Fragments from the informal interviews, numbered linked to the perceived brightness maps

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Research Stages and Findings

2.11 2.12

2.10

2.8 2.9

2.7

Image 17. Perceived brightness maps (2/2)

Standing position Perceived brightness level 1-10 Luminaire Visualised brightness perception Bus stop Crossing

Image 17. Perceived brightness maps (1/2)

2.5 2.6

2.4

2.2 2.3

2.1

Standing position Perceived brightness level 1-10 Luminaire Visualised brightness perception Bus stop Crossing

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This section of the analysis deals with the symbolism of light and aims at broadening the understanding of interpretation of nighttime against daytime, as photographs have no real light qualities in them and convey emotions, memories (Conord and Cuny, 2014), linking to associations and familiarity of the situation and not the actual feeling one would experience in the space. This stage is seen as a way to differentiate symbols of daytime and nighttime and general feelings towards them from perceptions gathered at Odenplan.

It is understood that preferences when it comes to representation of environment, relate to the context of the “autobiographical environmental memory” of the person (Craig, et. al., 2012, p. 2), hence given responses were expected to be based on non-visual judgements as well (2012).

People have been asked to get back with five words that come to their mind when looking at two photographs (Images 18 and 19), related to the quality on light and space.

Contacted people ranged from 23 to 57 years and come from different countries, which has been noted too in Table 8. People were also asked whether they would choose to linger in that space during daytime or nighttime.

- These conclusions might suggest that showcasing lighting design work using photography as a media might not be most accurate as it leads to some other associations, not directly related to the experience one would have in the space due to the way visual and mental systems works;

- An impact of the pandemic has been identified through questioning people on the photographs, where some have been commenting on not being able to leave the house during nighttime, potentially adding to a nostalgic feeling when it comes to seeing the nighttime image.

The summary table has been done (Table 6), based on all responses, differentiating between local (people who have experienced Odenplan in real life) and non-local (those who were judging purely based on the photographs).

Underlined words highlight those related to light and its qualities, brightness in particular. Full responses can be found in Appendix (Table 8).

- The lack of shared lighting vocabulary can be noticed, especially if compared to that of the emotional vocabulary that overtakes the number of words that describe qualities of light (underlined in the summary Table 6), mainly in terms of colour temperature (cool, dark blue or warm, yellow), contrast (uneven, shadows, highlight) and brightness (well-lit or dim);

- Words “cold” and “warm” are used relating to both day and nighttime, potentially creating confusion and misunderstanding when it comes to describing quality of light;

- The daytime image was often perceived as

“bright” (4 times), which might lead to a false impression that more light is needed during the daytime as the photograph does not allow they eye to adjust to lower light levels;

- There is a stronger tendency of people saying that they would prefer to linger in the space during the daytime, regardless of gender — a pattern that has not been observed on the spot during Stage I, potentially leading to the symbolic interpretation of night differing from observed public tendencies at Odenplan;

- No stark difference was observed in between locals and non-locals, while the comments between on-site interviews (Stage I) and survey differ in terms of perceptions and words used;

DAY NIGHT

Local Fresh, energetic, clear, optimistic, cold, adventure, clean, curious, magnificent, trustworthy, natural, peaceful, control, cosy, open, a bit lively, morning, natural, empty, cool, large, calm, safe, bright, equal, nice to sit, delicate, dim, long, shape, cold, vibrant, tensed, uniform, cold, plain, free, liberating, still, moving, dreamy, dozy, holiday, travelling, connection, past, fresh, energy, calm, exciting, welcoming

Mellow, cosy, dim, calm, nostalgic, romantic, magical, very European, interesting and beautiful, weak, boring, monotonous, lonely, limited, silent, unknown, cold, shadows, warm, hesitant, artificial, lonely, bright spots, big contrast, uneven, not too safe or too unsafe, varied, contrast, highlight, spread, zones, warm, cosy, zoned, tuned down, quiet, mysterious, accentuated, flipped, fixed, theatrical, spacious, vast, discomfort, mysterious, structured, ark, poor, cosy, cold, potential

Non- local Cool, morning, awakening, beach, fresh, day, sun, beautiful sky, fresh morning, happy, square, empty, Scandinavia, blue, sky, bright, fresh, awake, clear, grey, empty, hard, bird, building, spacious, soft, natural, inviting, warm, highlighted, cold, fresh, slow, bright, awaken, diffuse, homogeneous, bright, spacious, warm, saturated, brightness, blue, wide, delightful, calm

Summer night, beach, warm, dark blue sky, sand, evening, atmosphere, nice, friendly, cosy, ambient lighting, curfew, religious service, steps, Eastern Europe, nighttime, cosy, lonely, spotlights, well-lit, night, holidays, atmosphere, space, city, yellow, spotlights, contrasting, harsher, shadowed, focus, highlight, clean, adventure, rest, high contrast, focal light, desaturated, confusing, foreboding, lack of hierarchy, yellow, dull, narrow, misery, thoughtful

III. Interpretation and symbolism of night - Word associations survey

Research Stages and Findings

Table 6. Summary of the word maps on day and nighttime

Preliminary conclusions from the Word associations survey

Image 18 (above). Photo of Odenplan at daytime Image 19. Photo of Odenplan at nighttime

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Discussion and Conclusions

This section highlights key discussion points that came up through all of the research sections, followed by suggestions.

A general reflection on the main introduction question of whether brighter spaces feel better, hence would invite people to linger in the space, it could be mentioned that the correlation seems to be opposite when it comes to users of the nighttime environments.

If people feel comfortable and safe in the space for one reason or another, then they tend to perceive the space brighter. Hence, in the word associations survey people were picking up on the symbolic aspects of the darkness, based on the photograph, while experiencing the space in person the perception shifts from interpretation to experience of light.

Diversity should be considered when it comes to planning for public spaces. One of the aspects of it, related to research observations is that for women and men there are differences in perception, hence in order to create spaces that suit the needs of both, more research has to be done to make sure different people feel safe and welcome.

Qualities of natural light do not directly transfer to artificial light when it comes to perception (comfort, uniformity and movement), while people tend to want to spend time in the

Tendency of people to perceive the position they are standing at brighter comparing to what is further away links the outcomes to the specificities of visual system that impacts human interpretation of light and its qualities.

The initial preference of the researcher towards integrated lighting typologies has been questioned as currently some of the fixtures allow users of the space to lean against it.

This is to point out that if lingering is seen as a valuable pattern of behaviour, urban design should be considered in order to achieve that.

A question that should be raised, however, is whether lingering is a behaviour the city wants to encourage in transportation hubs.

It is proved to be hard to draw conclusions when it comes to lighting in open public environments and its perception due to a variety of physical and mental elements that influence one’s reaction and behaviour.

direct sun in Stockholm, not many people stand under the direct light from the artificial lighting fixture at night. However, it seems that artificial lighting at Odenplan seems to attempt to mimic daylight in the way it is treated:

shining from above at a sharp angle, aiming at being evenly distributed and lighting horizontal surfaces. While there is not much that artificial lighting shares with it at a psychological and mental levels. Step III has also proved that symbolic perception of night is different to that of daytime, however Step I has shown that currently people do use Odenplan in a similar manner throughout day and night, which might be caused by artificial lighting being treated as daylight.

It could be that different people are spending time in Odenplan during different times of the day that would have different behaviour patterns regardless of the light qualities but due to the different population coming to the square, their reasons to be there and temperature outdoors, making the research outcomes dispersed across various other factors making it impossible to draw conclusions of perception of light. Hence this paper can be seen as an attempt to come up with a methodology to research the light perception that could be developed further.

The key aim for the proposed changes is to invite people to linger on the square for longer time at night, creating a more convivial public space in the centre of Stockholm, based on the outcomes, such as SWOT, based on interviews (Table 4). This might not be a current aim of the space but it is believed that convivial spaces add to the quality of urban environment, allowing for positive interactions (Shaftoe, 2008), which can be arguably seen as a value.

Following this aim, a personal suggestion based on observations and conclusions would be to re-imagine artificial lighting as being a continuation of the moon and stars, which is more natural for humans to experience at night. Hence a more natural and site-specific approach is suggested.

Potentially, shortest routes could be lit instead of lighting the whole square evenly, while having lower light levels might change the perception of the space around, decreasing the light contrast and increasing visual comfort.

Adding a reason to linger in the space might also benefit the square but should be chosen carefully in order not to scare off some of the potential users. Picking up on the symbolism of night could make users’ expectations being matched and add to the space usability and conviviality in the long run.

Next steps to follow after the submission of the Thesis include:

- Suggest a new lighting design for the square with the objective of welcoming a variety of people to linger on the square longer during nighttime and discuss is with potential users;

- If approved, consider changing the lighting strategy on the square temporarily to evaluate people’s response to the new design in terms of them wanting to linger on the square for longer;

- Doing further research to put together a case study on how a change of lighting impacts public tendencies.

Discussion of the research process

and conclusions Suggestion of changes to lighting

situation at Odenplan

Image 20. Photo of Odenplan at twilight (used also on the cover page)

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Table of Figures

Table 1. Methodology Table 2. Research steps

Table 3. Observations of Odenplan log

Table 4. SWOT table from informal interviews of users’ perspective on perceived brightness Table 5. Fragments from the informal interviews, numbered linked to the perceived brightness maps Table 6. Summary of the word maps on day and nighttime

Table 7. Comments from the informal interviews Table 8. Word map responses from people who have been to the space

Image 1. Empirical study set up Image 2. Odenplan at night

Image 3. View from the square towards North Image 4. View onto the square at night Image 5. Luminaire direction map

Image 6. View onto the square at daytime Image 7. View from the square towards East Image 8. Luminaires numbered and a legend Image 9. Luminaires direction map of Odenplan Image 10. Section through Odenplan.

Image 11. Position of the researcher

Image 12. The stair case from which the video recordings have been taken

Image 13. Police cars at Odenplan Image 14. Users’ tendencies map

Image 15. View onto the square, facing East Image 16. Series of screen shots from the video recording

Image 17. Perceived brightness maps Image 18. Photo of Odenplan at daytime Image 19. Photo of Odenplan at nighttime Image 20. Photo of Odenplan at twilight Unwin, J., Symonds, P., and Laike, T. (2017) Does lighting affect pedestrian flows? A pilot study in

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Person Context Comment on light 2.5. Woman,

≈ 20 yrs Has been hanging

around for 20 min It should be lighter here;

I do not feel safe anywhere here really;

2.6. Woman,

≈ 25 yrs Studying lighting

design I feel like the square itself is too bright in relation to its surroundings that are lit more delicately, highlighting it might make it feel more human scale;

The pedestrian crossing lights are interesting there but not flood lights that are directed to the square as they feel too functional and are also glary

2.7. Man,

≈ 25 yrs Waiting for the bus,

first time Lighting is adequate here;

Should be more light in the centre so that it is evenly lit and not dark in the middle of the square 2.8. Man,

≈ 50 yrs Met a friend there on a pedestrian crossing

I like that it is indirect light here, it is good with indirect light (=the light source is not visible);

Lighting is good here and suits the place 2.9. Man,

≈ 50 yrs Have visited this

square often Good lighting, suiting the place and its purpose;

Traffic lights that shine red on the pavement work well;

There used to be inbuilt lighting inside the pavement, there were very nice but they would stop working quickly as people break them intentionally

2.10. Woman,

≈ 35 yrs Recently moved to Sweden from Russia

When I travel on my scooter I feel like there is not enough light as I cannot see where the textured pavement begins due to sharp shadows, while when I am walking it feels like enough light as I move slower and would not trip over easily like I would on my scooter;

I would normally stay inside when it is cold, regardless of the light 2.11. Man,

≈ 35 yrs Checking directions

on a phone The lighting here is fine;

I normally pass it on a bike and it is okay;

2.12. Man,

≈ 15 yrs Using a bike It is good light here;

I feel quite safe here

Appendices

Person Context Comment on light

2.1 Woman

≈ 30 yrs Often commutes,

using this hub I would normally sit on a bench next to the church where I would see my bus station from and feel safe and cosy, observing people on the square;

Shop fronts around feel brighter than the square itself 2.2 Woman,

≈ 40 yrs Working with

spaces and art The frequency of the light and the place is not matching, there is no harmony;

The square appears chaotic, I would not spend a lot of time here;

The cool and the warm light around clash with one another 2.3. Man,

≈ 40 yrs Works on that hub

for around 10 yrs It is nice and bright here, I can see everything on this square;

Maybe there could be one more light pole there in the corner, actually 2.4. Woman,

≈ 20 yrs Student, not from

Stockholm Too dark, it is scary;

…There are no lights here, ah, no, wait, there are some lights

Table 7. Comments from the informal interviews (2/2) Table 7. Comments from the informal interviews (1/2)

This section includes two tables, presenting full data, collected during two stages of the research, and mentioned in the main body of the paper.

Table 7: comments that have been written down from the informal interviews of users’

perspective that took place at Odenplan.

Table 8 (next spread): words that people have

sent through as a response to the images of

Odenplan at daytime and nighttime.

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Name and origin When would they

linger Words for daytime Words for nighttime

Kriszti (Hungarian) Daytime Fresh, energetic, clear, optimistic, cold Mellow, cosy, dim, calm, nostalgic

Michelle (Caribbean) Daytime Adventure, clean, curious, magnificent, trustworthy Romantic, magical, very European, interesting and beautiful

Karla (Dominican

Republic) Daytime and nighttime Natural, peaceful Weak, boring, monotonous

Mustafa (Iraq) Daytime Control, cosy, open, a bit lively Lonely, limited, silent, unknown, cold Lisa (Sweden) Daytime and nighttime Morning, natural, empty, cool, large Shadows, warm, hesitant, artificial, lonely

Adam (Greece) Daytime and nighttime Calm, safe, bright, equal, nice to sit Bright spots, big contrast, uneven, not too safe or too unsafe

Victoria (Brazil) Daytime Delicate, dim, long, shape, cold Varied, contrast, highlight, spread, zones Cristina (Italy) Nighttime Vibrant, tensed, uniform, cold, plain Warm, cozy, zoned, tuned down, quiet

Natalia (Russia) Daytime and nighttime Free, liberating, still, moving, dreamy Mysterious, accentuated, flipped, fixed, theatrical Hannes (Germany) Daytime Dozy, holiday, travelling, connection, past Spacious, vast, discomfort, mysterious, structured Erik (Sweden) Daytime Fresh, energy, calm, exciting, welcoming Dark, poor, cosy, cold, potential

Table 8. Word map responses from people who have been to the space (1/2)

Appendices

Name and origin When would they

linger Words for daytime Words for nighttime

Evelien (Netherlands) Daytime and nighttime Cool, morning, awakening, beach, fresh Summer night, beach, warm, dark blue sky, sand

Daniel (Germany) Daytime and nighttime Day, sun, beautiful sky, fresh morning, happy Evening, atmosphere, nice, friendly, cosy

Lynn (Netherlands) Daytime Square, empty, Scandinavia, blue, sky Ambient lighting, curfew, religious service, steps, Eastern Europe

Eva (France) Daytime Bright, fresh, awake, clear, grey Nighttime, cosy, lonely, spotlights, well-lit Lars (Netherlands) Daytime and nighttime Empty, hard, bird, building, spacious Night, holidays, atmosphere, space, city

Stevie (UK) Daytime and nighttime Soft, natural, inviting, warm, highlighted Yellow, spotlights, contrasting, harsher, shadowed

Renan (Portugal) Daytime Cold, fresh, slow, bright, awaken Focus, highlight, clean, adventure, rest

Kristian (Mexico) Daytime Diffuse, homogeneous, bright, spacious, warm,

saturated High contrast, focal light, desaturated, confusing,

foreboding, lack of hierarchy

Nefeli (Cyprus) Daytime Brightness, blue, wide, delightful, calm Yellow, dull, narrow, misery, thoughtful

Table 8. Word map responses from people who have not been to the space (2/2)

References

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