Some half of the officially designated forest land in the areas studied in Laos and Vietnam has been, and was, used for shifting cultivation, that is food production, over the periods studied, encompassing some fifty years since around 1960.
Increased population and food requirements have been addressed by intensifying the shifting cultivation through decreased fallowing periods. In both countries, restrictions in use of forest land as well as secure access to forest land, through forest land allocation, has been introduced, starting beginning 1990’s. This is an example of the globalization processes, penetrating the countries. Other aspects of this, affecting the forest land use, are the introduction of the market economy, privatization of forest land and alienation of the previous open access forest, as well as increased communications and expectations.
Plantation forestry, for the farmers involved, is a much wider concept than the one used by the forestry profession. Depending upon their own livelihood strategies and socio economic situation and the market, the farmers adjusted the composition and structure of their plantations, e.g. in terms of short, medium and longterm requirements. Plantation forestry was shown to be a very complex and varying phenomena, ranging from agroforestry to monocrop plantations, apparently related to the socio economic status of the operators.
The interdisciplinary and historical approach and methodology used is a combination of natural and social sciences, has provided both statistically satisfactory data on land use as well as an understanding of the development. The studies highlight the deficiencies in using narrative, verbal information and Participatory Rural Appraisals, PRA, without verification by independent means and at the same time shows the usefulness of PRA if this is done.
In the analysis, the Holling’s adaptive cycle has been useful in capturing both crucial events, but also in analysis of future development. In the private farm based plantation forestry case in Vietnam, there is a build up towards a complete cycle, whilst in the Lao PDR case, the new institutions, entrepreneurs and practices still
have to evolve. Holling’s adaptive cycle, as used here, provides an analytical tool and indications of were to look for decisive factors and also provides a tool for understanding the dynamics between man and land. The shortfall of the cycle, however, is that it is subjective, considering the complexities of the relations between man, the dynamics of institutions and culture and the natural resources.
However, it provides a challenging, comprehensive and useful approach towards capturing complicated and dynamic processes.
Lao PDR
In spite of severe external and internal disturbances, very little has changed over the period of 50 years studied, except for the last few years. Increased population and needs of food has been addressed by intensifying shifting cultivation, that is by shortening the fallowing cycle. The major strategy for the villagers, in response to external disturbances, has been to persist in doing basically the same as before.
The penetration of globalization in terms of market economy, privatization of forest land and land allocation, and improved communications, is expected to profoundly affect the villagers. At present, this development cannot be ascertained
The villages are facing an entirely new situation to which they cannot respond by traditional methods but rather have to embark upon new approaches and lifestyles, the consequences of which are likely to be far beyond what they previously have experienced. A scenario is likely where new institutions and initiatives will emerge and some people will certainly benefit, whilst others will face a problematic situation.
In spite of severe external disturbances such as colonization, the American war, domestic war, and a socialist economy with collectivization, the lifestyle and livelihood strategies and mode of production did not change over a 50 year period.
By intensifying their land use, they have addressed the problem of feeding an increased population. At present, the villages are facing a new situation with privatization of forest land, the introduction of the market economy and an increased interaction with the surrounding institutions.
The villagers are now, through what here is referred to as globalization, exposed to externalities to which their existing system is not able to respond without system changes. From subsistence to cash economy and from community used land to privatization of forest and other land. Different strategies are used to address the new situation – embracing the market economy; doing more of what they already are doing and avoidance. In Vietnam, the villagers have developed systems which enable them to be part of both a subsistence and cash economy, and when the opportunities arise, engage in private plantation forestry on a commercial basis.
The Vietnamese plantation forestry case is an example of a reorientation carried out, whilst the Nam Nan valley of Lao PDR is still trying to cope with the new situation, the outcome of which is difficult to ascertain at present.
Vietnam
In two of the Districts studied in Northern Vietnam, the forest land use has over short period of some 30 years gone from natural forest and vegetation to private, farmbased plantation forestry, via shifting cultivation. The shifting cultivation landscape has disappeared and been replaced by a large number of small plantations with very varying content, providing almost all the raw material required for the forest industry, as well as for other consumers, including some exports.
All woody rawmaterial for the major forest industry, the Bai Bang Pulp and Paper Company, comes from plantations operated by private entities. Some 50 % is from land leased out according to Forest Land Allocation instruments and the balance is State Forest Enterprise land leased out to private entities. In effect, all operators are running a private plantation forestry enterprise.
The major reasons for the apparent success of the farm based plantation forestry is the existence of a market; a supportive and dynamic policy, institution and legal framework; availability of land and instruments for secure access to this land by the operators and the existence of professional farmers who could join these ventures.
The policy and legal development in Vietnam has been very dynamic and responsive to the need for the different forestry and tree production forms. There are indications that Vietnam has increased its forest coverage, partly related to the increase in plantation forestry, mainly private, and implemented on small scale by large numbers of operators.
In Vietnam, new forest policies have evolved and are today supporting different forestry and tree production forms. In Northern Vietnam, a private farm based plantation forestry system has evolved, which has transformed the landscape – the natural forest and the natural vegetation logged over and shifting cultivation became a major forest land use, this was subsequently replaced by farm based private plantation forestry. The variation in plantation composition is a reflection of local variety in terms of needs and opportunities and socio economic status. The conversion from the shifting cultivation land to a commercial private, farm based plantation forestry, is based upon the following major factors: the existing market for wood; availability of land; existence of locally and nationally recognised tenure systems; skills and knowledge among the farmers and market knowledge and the development of policies and strategies which are supporting the above. Subsidies or direct incentives have not been a major part of this development. Rather, supporting policies have been able to put all the above factors together. Another important factor is the interaction between policy development and practice – policies and legal provisions have emerged and evolved as experiences have been gained. The aggregate outcome of the Vietnamese plantations has an impact at a national level, both in terms of production and at the landscape level. It is also an
important experience in a regional context, indicating prerequisites and conditions for a productive use of former shifting cultivation land.
The poorest strata is handicapped and cannot take advantage of the opportunities.
Factors explaining this appear to be lack of resources for risktaking, lack of food security, lack of market knowledge and being the last to engage in the private forestry, resulting in getting land far away the markets and of inferior quality. There are also indications that the privatization of forest and forest land and alienation of the forest estate deprives the poorest strata from access to a, to them, important resource.
Shifting cultivation is still a very important ingredient in the livelihood of upland Vietnam. Some half of the official forest land was used for this purpose, and the land was officially registered as “not yet used land” and potentially available for e.g. reforestation.
Shifting cultivation was found to be commercial venture, whilst irrigated paddy was for subsistence. At the same time, paddy received commercial, high tech inputs, whilst shifting cultivation was traditional with no commercial inputs.
For strategic planning purposes, the approach and methodology used indicates the futility of central planning without appropriate consultations with the major actors involved, the farmers. laws of the centralized approach include inaccurate and misleading data for planning and underestimation of farmer’s knowledge and capabilities and lack of understanding of the villagers own livelihood strategies.
The farmers, and other members of the villages encountered, constitute a major resource – they are the ones forming the landscape. For some 50 to 30 years, in both Vietnam and Lao PDR, the forest has gradually and partly been converted into a shifting cultivation landscape. The strategies applied by the villagers, in response to externalities such as war, collectivization, diseases and population increase, have been successful in the sense that they have been able to sustain themselves and continue their lifestyle. This has in the present situation a number of limitations, one of which is that the new situation – penetration of the market economy and globalization – really is new and will force the villagers to develop new strategies for their livelihood. –The villagers have proven their case – they have managed to sustain themselves in spite of adverse circumstances. Their strategies have been based upon their knowledge and understanding of their own situation, and if known to them, interpretations of government policies. A key question is how to provide support for further development in the private, farm based forestry sector. An example is shown in the case of the development of private, farm based plantation forestry in Vietnam. In general terms, what is suggested is a professionally based interaction between policy makers and the major actors, the farmers and the potential operators. The approach and methodology used – interdisciplinary with intensive interaction between the researchers and the villagers and a combination of
natural and social sciences– can be accommodated and applied to government systems for strategic planning.
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