Twenty years of the
UNSCR 1325 -
progress for whom?
Examining the impact at grassroot levels in the
Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic
of Congo and Uganda.
COURSE: Bachelor Thesis in Global Studies, 15 ECTS
PROGRAMME: International Work – Global Studies
AUTHORS: Ebba Roos & Elsa Holmgren
SUPERVISOR: Johanna Bergström
EXAMINER: Marco Nilsson
Abstract
Ebba Roos & Elsa Holmgren
“Twenty years of the UNSCR 1325 – progress for whom?”
Examining the impact at grassroot levels in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda.
Twenty years has passed since the adopted of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, which aims to strengthen the gender perspective in conflict settings as well as address inequalities related to sexually gender-based violence. Still, the concrete impact it has had on sexual violence in armed conflict, is questioned. Additionally, it is questioned if it reaches the grassroot level in armed conflict settings. Thus, this study has examined what factors that may have hindered a successful implementation on a grassroot level in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda. Furthermore, it has examined the concrete impact on the efforts against sexual violence in these areas. This was done by firstly, conducting a policy analysis using the “What’s the Problem Represented to be?” approach to identify underlying problematics within the resolution. Additionally, semi-structed interviews were conducted with respondents having experience in working with the resolution and/or sexual violence in armed conflict.
The results showed, among other things, that the complex construction of the resolution have been a hindering factor for a successful implementation. Additionally, the concrete change for the efforts against sexual violence in conflict settings is lacking. However, the empowerment that the resolution has provided to those working with these issues, is still an important impact.
Keywords: UNSCR 1325, sexual violence, armed conflict, grassroot level, gender equality, WPS agenda, equal participation, gender mainstreaming, CAR, DRC, Uganda
Address:
Högskolan för Lärande och Kommunikation (HLK) Gjuterigatan 5
Bachelor Thesis 15 ECTS Global Studies Spring 2020
Acknowledgement
Firstly, we would like to thank all of the inspiring respondents that participated in our interviews. Thank you for sharing your knowledge and perspective on this important matter. Additionally, we would like to thank our supervisor Johanna Bergström for exchanging ideas and contributing with vital inputs, as well as Jönköping University for three valuable years. We would also like to thank our friends and family for being supportive, especially at times when writing have felt difficult. Lastly, we would like to thank each other for our constant support and dedication to this thesis. Cheers to three years!
Table of contents
1. Introduction ... 1
2. Purpose and research questions ... 2
3. Theoretical concept ... 2
3.1 Gender mainstreaming: a debated concept ... 2
3.2 Definition of terms ... 3
3.3 Abbreviations ... 4
4. Background ... 4
4.1 The UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda ... 4
4.2 The Central African Republic ... 5
4.3 The Democratic Republic of Congo ... 5
4.4 Uganda ... 6
5. Previous research ... 6
5.1 Implementation of the UNSCR 1325 ... 6
5.2 Sexual in violence in armed conflict ... 8
5.3 Human rights - A westernised concept? ... 8
6. Methodology ... 9 6.1 Research design ... 9 6.2 Policy analysis ... 9 6.3 Interviews ... 11 6.3.1 Selection of interviewees ... 12 6.3.2 Online interviews ... 13
6.4 Coding and thematization ... 13
6.5 Methodology discussion ... 14
6.5.1 COVID-19 ... 14
6.5.2 The ethical guidelines ... 15
7. Results and analysis ... 15
7.1 WPR analysis of the UNSCR 1325 ... 15
7.1.1 What’s the problem represented to be in a specific policy or policy proposal? ... 16
7.1.2 What presuppositions or assumptions underpin this representation of the problem? ... 17
7.1.3 What is left unproblematic in this problem representation? Where are the silences? Can the problem be thought about differently? ... 18
7.2 Interviews ... 19
7.2.1 Implementation ... 20
7.2.2 The awareness ... 22
7.2.3 Empowerment and legitimacy ... 24
8. Discussion ... 26
9. Conclusion ... 29
9.1 Future research ... 31
References ... 32
1. Introduction
“It [sexual violence in armed conflict] is the most basal way to ruin another person's life.” (Interviewee 1)
Sexual violence in armed conflict have occurred for centuries. Rape as a weapon is a structural warfare used by, mostly, male soldiers. For women, it has historically not been a question of being a victim in the wrong place at the wrong time, it has been a part of warfare (Chinkin, 1994). When it comes to conflict, gender inequality is evident in the worst possible sense - the sexual abuse and violation of another human’s life (Baaz & Stern, 2013). Additionally, equal participation is a key factor for reaching sustainable peace, and as of now, women are not included in neither peacekeeping nor decision making processes (UN Women, 2015).
On October 31st, the year of 2000, the United Nations Security Council adopted the resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325). The resolution aims to ensure and strengthen the gender perspective in peacebuilding and post-war reconstruction, as well as address inequalities with sexually gender-based violence (SGBV) (Shepherd, 2008). Additionally, the UNSCR 1325 aims to empower women at all levels of decision making, as well as to reduce sexual gender-based violence in conflict (Barrow, 2009). This resolution, that was the first resolution in the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, brought attention to the topic in a way that had not been highlighted before (Tryggestad, 2011).
Before this resolution, the situation for women in conflict settings was not an issue on the United Nations Security Councils’ agenda – women were merely seen as victims of conflict. The term sexual violence was recognised but often denied, even though it occurs and have occurred for centuries in all kinds of conflicts. Whether the conflict is international, civil, religious or political - women have been and are still being raped and sexually assaulted by male soldiers. Men are being raped too, and women can also rape, but the vast majority of the structural sexual violence that have occurred and still occur in conflict, are conducted by men against women (Chinkin, 1994). While the focus of the UNSCR 1325 and its stipulations is women-centric, one can discuss the quite narrow perspective on gender equality that it offers (Kreft, 2017). However, since this study is based on the resolution, the research-perspective will be women-centric as well.
Throughout the twenty years that have passed since the adoption of the UNSCR 1325, several reports and evaluations as well as scientific research have been conducted on its impacts. Many believe that the actual impact is non-existent, while others believe that it is monumental (Binder, Lukas & Schweiger, 2008; Tryggestad, 2011). Together with the Women, Peace and Security agenda, its efficiency has been vividly debated (UN Women, 2015). Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the concrete impact, or lack thereof, that the resolution has had on grassroot levels from different perspectives.
2. Purpose and research questions
The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of the UNSCR 1325 in the Central African Republic (CAR), the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Uganda and through that, identify factors that may have limited the implementation at grassroot levels. Additionally, to examine the impact, or lack thereof, that the resolution has had on efforts against sexual violence in armed conflict within these countries. The research questions for this study are:
• What factors within the UNSCR 1325 have hindered the implementation of the resolution on a grassroot level?
• How has the UNSCR 1325 affected the efforts against sexual violence in conflict settings in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda?
3. Theoretical concept
Gender mainstreaming, which is presented below, is a strategy used by the United Nations (UN) to reach gender equality (Jämställdhetsmyndigheten, 2019). As a theoretical concept, gender mainstreaming will be used as an indicator for the implementation of the UNSCR 1325 throughout the analysis of the results. Throughout the study, the definition that will be used when referring to gender mainstreaming is the following:
Gender mainstreaming is a globally accepted strategy for promoting gender equality. Mainstreaming is not an end in itself but a strategy, an approach, a means to achieve the goal of gender equality. (UN Women, n.d.)
3.1 Gender mainstreaming: a debated concept
Gender mainstreaming seeks to transform the politics through a gender approach and is a debated topic when writing and analysing public policies. Bacchi and Eveline (2010) states that gender mainstreaming can be seen as an agreement that guarantees an organisation's role to ensure that all policies affect women and men fairly. Gender mainstreaming have been accused of “downgrading women’s units, services and policies” (Bacchi & Eveline, 2010). This may be problematic when gender mainstreaming becomes a responsibility for everyone at an organisation as the strategy often tends to be set aside.
On the contrary, gender mainstreaming can also be seen as a tool to transform organisations as the mainstreaming tends to see beyond previous initiatives within equality issues which establish a broader arena to discuss gender equality (Bacchi & Eveline, 2010). When explaining gender mainstreaming, Verloo (2002) states:
Gender mainstreaming cannot fully develop, cannot thrive in a climate that does not allow the articulation of feminist organization, be it inside institutions or autonomous. Gender equality units are a valuable asset for gender mainstreaming. They do not become redundant. Their position should be strengthened, not weakened. (Verloo, 2002)
UN Women defined gender mainstreaming as “a globally accepted strategy for promoting gender equality”, continuing to explain how “mainstreaming is not an end in itself but a strategy, an approach, a means to achieve the goal of gender equality” (UN Women, n.d.). By calling for increased participation in the UN missions, an aim to incorporate a gender perspective into peacekeeping operations, as well as the desire to ensure greater participation for women in decision making, the resolution is written through a gender mainstreaming perspective (Kreft, 2017). UN Women (n.d.) continued to claim that a strong, continued commitment to gender mainstreaming, is how the UN most effectively can support the promotion of gender equality at all levels. This, to ensure that women in the same means as men can influence, participate and benefit from development efforts. Further, the continued need to complement gender mainstreaming with targeted interventions is addressed (UN Women, n.d.). The use of the mainstreaming strategy in relation to the WPS agenda have been seen as progressive since the acknowledgement of women’s experience of armed conflict can no longer be ignored (Barrow, 2009).
3.2 Definition of terms
This study contains several terms that need to be clarified in order to fully understand the content. When referring to the following terms throughout the study, the definitions below are used.
Armed conflict
“A resort to armed force between states or protracted armed violence between governmental authorities and organized armed groups or between groups within a state.” (Gooch & Williams, 2015).
Gender-based violence
“Any act of violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.” (Howlett, 2016).
Grassroot
“Grassroots organizations are primarily made up of civilians advocating a cause to spur change at local, national, or international levels.” (UNHCR, 2020).
Sexual Gender-Based Violence
“SGBV refers to violent acts perpetrated against individuals based on their gender that is of sexual nature.” (Howlett, 2016).
Sexual violence
“Sexual violence is defined as an aggressive act of a sexual nature perpetrated against an individual; during armed conflict, sexual violence includes many different crimes, such as rape, sexual mutilation, forced prostitution, and forced pregnancy” (Howlett, 2016).
3.3 Abbreviations AU - African Union
CAR – The Central African Republic CSO - Civil Society Organisations
DRC – The Democratic Republic of Congo EU - European Union
LRA - Lord's Resistance Army MSF - Médecins Sans Frontières NAP - National Action Plan
NGO – Non-governmental Organisation
MONUC - The United Nations Organisation Mission in the DRC SGBV - Sexual Gender-Based Violence
WPR - What’s the Problem Represented to be WPS - Women, Peace, and Security
UN – The United Nations
UNSCR 1325 – The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325
4. Background
This section of the study includes background on the UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda. Further on, a background on the geographic delimitation that was made to The Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda. This delimitation is further explained in section 6.3.1 in relation to the criteria on the interviewees. Furthermore, all three countries have a history of sexual violence in armed conflict which will be further addressed in sections 4.2, 4.3 and 4.4.
4.1 The UNSCR 1325 and the WPS agenda
The UNSCR 1325 was implemented on 31st of October 2000 with the aim to ensure and strengthen the gender perspective in peacebuilding and post-war reconstruction. This includes inequalities based on gender (Shepherd, 2008). The resolution consists of four pillars, protection, participation, prevention and recovery (Peacewomen, n.d. A). At the time of its adoption, the UNSCR 1325 was acknowledged as a major breakthrough for women's rights within peace and security issues and has been referred to as a groundbreaking resolution (Tryggestad, 2011).
In the years after the adoption of the UNSCR 1325, several resolutions were adopted and developed the WPS agenda. First, the UNSCR 1820, which responds to the issue of sexual violence in conflict, the UNSCR 1888 which identifies specific actions against sexual violence in conflict and 1889, which seeks to strengthen the UN’s commitment to engaging women in peace negotiations. The UNSCR 1960 that aims to further strengthen the political will and prevent sexual violence through a more established monitoring, analysis and reporting of conflict related sexual violence (Cabrera-Balleza, 2011). The resolutions 2106, 2122 and 2242 address sexual violence as part of warfare, the importance of women's full participation in the peace processes (Operation 1325, 2020). Additionally, the resolutions 2467 and 2493 were both adopted in 2019 with focus on further implementation of the WPS agenda (Peace Women,
n.d.). While these resolutions all provide a specific focus, they function as a whole agenda. However, the focus in this study is on the UNSCR 1325, as it was the first and groundbreaking resolution within the WPS agenda.
4.2 The Central African Republic The Central African Republic is a country with a history of conflictual instability. Since their independence from France in 1960, the political history has been bordered with tensions, conflicts and peacebuilding efforts. In 2012, CARs’ increasingly unstable political and security landscape began to collapse, and it was not until mid-2013 that the African Union (AU) got involved in the peacebuilding efforts, and in 2014 the UN got involved in the process. The sexual violence in the on-going conflictual setting in CAR is severe, and Human Rights Watch-researchers informed the UN of sexual exploitation cases in early 2016 (Carayannis & Fowlis, 2017). However, research is lacking regarding how widespread the implementation of the UNSCR 1325 is in CAR.
Sexual violence and exploitation, however, is not a new phenomenon in CAR. In a study conducted in 1989 regarding HIV/AIDS, 1307 women in CAR responded to questions regarding their sexual life. As many as 22% of the respondents reported that their first sexual experience, was rape (Chapko, 1999). While the UN (2019) states that hundreds of persons reported sexual violence crimes in CAR in 2018, it is additionally stated that conflict related sexual violence is largely underreported. Furthermore, in the first six months of 2018, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) treated 1914 victims of sexual violence (Médecins Sans Frontières, 2018).
4.3 The Democratic Republic of Congo
A long ongoing war and conflict setting have generated several peace-building efforts in the Democratic Republic of Congo since their independence in June 1960 (Koko, 2013; Sadie, 2010). The effects of the war have been devastating and resulted in a humanitarian crisis, where the AU identified their peacebuilding processes as post-conflict reconstruction and development efforts (Sadie, 2010). Despite the national implementation of the UNSCR 1325 in the DRC (Davis, 2019), Congolese women’s representation and participation in peacebuilding processes are low. Women’s equality is emphasised in the Congolese constitution and additional policy documents, however, their involvement in political decision making is
insufficient. Additionally, the complete lack of action towards perpetrators of sexual violence and a general disrespect towards international law, defines the DRC as a failed state when it comes to women, peace and security (Sadie, 2010).
The DRCs national action plan refers to the patriarchal view on gender, which becomes problematic due to the restriction it has on women's social and political rights. Additionally, systematic mass-rape is commonly used as a weapon of war in the DRC, both by armed groups and members of the security forces (Davis, 2019). Statistics from MONUC (The United Nations Organisation Mission in the DRC) suggest that the DRC State Armed Forces could be held responsible for approximately 40 % of the sexual violence in 2007, while the police force were responsible for 23 % and other militia groups were responsible for 37 % (Baaz & Stern, 2009).
4.4 Uganda
The modern history in Uganda has, since their independence from Britain in 1962, been defined by conflicts. Whether the conflicts have begun from overthrown presidents or rebel groups; torture, rape and sexual abuse has appeared (Quinn, 2009). The rebel group Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) under command of Joseph Kony has, from the late 1980 to approximately 2006, ravaged Northern Uganda, mainly in Acholi land, to gain control over the country (Holter, 2019). Women and girls have been abducted by the LRA and forced to serve the commanders with sexual and domestic services. In 2008, some women and girls were still living in captivity while some had managed to return back home (Pham, Vinck & Stover, 2008).
During the civil war in Northern Uganda, women became breadwinners and key decision makers within the families. Several associations were formed with the aim to provide services to the victims of the conflict by conducting strategies and activities. There are strong networks that are trying to mobilise and train women about their rights as well as implementing the UNSCR 1325. However, these networks are often informal networks who need support, both political and financial (Binder, Lukas & Schweiger, 2008). According to Binder, Lukas and Schweiger (2008) women in Uganda have limited involvement in official governmental networks and non-governmental organisations (NGO) as they tend to be background workers rather than key actors.
5. Previous research
In this section, previous research relevant for the study is presented. It includes research on the implementation of the UNSCR 1325 and on sexual violence in armed conflict. Additionally, a discussion on the possible westernised view on human rights that may relate to the UNSCR 1325.
5.1 Implementation of the UNSCR 1325
In conjunction with the 10th anniversary of the UNSCR 1325, a study of the resolution was made. The study consisted of monitoring countries that had implemented the resolution, for instance Canada, Rwanda, Uganda, Fiji, and the Netherlands. The overall understanding about gender in peace processes and conflict prevention was limited. National Action Plans (NAP) had been written but the implementation was still a challenge for many countries. SGBV still
occurred, both during conflict as well as in post-conflict settings. Lack of funding for the implementation, both by government and civil society organisations (CSO), was another critical issue that became evident in the study. The implementation was often promoted by women’s organisations in informal channels (Cabrera-Balleza, 2011).
In 2015, a high-level review was made of the WPS agenda within the UN Security Council. At this time, the result of the review showed a lack of progress when it came to women's participation in peace processes, and no more than 54 UN member states had drafted a NAP. The review also showed that there is a lack of funding within the agenda (Madsen, 2019). Critics have highlighted that local knowledge and activities by women organisations related to the theme of the resolution, have not been included and neglected by the UN. This has led to a general lack of possibility to use local knowledge and sources when applying the UNSCR 1325 in different societies (Madsen, 2019).
When reviewing previous research on the implementation of the UNSCR 1325, the outcomes and opinions differ. The lack of successful implementation within all levels of society is a recurrent topic in several of the articles discussing the UNSCR 1325. As Madsen (2019) mentions, the resolution became more of a tool to legitimise the organisations, rather than affecting the content. Therefore, the actual impact of the resolution is uncertain (Madsen, 2019). Comparable results were identified from the research in Uganda, where the resolution did not seem to reach local women and grassroot organisations. While women play a significant role in informal networks, there is still a lack of women’s participation in governments and formal networks. The UNSCR 1325 focuses on women’s participation in decision making at all levels, but in Uganda it appears it has not changed the situation for the women working at grassroot levels (Binder, Lukas, & Schweiger, 2008).
In a global study conducted by UN Women in 2015 on the UNSCR 1325 and its impact since the implementation, there are several themes identified as problematic. The study combines achievements with areas in need of further development. When it comes to the resolutions impact on sexual violence in armed conflict, UN Women (2015) state that the actual prosecutions of perpetrators are few. Additionally, there are no signs for a significant change for women on the ground, and it is stated that more thorough research is needed for these victims to receive justice. Furthermore, the theme of participation at all levels is listed as a key factor for sustainable peace. There has been a significant increase of gender-sensitive language and women acting as official participants in peace agreements. However, these official roles have often turned out to be temporary and symbolic rather than substantial, and the influential capacity of these women are resisted by cultural norms (UN Women, 2015). Additionally, even though the focus of the UNSCR 1325 is increased participation within decision making peace processes, research show that the progress has been slow. A study conducted in 2008 proved, for example, that only 1.2 % of signatories to peace agreements were women (Willett, 2010). While the general perspective within the previous research is criticising the lack of action within the UNSCR 1325 (Hellsten, 2016; Madsen, 2019), there are those who emphasise the positive rhetorical impacts it has created. For instance, Tryggestad (2011) states that even though
women are far from completely included in peace negotiations and processes, the UNSCR 1325 has raised the WPS agenda in a way that is now unavoidable. The UN and its member states can no longer overlook these issues, and the resolution is mentioned as a “new norm in the making” (Tryggestad, 2011, p. 539). Within the same theme, Barrow (2009) states that the resolution has given countries and organisations an “international language” to discuss these issues as well as an eye opener for states to the importance to include women in decision making processes within the political area.
When the global study by UN Women (2015) address the success of the UNSCR 1325, it states that the positive impacts were mainly rhetorical. The UNSCR 1325 has created an awareness of the issue worldwide and opened up the opportunity for conversation and change. Additionally, the interpretation of the resolution differs around the world. Western societies have primarily focused on women’s representation within the security sector, while the focus on preventing sexual violence in conflict have been prioritised in African countries. A similar focus was identified in Asia, though the conversation often went to reparations, livelihoods and economic empowerment. However, while the successful impact is evidence for how the agenda is moving forward, there is evidently still a lot to be done. For many of the women affected by conflict at a local level, this rhetorical change is imperceptible. For them, the women at a grassroot level, the UNSCR 1325 have been a failure (UN Women, 2015).
5.2 Sexual in violence in armed conflict
Sexual violence has been, and still is, a severe problem for women in conflict settings. The concept sexual violence covers rape and sexual assault as well as sexual slavery, forced prostitution and sexual mutilation (see section 3.1 for the definition used in this study). These crimes are all an abuse of women's rights and the outcome of these actions is often devastating for the women affected. Physical and emotional traumas, mental and physical injuries, a decreased ability to bear a child and sexually transmitted diseases are some outcomes that women who have been abused can suffer from. Additionally, many women become abandoned by the society due to stigma around these issues, which results in financial problems (Zinsstag, 2005).
The use of sexual violence as a weapon during armed conflict was for long seen as a consequence of war that cannot be avoided. Historically, sexual violence in conflicts were often not taken seriously by international courts. While the WPS agenda may have raised the issue, it is established that the use of rape as a weapon of war is increasing (Howlett, 2016). Whether the conflict is international or civil, fought on religious, ethnic, political or nationalist grounds, women are being raped and sexually assaulted. Reporting show an occurrence of sexual violence against women from all sides - both from the enemy and the forces that are supposed to be “friendly”, such as the UN peacekeeping forces. This indicates the fact that women are assaulted even from those with the purpose to restore peace and security (Chinkin, 1994). 5.3 Human rights - A westernised concept?
Research show that a post-colonial feminist view on the establishment of processes and institutions may aim to strengthen women’s participation in the democracy and decision making
processes, but it is not enough for women in conflicts. Development work may tend to have a liberal and individualistic approach which may be problematic as it does not fit the society or culture in that specific country or region. Hellsten (2016) claims that partners in the global north tend to have a focus on democratisation which can be problematic as many of the countries that are offered help are struggling with issues that are more urgent than implementing a liberal democracy. The expected implementation of this ideology may cause more problems than it favours the situation. Therefore, a resolution like the UNSCR 1325 may be difficult to implement in all societies as it assumes that all countries face the same kind of problems (Ibid.).
Furthermore, Mende (2019) discusses the perspective of human rights as a westernised concept. While the discussion varies, it is evident that human rights are aligned with documents and declarations which historically, are written from a western perspective. One point of view claims that these documents exclude groups within the society, while another claims that research provides evidence that human rights are not just western (Ibid.). This discussion can be applicable to the UNSCR 1325 and is therefore an interesting perspective when examining the outcome of the resolution.
In summary, this study focuses on the three countries, CAR, the DRC and Uganda, while examining the impact of the UNSCR 1325. Through a policy analysis complemented with interviews, the implementation at grassroot levels are examined.
6. Methodology
This section will provide an overview of the research process including the research design, the chosen methods, selection of interviewees, coding and thematization as well as a methodology discussion.
6.1 Research design
To answer the research questions, this study uses two complementary qualitative methods that in combination build the methodology. To identify what factors that have hindered the implementation of the resolution on a grassroot level, these two methods examines the factors from different perspectives. Firstly, a policy analysis of the UNSCR 1325 and secondly, a thematic analysis of seven semi-structured interviews. These interviews were conducted with respondents whom had experience in working with the UNSCR 1325 on different levels and/or with sexual violence in conflict settings. To examine how the resolution have affected the efforts against sexual violence within the delimited area, the thematic analysis of the interviews focuses on the three countries chosen as a focus for this study. These two methods were chosen for the possibility to compare the gathered data and combine the results for a more reliable study. Additionally, the policy analysis strengthened the analysis of the data from the interviews as relating results could be identified.
6.2 Policy analysis
The UNSCR 1325 was analysed with inspiration from the “What’s the Problem Represented to be” approach. This approach is a tool to critically examine and analyse policies and focuses on how problems are represented within these policies. It aims to create an ability to understand
how the problems are represented within the policy and review it with critical thinking. The approach starts with examining what problem that is presented in the policy and what assumptions that the problem is based on. Further on, the approach allows for a discussion of what part of the problem that is being left as unproblematic. A set of six questions has been composed in order to facilitate the critical analysis (Bacchi, 2012, p. 21-23). However, this study has focused on question one, two and four:
1. What’s the problem (for example problem gambler, drug use/abuse, gender inequality, domestic violence, global warming, sexual harassment, etc.) represented to be in a specific policy or policy proposal?
2. What presuppositions or assumptions underpin this representation of the problem? 4. What is left unproblematic in this problem representation? Where are the silences? Can
the problem be thought about differently?
These questions were chosen as the most relevant when comparing with the results from the interviews. Question 1 is used to clarify the problem representation within the UNSCR 1325. Since policies often are constructed in a complex way, there are often more than one problem represented (Bacchi, 2009, p. 2-4). In this study, three represented problems have been identified within the UNSCR 1325 that are presented in section 7.1.
Question 2 allows for a thorough analysis of the underlying causes for the represented problems, such as assumptions and factors taken for granted regarding the problems. Through this question, it is possible to analyse the conceptual logics that underpins the representations of the identified problems. This is not to identify any biases, rather to determine the presuppositions (Bacchi, 2009, p. 5). Question 4 allows for a critical view on the represented problems and what is left as unproblematic - what is not being addressed? What fails to be problematised? The problems that are left as silenced allows for a further exploration of what may have been problematic, opening up for reflection and perspective (Bacchi, 2009, p. 12-13). For this study, question 4 allows for a deeper analysis of the connection between what is left as unproblematic within the resolution, and what is presented as problematic in the gathered data from the interviews.
Using domestic violence as an example, Bacchi (1999) discusses the difference between phrasing the problem as “wife battering” rather than “domestic violence”. This not being the only factor that matters of how the problem is represented, but instead how the phrasing is represented as a part of the problem representation (Bacchi, 1999, p.165). While this study focuses on the UNSCR 1325 and the problematic implementation of it, the WPR analysis emphasises the phrasing within the policy that relates to the problems represented within the resolution.
The identified connections between the data from the interviews and the WPR analysis of the resolution have through the WPR approach allowed for a depth within the study regarding why the resolutions implementation have, in certain cases and from certain point of views, been problematic. As Bacchi (1999, p. 71) states: “the purpose of a What's the problem? approach is
to unpack problem representations in order to see why change takes place in certain ways, but not in others, or not at all”.
6.3 Interviews
The chosen method for collecting data was qualitative interviews with a semi-structured interview guide. The advantage of using qualitative interviews is the possibility for the interviewees to describe and explain their thoughts and knowledge. This gives the interviewers the opportunity to gain deeper understanding of the subject and interpret the material in a broader dimension. When it comes to complex phenomena, such as a perceived change from the UNSCR 1325, that broader dimension is valuable for the interviewer. This method allows for a possibility to identify causal connections. Qualitative interviews are generally a preferable method to use in fields where there is a lack of research (Hjerm, Lindgren & Nilsson, 2014, p. 149-150). As the evidence of how the UNSCR 1325 have affected gender-based sexual violence in conflicts settings is lacking, semi-structured interviews are chosen as the most appropriate method for this research.
Semi-structured interviews are, unlike structured and unstructured interviews, characterised by being both flexible and structured which makes these interviews effective. As the interviewees are not required to answer the questions with predetermined answers, it allows for a depth to the study since the answers will not be concise nor limited (Hjerm, Lindgren & Nilsson, 2014, p. 150). All the interviews originated from an interview guide that is further explained below. However, which theme that was focused on varied depending on the interviewees area of expertise.
An interview guide was created as a tool for the interviews (see Annex 1). The questions were separated into two themes, the UNSCR 1325 and sexual violence in armed conflict. Within these themes, the interview guide was structured with more general questions in the beginning with the purpose to keep an open dialogue with the interviewee, as well as prepared follow-up questions with a more specific aim. These questions were asked in a specific order to allow the respondent to freely speak as much as possible about the issue. The questions were constructed with the purpose to allow the interviewee to reflect and speak openly about the topic. It was avoided to phrase long questions with complicated wording with the purpose to not risk misunderstandings. Additionally, the interview guide was constructed objectively to avoid leading questions and unknowingly steer the interviewees answers in a certain direction. Instead, it allowed for follow-up questions if parts of the conversation were particularly interesting. However, neither these were directed in any way (Hjerm, Lindgren & Nilsson, 2014, s. 157). To gather manageable amounts of data, the interviews were limited to 60 minutes per interview. This time frame was restricted since longer interviews would require additional time for transcribing the data which was not suitable for the scheduling of this study.
Four interviews were held in Swedish while the remaining three interviews were held in English. Since this study is written in English, quotes from the Swedish interviews are translated. It was of importance to preserve the interviewees original voice while translating the quotes.
6.3.1 Selection of interviewees
The interviewees were chosen through purposive sampling. This allows the researcher to strategically choose participants that are suitable for the research (Bryman, 2008, p. 434). In order to select interviewees, several organisations in Sweden were contacted. These organisations were selected because they are, in different ways, working with women’s rights and/or within conflict or post conflict areas. Through these connections, interviewees could be identified through their expertise on the topic of sexual violence in armed conflict and/or the UNSCR 1325. A delimitation was made to three countries in geographical proximity- the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda - with the purpose to compare SGBV in conflict settings and the implementation of the resolution. Additionally, these are three countries with a history of conflict, as well as issues regarding sexual violence against women in conflict.
The criteria on the interviewees were considerable knowledge and experience on implementing the resolution onto their work with women rights and/or sexual violence in conflict, and therefore being able to assess the impact the resolution have, or has not had, within their field of work. These criteria were set with the purpose to collect data that could create a valid comparison between experiences from people working with issues in relation to the WPS agenda. This, to further on create a valid analysis. These interviewees allowed for a nuanced analysis regarding the process of working with the resolution and issues, from different levels with a focus on the implementation on grassroot level. For the purpose of this study, these interviewees will participate as respondents to share their thoughts and opinions on the issues relating to the research questions (Hjerm, Lindgren & Nilsson, 2014, p. 152-153).
The respondents have different backgrounds and experience within different fields, but all do in some way work with issues connected to the resolution. Amongst the interviewees, there are two who have been working with these issues internationally, nationally and at grassroot levels in Uganda, one with experience on a grassroot level in CAR, and one with experience on a grassroot level in the DRC. Additionally, one responding as a WPS-expert with experience both internationally and in Sweden, and one with practical experience in working with policy and analysis of victims of sexual violence in conflict areas. Further on, one working as a political officer at an organisation working with the UNSCR 1325 in Sweden as well as internationally. Amongst these seven respondents, one has military experience and one is currently working internationally as a gender advisor.
Throughout the study, neither names nor organisations have been referred to directly for confidentiality purposes. Instead, the respondents have been given numbers as an identification within the result, analysis and discussion due to the fact that information that has been shared may be sensitive.
Interviewee Description of interviewee
1 Experience in working with policy and analysis of victims of sexual violence in armed conflicts.
2 Experience in working with the UNSCR 1325 internationally, nationally as well as at a grassroot level in Uganda.
3 Political officer at an organisation working with the UNSCR 1325 in Sweden and internationally.
4 Experience in working with the UNSCR 1325 internationally, nationally as well as at a grassroot level in Uganda.
5 WPS-expert with experience from Sweden as well as internationally. 6 Experience in working with the UNSCR 1325 at a grassroot level in CAR. 7 Experience in working with the UNSCR 1325 nationally and at a grassroot
level in the DRC.
Table 1. The interviewees identification number connected with the description of their experience.
6.3.2 Online interviews
The interviews for this study were mainly conducted via video- and phone call, which is more usual in quantitative surveys than in the qualitative studies. The ability to interpret the body language is more difficult as well as it is more difficult to have a long interview conducted via phone call. Nonetheless, advantages with phone calls is that it may be easier to ask and answer sensitive questions as the interviewer and interviewee is not physically close. There is also evidence that a qualitative interview conducted via phone does not differ much from a usual interview (Bryman, 2008, p. 432-433). Conducting interviews via video call or phone call can create a difficulty when transcribing the material, if the recording would fail or the internet connection would be poor (Bryman, 2008, p. 597). However, for this study, this was not a significant problem.
While the majority of interviews were conducted via video- and phone call, two interviews were conducted via email. One advantage by conducting interviews via email can be that the respondent has time to process the questions and thoroughly think through the answer. However, this may also be a disadvantage since spontaneity may be wanted for the interviewees ability to answer with an instant response. Furthermore, Bryman (2008) discuss whether it is preferable to send all questions at the same time or one by one. One disadvantage with sending the complete interview guide is that the interviewees can choose which questions they consider more important than others. This may result in detailed answers at some questions while others become unprioritized (Bryman, 2008, p. 597). However, due to the time frame for this study, the choice was made to send all questions at the same time.
6.4 Coding and thematization
The material gathered from the interviews have been analysed through a wide coding process. While conducting the coding, the transcribed material from the interviews were studied thoroughly. Firstly, to generally identify longer passages in the responses with connection to the purpose of the research as well as thematic correlations between the different interviewees. Further on, to create a narrower focus, the material was placed into categories relating to the
research questions. The wide coding process allows for a deeper analysis in qualitative research, where the gathered data cannot be strictly categorised within specific definitions (Hjerm, Lindgren & Nilsson, 2014, p. 56).
These categories were narrowed down to themes to focus on in the thematic analysis (Hjerm, Lindgren & Nilsson, 2014, p. 67). The themes were central to the study due to their connections to the research questions. Additionally, they occurred repeatedly within the gathered material. In total, eight themes were identified and narrowed down to three chosen for a main focus. The thematic analysis was conducted through a framework strategy, by connecting the remaining themes into the three main themes (Bryman, 2008, p.528). All identified themes could be connected to the purpose of the research and could additionally be analysed in relation to the main themes.
6.5 Methodology discussion
As all methods, semi-structured interviews have their defects. Qualitative methods in general have been criticised for being subjective and that the results are built upon the researchers’ perceptions of whether information is valuable or not for the study. It is also criticized for being difficult to replicate as the study is based on the researcher’s inventiveness and interpretations. Further, qualitative methods are criticised for not allowing a generalisation of the result as the interviewees cannot represent the whole population (Bryman, 2008, p. 168-169). To promote the transparency and the ability to replicate this study, see Annex 1. Additionally, it is taken into consideration that the number of interviewees in each of the delimited countries are limited, and therefore, their perspective is only one of many. However, the results are supported with the interviewees responses being connected to the WPR analysis, previous research as well as the additional interviewees with relevant experience to the UNSCR 1325 and sexual violence in armed conflict.
It is additionally important to consider to difficulty to generalise the results from this study due to the few respondents. This is a common issue for qualitative studies since the interviewees cannot represent, in this case, the population for the chosen countries. The results can only be used as examples for how the interviewees express their opinions on the matter (Bryman, 2016, p. 484-485).
6.5.1 COVID-19
At the time of writing, the current situation with the COVID-19 pandemic has had an impact on several aspects of this study. Mainly, the selection of interviewees has been compromised since several of the organisations contacted were in a hectic phase of work and therefore, could not prioritise time for interviews. When gathering the data for this study, several countries were in strict quarantine with no possibility to go to work. Because of this, some of the people working within the contacted organisations had no ability to answer emails or calls due to limited internet connection at home. Two interviews were held via email, one due to the limited internet connection and one due to lack of time. Remaining interviewees have been conducted via Skype, WhatsApp, phone call or Zoom as there is no possibility to travel, either
internationally or nationally. Even though Skype, Zoom and similar services are acceptable options, it would have been preferred to have at least the interviews with Swedish contacts in person. Additionally, the original aim with the study was to only contact interviewees with experience at grassroot levels in the chosen countries. However, due to the reasons mentioned above, this was not possible and the criteria for the interviewees had to be expanded.
6.5.2 The ethical guidelines
The ethical guidelines were a foundation for the entire study, specifically when contacting interviewees and constructing the interview guide (Vetenskapsrådet, 2002). Throughout the interview process, the four ethical guidelines, the information claim, the consent claim, the confidentially claim and the usage claim, were followed. The information claim implies the researchers have an obligation to inform the participants about the purpose of the research that they are participating in. Additionally, the participants have the right to be informed about the different steps of the research, and the researcher needs to inform the respondents how the participation is voluntary. The consent claim implies that the participants in a research has the right to decide if they want to participate in the research or not. The confidentially claim implies that the researchers have to treat the participants personal information with utter confidentiality. This relates to the usage claim, that implies that the information that is gathered can only be used for the specific purpose of the essay and cannot be shared with anyone else. In general, the ethical foundations are based on anonymity, voluntariness, integrity and confidentiality (Bryman, 2008, p 131-132).
All interviewees have from the beginning been informed about the purpose of this study and have been updated throughout the research process. It has been voluntary for the interviewees to participate throughout the entire process, and their personal information have been kept confidential. The data gathered from the interviews will only be used for the purpose of this study.
7. Results and analysis
The results presented in this section are divided into two parts. The first part, 7.1, is a policy analysis of the UNSCR 1325 using a ‘What´s the Problem Represented to be’ (Bacchi, 2009) inspired approach adapted to the research purpose of this study. This section clarifies the problems represented within the resolution as well as assumptions and silences. The WPR analysis is followed by section 7.2 which presents the results gathered from the interviews and an analysis of the answers linked to the previous research.
Throughout this section, the theoretical concept gender mainstreaming is incorporated as an indicator for the implementation of the UNSCR 1325 and the gathered data is examined in relation to the previous research. Additionally, the results are analysed in relation to the previous research.
7.1 WPR analysis of the UNSCR 1325
The following section presents the WPR analysis of the UNSCR 1325. Three main represented problems have been identified and are presented below, followed by questions 2, and 4 of the
WPR analysis. For this section, when referring to different articles throughout the body of text, it is always in relation to the UNSCR 1325, if no other citations are implied.
7.1.1 What’s the problem represented to be in a specific policy or policy proposal?
Within the UNSCR 1325 official document (UNSC, 2000), three themes could be identified as represented problems.
Lack of protection for women and girls in conflict settings
The first problem represented in the resolution is the lack of protection for women and girls in conflict settings. In the UNSCR 1325, it is stated that women, girls and children can be affected in a double sense. Several of the focal points within the resolution address this through different approaches, for example:
Expressing concern that civilians, particularly women and children, account for the vast majority of those adversely affected by armed conflict, including as refugees and internally displaced persons, and increasingly are targeted by combatants and armed elements, and recognizing the consequent impact this has on durable peace and reconciliation. (UNSC, 2000) This is also exemplified by Davis (2019) who discusses how, in the DRC, women’s social and political rights can be restricted because of the patriarchal understanding of sexual violence that can exist in conflict areas in eastern Congo. Additionally, article 14 in the resolution addresses the mentioned double marginalisation for women and girls through the following wording:
[...]of the United Nations, to give consideration to their potential impact of the civilian population, bearing in mind the special needs for women and girls, in order to consider appropriate humanitarian exemptions. (UNSC, 2000, resolution 1325 article 14)
Lack of equal participation in decision making
The second problem represented in the resolution is the lack of equal participation in decision making within peace and security processes at all levels. Binder, Lukas & Schweiger (2008) describes the situation in Uganda, where women have a limited involvement in official governmental networks. Through article 1-4, the resolution acknowledges the inadequate representation of women within peace and security processes, such as within decision making at all levels of society. This deficiency creates an unequal power balance between the genders, a problem that is identified in article 1 to ensure increased representation of women, and in article 2 calling for increased participation of women within decision making. Following, the resolution urges in article 3 and 4: “[…] the Secretary-General to appoint more women as special representatives,” and “[...] expand the role and contribution of women in the United Nations field-based operations”.
The third problem represented in the resolution is the lack of implementing international and human rights law, specifying the protection for women and girls. In article 8-11, the resolution addresses the problem as following:
Measures that ensure the protection of and respect for human rights of women and girls [...], Calls upon all parties to armed conflict to respect fully international law applicable to the rights and protection of women and girls [...], Calls on all parties to armed conflict to take special measures to protect women and girls [...] And emphasized the responsibility of all states to put an end to impunity and to prosecute those responsible [...] Including those relating to sexual and other violence against women and girls [...]. (Ibid. Article 8-11)
7.1.2 What presuppositions or assumptions underpin this representation of the problem? The analysis of the assumptions that may underpin the identified represented problems is conducted through the questions “What is taken for granted?” and “What background knowledge is taken for granted?”, based on Bacchi’s (2009) explanation of the question. When it comes to the first identified problem, assumptions taken for granted in the resolution can be expressed in that women in conflict areas needs protection, and that their unprotected situation creates a vulnerability in a double sense. While this may be accurate in several cases, the background knowledge that may be taken for granted is how these women are supposed to be protected. The situation for women in conflict areas may vary, depending on different contexts. This entails that while protection in general is needed, the reflection over how different marginalised groups may need protection in different ways is missing in the resolution. For the second problem, an assumption that can be taken for granted is that women simply are not included in decision making regarding conflict and peace processes, and therefore, the voice that is being heard within these processes, is not an equal one. It can further be assumed that decisions that are taken within these rooms are angled from a man's perspective, which could be a reason why women in conflict areas often are placed in a particularly vulnerable situation. Additionally, the background knowledge that can be interpreted as taken for granted is the knowledge regarding how women should be included within these processes, as well as how different circumstances can problematise women’s inclusion. For example, in the DRC, patriarchal structures in the society may hinder women to participate in these processes (Davies, 2019), meaning, there can be different obstacles in different societies hindering women to participate.
For the third problem, lack of implementing international and human rights law, it can be interpreted from the resolution that it is assumed that human rights law as well as international law, is not followed nor respected. This assumption is specified to all parties of armed conflict. The resolution states that, “reaffirming also the need to implement fully international humanitarian and human rights law that protects the rights of women and girls during and after conflicts”. Furthermore, it is stated in article 9 that the resolution “Calls upon all parties to armed conflict to respect fully international law applicable to the rights and protection of women and girls [...]”.
This indicates an assumption within the resolution that military forces and rebel groups have a tendency to disrespect the international law. Additionally, it can be assumed that the ones who are in charge of making the decisions regarding warfare are included within this problem. This assumed disrespect of the international and human rights law can further entail that women are the ones most affected by consequences from when these laws are not being respected. Further on, background knowledge that may be taken for granted is that the knowledge of international and human rights law exists in all conflict affected societies. Therefore, it is assumed that these laws are accessible and understandable for all. However, article 6 states that the resolution “Requests the Secretary-General to provide Member States training guidelines and materials on the protection, rights and the particular needs of women”, as well as it “invites Member States to incorporate these elements as well as HIV/AIDS awareness training into their natural training programmes for military and civilian personnel”. Therefore, while the assumption mentioned above is still relevant, the resolution providing training on the subject can be seen as a counter to the assumption.
7.1.3 What is left unproblematic in this problem representation? Where are the silences? Can the problem be thought about differently?
A suggested course of action presented in the resolution regarding the lack of protection for women and girls in conflict settings is stated in article 5, by suggesting an incorporation of a gender perspective in peacekeeping operations. This is an example of how gender mainstreaming as a strategy is included in the construction of the UNSCR 1325. What may be silenced in this presented solution, is that the term gender perspective can be interpreted differently in different societies. It may also be interpreted differently depending on the individual within a society, which increases the problematisation. In article 6, it is requested to provide specific training for member states based on the protection, rights and special needs of women, etc. What can be interpreted as silenced is the possibility that this material may not be applicable in all member states. Additionally, this can be interpreted that the gender mainstreaming strategy may not be applicable at all times.
In article 8C it is stated: “Calls on […] measures that ensure the protection of and respect for human rights of women and girls, particularly as they relate to the constitution, the electoral system, the police and the judiciary”. What may be silenced in this article is how all actors should ensure the protection of women and girls. An assumption in this article is that the women are not fully integrated in the system, nor are they protected.
In article 1, it is “urged for member states to ensure increased representation of women at all decision-making levels”, as a suggested course of action for increased equal participation. While this may be important, it does not fully address the need for equality in the conflict affected societies. The issue of unequal participation is far more deeply rooted than simply positions within decision making processes. Therefore, what is left as unproblematic in this article is the core of the issue, which is the lack of gender equality. To reach increased equal participation, it is needed to address all aspects of gender inequality. While the resolution may
address this from different perspectives, it may not be concrete enough to not be seen as unproblematic.
Same applies to article 2, 3 and 4 where similar courses of action are suggested. These articles may all aim to simply increase women’s participation, both at decision making levels and in field-based operations, but it is left as unproblematic how the issue needs to be addressed to a greater extent.
Article 9 calls upon “all parties to armed conflict to respect fully international law applicable to the rights and protection of women and girls”, as a suggested course of action for the lack of implementing international and human rights law. While, again, it is one course of action that needs to be addressed, it is not a solution to the entire problem. All parties to armed conflict may not be aware of the international and human rights law, nor understand how it is applicable for them. Mende (2019) discusses the perspective on how human rights can be seen as westernised rather than universal. While the opinions on this differ, if the human rights law would be westernised, it would definitely complicate the implementation of them in settings where a westernised view may not be applicable. Therefore, while simply addressing the need of implementing these laws and rights, the need to adjust them after each specific setting may be left as unproblematic in this course of action.
Through the WPR analysis it could be identified that the gender mainstreaming strategy could be problematic. When identifying the silences in section 7.1.3 it can be, as mentioned above, assumed that the strategy is not applicable at all levels. While Barrow (2009) states how gender mainstreaming may have a positive effect on the awareness of the WPS agenda, it can be discussed whether its impact on the implementation of the resolution is as progressive.
7.2 Interviews
In the following section, the result of the seven interviews conducted for the study is presented. The identified themes are presented in the table below and will be further explained and analysed in section 7.2.1, 7.2.2 and 7.2.3. Within the interviewee number column, the numbers represent the interviewees, and therefore demonstrates whether the theme was mentioned or discussed within their interview.
Identified themes Interviewee number
The implementation 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7
The awareness 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7
Empowerment and legitimacy 2, 3, 4, 6, 7
Table 2. The interviewees activity within each theme.
For the first theme, the interviewees opinions regarding different aspects on the implementation of the resolution on a grassroot level are lifted. Both regarding difficulties of the implementation, the concrete actions that are accomplished as well as different reasoning for implementation. The second theme lifts different perspectives on how the resolution has created an awareness of the issues relating to it, which the interviewees discuss as both positive and
negative. Within this theme, the discussion on whether efforts against sexual violence have been impacted from the resolution or not, is lifted. The third theme brings up the aspect of how the resolution have provided a feeling of empowerment for several of the interviewees, as well as legitimatised their work with WPS issues. This too connects to the efforts against sexual violence in the areas of focus for this study.
7.2.1 Implementation
One of the main themes that was brought up by the majority of the interviewees, was the implementation of the resolution. These discussions were both regarding the difficulty of implementing the resolution on different levels of society, as well as, in some cases, how it has to be adjusted for the level of development within certain countries. As Madsen (2019) discusses, the actual implementation has not reached all levels of society. The topic regarding the importance of reaching the grassroot levels when implementing the UNSCR 1325 was recurrent within many of the interviews. Interviewee 4 explains how important the work done by CSOs is for the resolution to really reach out to the society, which interviewee 5 mentions as well by clarifying the need to always contextualise the WPS agenda at the local levels. One perspective within the same theme is lifted by interviewee 7, that states how women organisations at a grassroot level often take ownership of the implementation, by conducting activities related to the resolution. As stated by interviewee 4:
So, it is important that the work that we do, and especially work done by civil society organisation on the ground, finds a voice from the grass-root level, through the structures to the national level to the regional level. (Interviewee 4)
This, too is addressed by Madsen (2019), stating that these activities and efforts by local women often have been neglected by the UN, and therefore neglecting local knowledge needed for a successful implementation. Therefore, as stated in the report by UN Women (2015), the implementation of the resolution can be seen as still lacking for the women at grassroot levels. A recurrent topic on what factors that may hinder the implementation, is how the resolution is too complex for certain settings. Phrases as “a fluffy document” and “too abstract and political” were used to describe the content of the resolution, to clarify why the implementation is inadequate. This is emphasised in the interviews discussing the implementation at grassroot levels especially in CAR and the DRC, where the discussion and topic of gender equality still is very low on the agenda. Therefore, explained by interviewee 6, it is difficult to adapt such a complex resolution in a society where the need for progress requires to be addressed in a simpler way, starting with the basics. Explained by interviewee 6, “I have chosen to begin with the basics since gender as a subject can be rather complex. Like, describing the different stereotypes attached to men and women and mechanisms of unequal power distribution”. Interviewee 6 further exemplifies this by describing the process of creating a gender action plan, which they have experience from when working in CAR.
This year, I created my own gender action plan [...] a gender action plan which is supposed to connect to established indicators on a strategic level. This year we chose to simplify the process and make a list of goals and activities to make it easier and more accessible. (Interviewee 6)
The process of adopting the resolution is criticised in some of the interviews of being slow, for example by interviewee 7: “The implementation of resolution 1325 and its related reruns is very slow. The lack of political will and the lack of prioritization mean that its implementation does not evolve”. This is in line with the global study by UN Women (2015), stating that the persistent barriers to the implementation of the resolution needs a dedicated commitment to be dismantled.
When discussing whether or not the resolution has contributed to an impactful change within women, peace and security issues, several of the interviewees refers to the rhetorical impact and increased awareness. This theme is by itself addressed in section 7.2.2, but interviewee 1 drew a vivid example of how this rhetorical progress, as positive as it may be, still might not create a difference for the concrete implementation. While referring to the impact of the work conducted by the special envoy for the UN Security Council, with the responsibility to report every year to the member states of the current situation regarding issues relating to the UNSCR 1325, interviewee 1 problematises the connection between these efforts and local actions like following:
Then, the step from there [the meeting at the UN Security Council] to a local woman in a ongoing conflict somewhere in the northern Nigeria or South Sudan, I mean a rebel soldier for example, who rapes a poor woman with its rebel group - do they listen to the particular special envoy whom once a year reads a rapport [at the UN Security Council headquarters] in New York? Of course not. The work also needs to be established at a local level. (Interviewee 1) Additionally, the concrete actions relating to the implementation of the resolution were widely discussed. Several interviewees discussed whether or not these actions actually have made an impact when it comes to increased protection, sexual violence and prevention for women and girls in armed conflict. While interviewee 1 address the progress from the UN in creating formal frameworks and official documents, as well as strategic plans and objectives.On the other hand, interviewee 2, who for many years have worked with these issues on a grassroot level in Uganda, claims that actions related to the resolution have definitely created a significant change, referring to a gender and equity certificate.
The gender and equity certificate. Now all ministries are made sure they have a desk office, a so-called point person, including even the police and the military to make sure they are compliant [with the UNSCR 1325], otherwise: if they are not compliant - they will not be funded. Okay? And that is 1325. That is the UN Resolution 1325. (Interviewee 2)
The interviewees also discuss the tendency of implementing the UNSCR 1325 “for show”, for example the possibility of adapting the resolution and implementing efforts relating to it partially to gain symbolic capital. Interviewee 6 refers to their experience in CAR, where it is known that there is funding to be gained if working with the resolution. Additionally, it might not always be completely transparent what the resolution entails, and therefore, reasons for adapting the resolution may differ.
