Discourses of Sami rights in the public debate of Sweden

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Discourses of Sami rights in the public debate of Sweden

Author: Frida Olofsson

Malmö University

MR-106L Human Rights lll Bachelor thesis 15 credits Spring 2018

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Abstract

The purpose of this thesis was to study how the rights of the Indigenous Sami people were described in the public debate of Sweden through analysing Swedish articles. During the study, different constructions of Sami rights were found which have been analysed through the method of critical discourse analysis, specifically the three dimensional model by Norman Fairclough. The empirical material consisted of debate articles and news articles from

different newspapers and news agencies of Sweden. The perspective of the analysis was clarified through the theory of group rights. The result showed, among other things, how discussions of the ratification of ILO 169-convention have been going on for a long time, and that it has never been ratified. This is due to the ambiguity in how to secure the Sami land rights at the same time as securing the Swedish state’s economical interests.

Keywords: Sami rights, Indigenous people, Sami people, critical discourse analysis

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List of Abbreviations and Acronyms

ILO 169 - Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (No. 169)

Sápmi - the Sami land

UN - The United nations

EU - European Union

List of definitions

Indigenous people - “Tribal people in independent countries whose social, cultural and economic conditions distinguish them from other sections of the national community, and whose status is regulated wholly or partially by their own customs or traditions or by special laws or regulations; People in independent countries who are regarded as Indigenouson account of their descent from the populations which inhabited the country, or geographical region to which the country belongs, at the time of conquest or colonisation or the establishment of present state boundaries and who irrespective of their legal status, retain some or all of their own social, economic, cultural and political institutions.” (Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (No. 169) Ilo 169 - Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (No. 169)“ILO's Convention No.169 is based on respect for the cultures and ways of life of Indigenousand tribal peoples. It aims at overcoming discriminatory practices affecting these peoples and enabling them to participate in decision-making that affects their lives.” (ILO.org 2018)

Sami people - “The Sami people have been recognised by the United Nations as an Indigenous people, giving

them the right to preserve and develop their crafts, language, education, reindeer husbandry, traditions and identity. There is no census for the Sami, but the population is estimated at between 80,000 and 100,000 people, spread over four countries with 20,000–40,000 in Sweden, 50,000–65,000 in Norway, 8,000 in Finland and 2,000 in Russia.” (Swedish Institute 2018)

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1.0 INTRODUCTION

1.1. Brief introduction of the topic and background

The position of the Indigenous Sami people in Sápmi, the land where the Sami people were living and moving freely over before the rise of the Swedish, Norwegian, Finnish and Russian national state borders in the 1800th century, is a well-discussed issue. This research concerns the Sami rights in the Swedish part of Sápmi, and therefore the Swedish

government’s historical and current treatment of the Sami people is important for the understanding of the context of this issue.

The Sami people were forced to leave their own religion for the Christianity. Not following the Christian belief was sentenced with a death sentence, imprisonment or high fees. The places that were holy for the Sami people were destroyed and the Sami drums were burned. If one would continue to use the drums it would lead to a death sentence (Mission bland Samer, Samer.se, 2018).

The colonization of the Sami land started fully when silver was discovered and in 1634 silver was discovered in Nasafjäll, and the territorial claims got intensified. Settlers were promised 15 years of freedom from tax and release from military service if they would move to the Sami land, Sápmi. Further on, when the mining industry developed, the reindeer herding, through which a lot of the Sami people relied on for a living, was demolished. The language was taken away as the Sami children were sent to boarding schools far from home, where the Sami language was forbidden and the education had a lower level “suited” for Sami children (Koloniseringen av Sápmi, samer.se, 2018).

The race biology or eugenics was an institution where research was done on the Sami people and other groups, to measure and categorize the different races. The Sami people were dressed down naked, photographed, all body parts were measured and the skull measurement was said to show of short skull which meant that they belonged to a lower ranked race. Their “racial characteristics” showed that the Sami people could not live like civilized people in

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houses and that they were only suited for the life in the forest and mountains and not in cities (I rasbiologins fotspår, Samer.se, 2018).

In the 1960s it was still cases of prohibition of speaking the Sami languages in schools. It was seen as shameful to be a Sami and still today there is a lot of racism in the northern part of Sweden, where the Sami people are said to be mis-using the tax system for their reindeers. Reindeers are killed as a way of vandalizing the property of reindeer herding Sami people and similar degrading treatment (Ronge 2015).

Recognition as a minority and Indigenous people

The Sami language was recognized as a minority language in 2000, as one among the five minority languages in Sweden (Prop. 1998/99:143, SFS 2009:724). Since then, the citizens have the right to use the Sami language in courts and within administrative authorities. In some regions, kindergartens as well as caregivers for elderly people should be provided with Sami-speaking staff.

In 2010 the rights for the national minorities and the languages got strengthened due to the new law concerning national minorities and the minority languages (Minoritet.se 2018). In 1977 the Swedish government recognized the Sami people as Indigenous people (prop 1976/77:80) and stated how the Sami people have a special position as Indigenous people and as an ethnic minority.

However, the ILO 169-convention (Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention) is still not ratified after 30 years of discussions and investigations of what a ratification of the

convention would require from the Swedish government. In one of the government’s investigations of the ILO 169, “Utredning om följderna av en ratificering av ILO

169” (2005), the following questions are raised: 1) which people are actually Indigenous and 2) which are the consequences for the industries in the Sami area and 3)would the Sami people get increased land rights with a ratification of the convention.

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In 2015, Vänsterpartiet, the left-wing party in the Swedish parliament, came up with a legislative proposal with some demands for the government concerning the Sami people. (Motion 2015/16:104 En samlad samepolitik) These demands among others, concerned the Sami self-governance, creation of a book which would regard a recognition of the assaults the Swedish state has made on the Sami people. Furthermore, it also concerned how the left party wanted the government to make new efforts for ratifying the ILO 169-convention. However, the parliamentary Committee on the Constitution has stated rejection on all the suggested points. And concerning a ratification of the ILO 169, it was referred to the work with the evaluation from 4 years ago, which evaluate a 10-year-old statement of intent (Sveriges radio 2015, Idag röstar riksdagen om ILO 169 ).

The attitude of the government towards the ratification of the ILO 169- convention is of importance as this would fully recognize the Indigenous rights of the Sami people and would secure their land rights which is crucial for the very existence of the Indigenous Sami people as the culture is fully connected to the land.

Since my thesis concerns the discourses of Sami rights expressed in Swedish media articles, the historical events and actions are important to take into account. As the position of the Sami people have been very much controlled and the discourse has been degrading or negative, this will certainly have an impact on how the discourses are constructed today, and how the status of the Indigenous rights of the Sami people are valued and recognized.

1.2. Aim of research

The aim of the thesis is to analyze the discourses concerning Sami rights in the public debate of Sweden by looking at 12 different articles from different Swedish newspapers and news agencies. With the result of the analysis, an understanding of the situation for the Sami rights is aimed to be distinguished. The analysis will be done with the help of a critical discourse analysis and specifically the dimensional model constructed by Fairclough. The three-dimensional model consists of an analysis of the text, the social practice, and the discursive practice. This analysis in connection with the theory of group rights will make it possible to distinguish the discourses of Sami rights and get a possible understanding and perspectives

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for the reasons the discourses are constructed and reproduced as they are, as well as the possible consequences of such discourses on the securing of the Sami rights in Sweden.

1.3. Research questions

The research questions for the thesis is as follows:

- What are the discourses concerning Sami rights in the public debate of Sweden? - What can be understood about the situation for Sami rights by analyzing the

discourses of Sami rights in the public debate of Sweden?

1.4. Previous research

There is a lot of previous research done on the discourses and representation of Indigenous peoples all around the world. Though, there is not much research done on the Sami rights in the public debate and that is where my position in the research is placed.

When looking at the previous research on the discourses and representation of the Indigenous Sami people one could find the theme of the definition of the Sami people to be a common issue. It is discussed who belongs to the definition as Sami, the fact of the Sami people being Indigenous and the minority group status in regards to the majority populations.

The sources I have been looking more closely into use different material for their analysis. “On the Fringe: News Representations of the Sami” (Pietikäinen 2001) have done the analysis on a Finnish newspaper and have studied how articles have been portraying the Sami. Contrary to the “For and against the rights of the Sami People: The argumentation of the Finnish majority in the debate on the Sami rights”(Tuulentie 2003), where they have been analyzing legal proposals and speeches from the parliament concerning the legality of the Sami rights in Finland.

Some other articles written on the issue of the definition of Indigenous people in general, as well as ethnic groups are likewise discussing the belonging of the group and the definition of the group as such. In “Race and ethnicity: culture, identity, and representation” (Spencer

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2006, p.33) the Indigenous people are discussed in terms of their rights of being part of an Indigenous community.

Other articles such as the article “Nation-States Confront the Global: Discourses of

Indigenous Rights in Fiji and Tanzania ” (Larson & Aminzade 2007, p. 804) as well as the articles studied concerning Indigenous Sami people, are also discussing the Indigenous rights as if they are secured and enjoyed or not.

The construction of the definition of the Sami people as individuals are described in terms of the Sami person who earns his livelihood on reindeers as the “true” Sami and will get more Sami rights compared to a Sami who earns their livelihood on something else. In both “On the Fringe: News Representations of the Sami” (Pietikäinen 2001) and in “Indigenous Peoples and the right to self-determination: the case of the Swedish People” (Morkenstam 2005) the definition is constructed in this way.

This categorization of the Sami people and exclusion of some Sami people have a major destructing impact on the Sami identity and the Sami population as a whole. There are clearly more ways to live a life as a Sami than just with reindeer herding, and one should not lose any rights as a Sami due to this fact (Mörkenstam 2005, p. 438).

Previous research shows that there is a homogenous Sami identity, which differs from the reality of the Sami identity, which is heterogeneous. For all Sami persons to gain their full rights, the heterogenous Sami identity must be applied and recognized. The articles were mostly described from the outside-view, and not from within the Sami community which can be seen as a continuation of the colonial powers which have set the rules and used their control over the Sami people throughout the history until today.

The colonial mindset and the impact of colonialism are commonly described in the chosen book chapters and articles looked into. In the book “Media and ethnic minorities” (Alia & Bull 2005) the authors Valerie Alia and Simone Bull brings up the outsider-view of talking about the minorities and describes this as a continuation of the colonial mindset. The authors

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have texts in the book which is written by both minority groups and the majority of society to work against the reproduction of the passive voice of the minority within the media landscape (Alia & Bull 2005 preface).

Another author who brings up the issue of reproduction of the colonial mindset is Stephen Spencer in the book “Race and Ethnicity - Culture, Identity, and Representation” (Spencer 2014)). In a number of places within the book this issue is brought up, but especially in two of the chapters where the lack of history of the Indigenous people is described. This missing part of the history gives room for the white and European superiority we have today. It furthermore leaves room for the colonization from the history to continue in other forms, and keep the colonized countries in a continued subordination. (Spencer 2006 p.56-67)

This last explanation is relevant for my thesis as this is also the case of the Swedish history of treating the Sami people. There has been a minimal explanation and exposure of the historical abuse and colonialism done by the Swedish state, which gives a lacking piece of the history of why the situation for the Sami people is as it is today. The treatment leaves trails in the group for many generations ahead. If the group will not get restitution for all the acts done to them, it is hard to find justice or to be satisfied for any acts of recognition of the ill-treatment from the state, when this is only recognizing its deeds partly and not fully.

When studying the positions of the previous research I believe my research will fill the gap of covering both how the discourse for Sami rights is created in the public debate, but also how the Sami people are portrayed. The previous material has covered the discourse of the Sami people as such, but not the discourse of Sami rights. The understanding of the Indigenous rights of the Sami 

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people will be specified as Sweden have not ratified the convention. Therefore, one can distinguish some understanding through the discourses of the public debate as this is part of the public opinion.

1.5. Theory, method and material – brief presentation

Theory - The section of the theory of group rights brings up both different ways for groups to claim group rights, such as through poly-ethnic rights, self-government rights and special representation rights. It is also explained how group rights can be used as external protection against the majority society but also can be used as internal restrictions on the individual members of the group. Furthermore, there are arguments for and against group differentiated rights.

Method - The critical discourse and three dimensional model by Fairclough

The critical discourse analysis can be used when there is an interest for analysing the language, leading to the language to have influence on our society and most importantly to have an impact on the order of the discourse. The three dimensional model constructed by Norman Fairclough gives tools for analysing the text, by looking at modality and transitivity. It further gives room for analysing the discursive practice, meaning to make analysis of the discursivity. And least but most important analysis of the social practice, which makes it possible to take the discourse order the discursive practice is a part of and which social and cultural settings that constructed the discourse order in this way.

Material - The empirical material have been consisting of 12 articles from different

newspapers and news agencies covering the topic of Sami rights. They were selected with the relevance for the topic.

The material for the analysis and the theory was made up by the book “Diskursanalys som teori och metod” (Winter Jorgensen&Phillips 2000) and the theories were mainly based on

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the books “Multicultural citizenship” (Kymlicka 1996) and “Is Multiculturalism Bad for Women?” (Okin 1999).

1.6 The research relevance for human rights

As the study concerns the discourse of the Sami rights and the fact of the Samis being Indigenous people - will have an impact on how the Indigenous rights are secured and the position of them as Indigenous people being recognized in the swedish society. When looking at the historical events and the low and degrading position of the Sami people in the swedish society, in connections with discourses of the Sami rights of today it is possible to understand the status of Indigenous rights in Sweden today. This is relevant for the study of human rights as the ILO 169-convention is still not ratified in Sweden after almost 30 years of discussions and investigations. The Indigenous rights of the Sami people can only be truly secured through a ratification of the convention and by looking at the discourses of the Sami rights in the public debate, one can get an understanding of the actual status of the Indigenous rights today and a possible ratification have been postponed for so long. The research furthermore, brings up different perspectives of supporting or opposing group rights, which certainly is of relevance for the field of human rights as the questions regarding individual vs collective rights, and if collective rights even should be recognized is a well-discussed matter.

1.7 Delimitations

As the settings of this thesis is limited, the choice of analysing 12 articles to get an in-depth analysis of these was done. If more articles would be analysed it would require more time and increased extent of the work for the research. However, this could be convenient for further research on this area. The discourses of Sami rights in all different areas where this could occur, will not be covered as the focus have been limited to only cover news- and debate articles.

The thesis is limited to study the discourses of Sami rights in the Swedish public debate, and not in all the countries that Sápmi covers - which is Finland, Norway and Russia.

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The thesis will not give a broad explanation on the historical reasons for the position of the Sami people in the swedish society. This will only be briefly explained to get some context and understanding for the issue.

The focus of this research is moreover limited to only cover the discourses of the

IndigenousSami people and not how all different Indigenous peoples are written about in the swedish public debate.

1.8 Chapter outline

The chapter outline started with the first chapter, consisting of the introduction to the research area, including the aim of research and the research questions. This will now be followed by chapter two with an explanation of the theoretical framework which consist of the group rights-theory. The relevance of using the chosen theory in connection with the method will then be explained. Chapter three will provide the presentation of the method applied during the research including explanation of the material used. The fourth chapter includes the analysis, the result and a discussion. The final and fifth chapter will consist of the conclusion of the thesis. The thesis will be finalized with the references and attachments.

2.0 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

I have chosen the theory of group rights and this is relevant for my research as it will clarify the perspectives for the analysis. As the research concerns the Sami rights, which is the rights of the Sami people as a group, this theory surely will be helpful. In the theory-section I have chosen to focus on the different arguments for and against group rights and will furthermore connect the themes of the analysis with the arguments for and against group rights. When doing so, it will make it possible to analyse the base of the arguments in the articles through the theoretical framework of group rights. An alternative theory could have been the social constructionism, which would make it possible to make the connections to the dangers of taking what we read as truth, such as what is written in the articles and the possible consequences of this. However, it could be possible to make a combination of the group rights and the social constructionism which could be an idea for further research on the topic.

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2.1 Group rights

Throughout the history different countries have been dealing with the issue of rights for different minority groups such as Indigenous people, immigrants and other groups in a variety of ways.

Some minorities have been eliminated, some have been victims of assimilation and politics with aim of them to become just as the majority society, and some others have been

segregated from the majority society and been denied to take part in the politics. Despite this, there have been various efforts for protecting the minority rights as well as controlling the conflicts between the minorities and the majority society.

After the end of the second world war, liberals thought minority rights could be secured through the human rights, which in reality was not the case. The minority groups would not be protected as a group, but rather through the individual rights they would gain - such as political and civil rights, which they thought would lead to a protection of the group as the individuals had their rights protected (Kymlicka 1996 , p.3). One example of where this perspective can be found is in article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and political rights. It is clear how the focus is laying on the individual member of the minority group to carry the linguistic, religious and cultural rights.

“In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to such

minorities shall not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practise their own religion, or to use their own language.

(International Covenant on Civil and political rights, art. 27. 1976)

Though it is visible how the individual human rights can not solve the issues concerning minorities such as which languages that should be used and accepted by the authorities in the courthouses or in the parliament. Another question regards if there should be education provided in the mother tongue for every ethnic minority (Kymlicka 1996, p.5). It is clear how the human rights-articles can not answer any of such questions. These questions have

therefore been processed through the decisions made by the authorities of the majority society. Which can then be said to put the majority in a position to be able to misuse their power in an unjust way against the minority groups. According to Kymlicka (1996), these

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issues can only be processed with justice if the individual human rights are concerned in connection with the perspective of minority rights.

To get a general idea on which kind of group differentiated rights there might be, Kymlicka (1996) brings up these examples:

- Polyethnic rights - concerns the right to get financial support for cultural practices that concerns the minority group.

- Self-government rights - concerns the right for a group to have a political autonomy only for the specific group, but within the nations states border. Could also be jurisdiction for a specific territory where the minority group are living on or has its origin in.

- Special representation rights - concerns how part of the minority groups should be represented as a part of the institutions of the majority society

Furthermore, he distinguishes two ways of how group rights can be used with different aims: One concerns how group rights work to limit the individual liberties within the group for the sake of the solidarity of the group - which can be referred to as internal restrictions. The other one, works as a protection for the minority group against the majority decision making regarding the group - which can be referred to as external protection (Kymlicka 1996 , p.35).

Arguments for group differentiated rights

Except for the arguments above mentioned by Kymlicka, these arguments are also brought up in favour of group differentiated rights:

Argument of historical agreements - This argument have the basis in historical agreements that have been made for the group to have specific group rights, and how these should be followed. However, these agreements or documents can be interpreted in different ways, and the conditions today might not be the same as they were at that particular time of the

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Argument of Cultural diversity - The argument concerning cultural diversity concerns how different cultures is an advantage for the society. This argument does therefore not refer to any responsibility from the majority in favour of the minority, but rather emphasizes the richness of having diversity of the cultures as a part of the society (Kymlicka 1996, p.121).

Argument of equality - This argument concerns how different groups are disadvantaged and therefore group rights are needed for majority decisions not to be a hinder for the group to practice and express the culture (Kymlicka 1996 p.110).

Argument of the analogy with the states - This argument is about how rights actually work in real life in the way that they are group-specific depending on where you come from: a citizenship gives you certain kinds of legal rights. According to Kymlicka - the only good reason for having states separated is how different cultures could be preserved and

maintained as it is. However, if this argument is seen as correct, then one also have to approve of group rights in favour of the maintenance of a culture (Kymlicka 1996, p.124).

Arguments against group differentiated rights

Argument of group rights as unnecessary - Moving over to the arguments against group differentiated rights, we can firstly see the argument mentioned by Kymlicka above, meaning that individual rights are enough to protect the members of a group. The group rights are in this perspective seen as unnecessary as individuals already have the individual rights to protect them.

Argument of group rights as unfair - Another argument is that group rights are not fair in the sense that the state are not giving these rights to everyone and therefore everyone is not treated the same way. The state should be neutral in the attitude towards how different groups and peoples live their lives. This argument can be supported by the role of justice, which emphasize the importance of equal for all, and how laws that are unjust should be abolished (Rawls 1971, p.3).

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Argument of group rights as individual restriction for women - A third argument, comes from Susan Moller Okin (1999 )and explains how many cultural practices are directly targeted to have control and power over women. Thus by giving the group rights to the group for protecting the cultural practices for instance, one is also keeping the women in the subordinated position.

The personal, reproductive and sexual sphere has a central role in majority of the cultures, both in regards to customs and regulations. Cultural groups and religious groups are in a lot of cases having a certain focus on what is called “personal law”. Meaning how the family property is divided, regulations for marriage, custody of the children and so forth. The practices then have automatically a bigger effect on the girls and women as it is the females who usually put their time on the maintenance of the family and reproduction, even though not all cultural practices and parts of the culture are preserved in the homes. But it is after all in the domestic arenas, where the culture is upheld, carried out and transferred to the

children. The division of the work of the household also have a major impact on which persons that have the ability to take part in the public part of the cultural practices, where most of the regulations about the domestic and public life are decided. If the woman spends most of her time in the domestic area, as according to culture - she will also be left out from having an equal position both in the domestic sphere and the public sphere (Okin 1999, p. 13-15).

Critical notes

Okin argues for how advocates of group rights for minorities do not address how the girls and women can be limited through the ideologies of the culture. She is arguing that the group rights-advocates are having their focus on how the group differ from other groups and not on the differences there might be inside of the group. The advocates are neither putting any notice of the domestic and private sphere, which leads to forgetting how the women of the group could be limited especially within this sphere as above mentioned. (Okin 1999 p.12)

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When it comes to criticism of Okin´s perspective Kymlicka describes it as how Okin claims that feminists should see multiculturalism as a threat to all the prosperities feminists have made. Kymlicka does not see this statement as valid as he claims that multiculturalism and feminism are both addressing how individual rights, from the traditional liberal perspective should be changed. (Kymlicka in Okin 1999 p. 32)

3.0 METHOD

In this section there will be a presentation of the method used, the advantages as well as limitations of using the chosen method. Furthermore I will present the process of collecting, choosing and selecting articles from the material. Three dimensional model can be used as method when making an analysis of this kind. Besides this there will be an explanation of the research ethics and how this has been taken into considerations during the process of the research.

3.1 Choice of method

The choice of method is the critical discourse analysis through Norman Fairclough’s (1995) perspective, as this will make it possible to identify and distinguish the discourse of Sami rights in the articles. The choice can also be defended through the wish of making an analysis of the language and on the actual societal impact the use of the language have, as well as impact on the order of the discourse. When choosing the three dimensional model by Fairclough, it makes it possible to make the analysis on the level of the text, through the discursive practice - meaning how the text is produced and reproduced through for example already existing discourses and on the level of the social practice - meaning that one takes the order of the discourse the discursive practice is part of and analyse which settings according to the social and cultural life around that have constructed this kind of order of the discourse (Winter Jorgensen & Phillips, 2000). However, I will not provide a description of all parts of Fairclough’s perspectives and views on discourse as such, but will rather focus on what is relevant for my thesis, which mainly is the three dimensional model of critical discourse analysis. The tools within the method I have chosen to use is modality, transitivity,

interdiscursivity and the intertextuality. It was slightly difficult to understand how to actually apply the analysis which also is one of the critiques against Faircloughs settings for the model

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(Winther Jorgensen & Phillips 2000, p. 86-91). But I managed to overcome this difficulty, by reading different sources explaining how the Fairclough´s model could be applied as analysis.

As my research aim is to study the discourse of Sami rights as Indigenous rights in the public debate, using a discourse analysis was suitable. Applying it to articles from newspapers and news agencies would be one part of the public debate, but it would still make it possible for me to distinguish some part of the discourses of the Sami rights as Indigenous rights today. When doing a research the aim is surely to be as objective and neutral as it is manageable. But on the other hand, one can never be truly objective as we all are having our own

interpretations and worldviews that we take with us in to the research. Therefore, I chose the articles from newspapers which are recognized and accepted for publication and used a variety of different newspapers to catch a broad representation of the discourses written on this issue.

Critical notes

Just as with many other methods, there are critiques that have opinions on Norman

Fairclough´s (1995) model. One of them is that the difference between the discourse analysis itself and the analysis of the social practice is not clear. Another one is how Fairclough does not give any guidelines for how much the analysis should be made up of as well as which theories that could be useful to use in connection with the analysis (Winter jorgensen & Phillips 2000 p. 93).

Another thing to have in mind for the criticism of the choice of critical discourse analysis, can be my own connection to the Sami rights. When doing a discourse or any research one is supposed to be objective and as neutral as possible. Having Sami background myself, the objectivity becomes less possible, however I made the choice of still doing the research on this issue but with a high consciousness to always interpret from a neutral perspective.

3.2 Collection of material

The empirical material consists of 12 articles from the newspapers and news agencies: Svd.se (Svenska dagbladet), Aftonbladet.se, Etc.se, Svt.se (Sveriges television), Kuriren.nu,

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Sverigesradio.se, Svt.se, dt.se (Dalarnas tidningar), vk.se (Västerbottens kuriren) and Expressen.se. The articles were written between May 2017 and July 2018. This time span was chosen for the article to be as up to date as possible to best answer my research question of what can be said from analysing the discourses of Sami rights about the rights as

Indigenous rights. When collecting the articles, the words used in the searching process on Google´s search tool was “ Sami rights”, “Indigenous Sami rights”, “Sami rights as

Indigenous rights” and “rights for the Sami people”. But as mentioned above, the articles were only used from recognized and well known newspapers and news agencies. The research for the empirical material was done in accordance with the aim and research question of this thesis.

When collecting the material for the previous research on this topic I used Google scholar to find peer reviewed articles and academic books from Malmö University´s search tool. The words I used in the search process was in the beginning “discourse of Sami rights”,

“Indigenous Sami rights discourse”, “discourse of Sami people” but got more findings when making it more broad to “Indigenous people discourse” , ethnic groups discourse” and discourse ethnicity”. The more general topics as in “Indigenous peoples discourse” were still helpful to understand the issue in a much broader sense and the structures behind the

constructions of the discourses of ethnic groups are done as they are.

3.3 Selection of material

The process of selecting both newspapers and news agencies with a big spreading such as aftonbladet, with 3 435 000 readers per day, but also regional newspapers such as vk.se, which had 116 000 readers every day on both the printed newspaper and the online version. (ocast.se ,vk.se 2018)

The choice of using both big news agencies and newspapers with the target group for all of Sweden and smaller regional news papers was to get a realistic and broad sense of what the actual discourse are in all parts of Sweden, but also with different preferences for their news agencies. The choice of using both news- and debate articles were also consciously made to catch both the discourses of when persons are freely expressing their views on debate articles, but also the news articles which is suppose to be neutral. A combination of these two would best represent the public debate.

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Criticism of material

When the articles from the newspapers were selected I was aware of how the different newspapers and news agencies would have different political affiliations. However, after I was trying to find the information of the political affiliations of the news agencies and newspapers I found that two of them had a liberal affiliation, which was Expressen and Västerbottens Kuriren. Two other newspapers was said to be non-connected/free liberal, which was The Dalarnas Tidningar and Dagens nyheter. The newspaper Aftonbladet has a social democratic affiliation. One of them had a moderate affiliation, which was the Norrbottens kuriren and one non-connected/free moderate which was Svenska Dagbladet. The newspaper Etc.se, does not have any political affiliation described, though they are described to bring up cultural and political debate. They are describing themselves as a red newspaper for a more green world. The red politics in Sweden can be said to have the basis in socialism. The two companies for public service for tv and radio in Sweden, which were used as news agencies in this research did not have any political affiliation described

(Nationalencyklopedin 2018, see reference list).

With this said, I can distinguish a good mixture of different political affiliations of the newspapers and news agencies which hopefully will give a true representation of the actual public debate of Sweden today. I did not use articles from newspapers and news agencies from all different political affiliations, as I started to look into their political affiliations after I had chosen the articles. For further research, this can be something to take into account when using new articles to specifically look up what political affiliation the news papers have before choosing the articles to get a representation from all different political affiliations.

Continuing to the debate articles and the lack of neutrality in these. Especially when it comes the articles that consist of more radical rhetorics, such as in the article in Dt.se (2017-08-02) which questions why the Sami people should have special rights. Just to mention some things the authors states that the Sami people have not been victims of any structural colonial

oppression, that the Sami people have not been forcibly moved like the Indigenous people in the Americas and declares how the Sami people should be treated in the same way as the other citizens of Sweden.

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The second article with some radical tendencies is the article Expressen.se (2017-05-21). Where the author states that the swedish states relationship to the Sami people affects their whole existence. The author declares:

“It is namely a cultural murder occuring on the Sami people.” Expressen.se (2017-05-21)

Another statement is where the author says she does not exaggerate when she establishes the fact of the racism against Sami people in Sweden is the most common and the most accepted forms of racism (Gröning 2017).

I do not see the radical nature of these articles to be anything negative or as problematic, but rather interesting to take into account when there is the public debate I want to distinguish and these are a part of the public debate.

3.4 Process of analysis

When doing a qualitative research, coding is a suitable start for distinguish themes within the empirical material chosen. The coding has been done with the help of parts of the model Alan Bryman have presented for doing coding (Bryman, 2018 p. 369- 373). To start this process, reading through the articles without making any comments or categorization was done. Therefore I would get a first idea of the nature of the material collected. This was followed by a second reading including comment-making of things that would catch the attention, that could be a possible theme and so forth. When looking at the comments made, could then help to distinguish what would actually be themes within the articles. The themes I would try to distinguish was how the Sami rights were framed and written about. In the article there was different themes found, these were :

“The ILO-169- convention is still not ratified after xx years of discussions”

“Sweden have got critique for the treatment of the Sami people” “The Sami people are victims of ….”

“The Sami peoples land rights are in conflict with the industrial business of mining” “The Sami people should not have increased/special rights”

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These themes distinguished was can be said to be socially constructed versions of how the Sami rights were talked about. The socially constructions of the Sami rights found were then analysed with the three dimensional model by Fairclough in connection with the theoretical framework of group rights.

3.5 Method of analysis

The method of analysis is the critical discourse analysis which have been used from the perspective of Norman Fairclough.

From the perspective of Fairclough, the discourse is one form of social practice which have the ability of repeating what we know, create it ones again in a reproductive manner, however it does also have a modifiable affect on the actual knowledge. This leads us to the see the same process happening when it comes to the power relations in our society, how we identify ourselves and how our relations with others are constructed. The social practice are therefore similarly working reproductively and modifying the same. What is not to forget is the impact of social structures and practices around us which happens simultaneously as the above mentioned process. Thus makes it possible to understand the relationship between social dimensions surrounding us, and discourses to be of a dialectic manner (Winter 2000 p.71).

Concept of discourse

According to Fairclough, the discourse can be managed in two diverse ways. When the concept of discourse is used on a theoretical level as a substantive, it should be seen as the use of language. The other way of seeing it - is to see discourse as a way of how something that is talked about which makes sense of experiences out of a specific angle. This discourse can therefore be separated from other discourses, such as a feminist discourse and a marxist discourse (Fairclough 1993 p.138 in Winter Jorgensen & Phillips 2000 p. 72). Moreover knowledge - and meaning system, social relations and social identities are all said to get impact from discourses in their construct.

With the base in having an approach to language as multifunctional - one can distinguish the analysis of the discourse to be on two different levels (Fairclough 1995b p. 66):

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- One level is by looking at the communicative situation - how language is used in a video production, news article etc.

- _{The second level is by looking at the discourse order - all the diverse types of}

discourses found in a social domain. The types of discourses consists of genres and discourses.

The three dimensional model

A social practice are established by a genre, which is one form of language usage. A genre can be a news genre or a genre of commercial. A discourse order can be the discourse order of a certain library or a discourse order of the news agencies. There is discursive practices within a discourse order, meaning the creation, interpretation and usage of written text and speeches. The types of discourse are applied in a certain manner where the speeches and written text are produced and used, namely the discursive practice (Winter Jorgensen & Phillips 2000 p.73).

Whenever there is a case of language usage, there is a communicative situation happening as well. The communicative situation are upheld by three dimensions :

- the textual dimension - meaning actual texts, pictures, however it can also be a mix of texts and pictures

- the discursive practice - meaning how the texts are produced and consumed

- the social practice - meaning how we can make an understanding out of the discourses in the texts - and how these guides us for how to interpret our worldview and

surroundings (Winter Jorgensen & Phillips 2000 p.74).

Through Fairclough´s perspective and through this three dimensional model one can

understand that these three dimensions affects one another. Meaning that if work is done with the social practice, the work is also done with the discursive practice and the textual

dimension. This is continue to affect our understanding and perspective we get of our world and society around us.

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Textual dimension -

As mentioned above the textual dimension consist of the analysis of text to distinguish what characteristics of the text that are making the discourses to prevail. Which can be the use of grammar and vocabulary for instance.

The tools chosen for analysing the textual dimension is transitivity and modality. When analysing the transitivity it means that one is looking at how the actions and processes in the text are connected with subject and object. If the framing of a process is described as “ the group was demolished” the agent of the demolishment is not described and therefore it takes away the responsibility from the agent and the focus is on the effects of the happening. On the contrary to if it is described as “the police demolished the group” the agent is clearly described and the demolishment is not stated as a natural phenomenon without any agent. Another example could be if it is written “the worker killed the motivation at the office” compared to “the motivation was killed at the office”. In the latter the focus is more on the effects of the action, compared to the first where the agent is clearly stated. (Winter Jorgensen & Phillips 2000 p.87).

When analysing the modality it means that one is studying how likely it is that the author agrees with what is stated. One is therefore measuring the affinity of the text. If a sentence is written “ the political debate was unprofessional” compared to “Could the political debate be seen as unprofessional?” the level of affinity can be seen as much higher in the first

mentioned quote, as it makes no room for own interpretation for the reader. Which kind of modality that is used in a text results in consequences for how the discourse is constructed. Media is often seen to use interpretations as they would be actual facts with for example saying “ the bomb was constructed to hinder the election” instead of saying “ we consider the bomb to be constructed to hinder the election”(Winter Jorgensen & Phillips 2000 p. 88).

Discursive practice dimension -

When analysing the discursive practice one is studying the production and consumption of the texts. One way is to look at the different process a text have to go through before

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of doing it is chosen one can use the tool of interdiscursivity to analyse the discursive practice. The interdiscursivity means distinguishing the discourses a text is based on and how the texts are built up on other texts. If there is a high level of interdiscursivity the changeability of the discourses is high and there is not a major level of reproduction of the same text (Winter Jorgensen & Phillips 2000 p.86 -87).

When analysing the intertextuality the analysis concerns which texts that have been written before the text one is working with and further on, to study how the content of these can be reproduced within both the discursive as well as the social practice. It can be said that a text is never truly new of its kind, but is rather always showing trails from previous writings. This leads us to the concept of intertextual chain. This could be studied by looking at which texts a journalist or a writer might use as a base for the text they are going to write. Another way of studying this is by looking at the different stages a text will be processed through before it is published by a news agency (Winter Jorgensen & Phillips 2000 p.87-88).

Social practice dimension -

When analysing the social practice one is studying how the textual dimension and the

discursive dimension is having an societal impact. One can start with studying which order of discourse the discursive practice are apart of. The order of discourse is as earlier mentioned, the total of the discourses being used within a social institution or domain. When this is done, one can continue to map out the cultural and social relations which the discourse order is having impact from.

It can be said to be in the social practice dimension one can actually get to a conclusion of the analysis, as one is analysing the connection between the social practice and the discursive practice. It is in this step one can answer the questions of “Does the discursive practice reproduce the order of discourse and therefore contribute to the social situation already existing?” or “Does the order of discourse become transformed in a way which leads to social change being possible?” (Winter Jorgensen & Phillips 2000 p. 90)

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3.6 Research ethical considerations

According to the Vetenskapsrådet (2002) in Sweden and their text “forskningsetiska

principer” concerning research ethical considerations for research done in the humanist-social sciences, there is four conditions to consider when doing research. These are

informationskravet (demand of information), samtyckeskravet (demand of consent),

konfidentialitetskravet (demand of confidentiality) and nyttjandekravet (demand of usage).

- The informationskravet (demand of information) concerns the need to always inform persons involved in the research about what the purpose is, the performance of it and if there are any risks for them to participate.

- The samtyckeskravet (demand of consent) regards that the persons involved in the research are permitted to accept or to chose not to participate after the information is given.

- The konfidentialitetskravet (demand of confidentiality consist of a promise that the information of the research should not be spread to unauthorized persons to take part of it.

- The nyttjandekravet (demand of usage) regards how the information collected by the researcher should only be used for the purpose of the research.

This research is based on articles already published for the public to take part of. The authors of the articles can be found in the references but during this research there is not purpose of criticizing och analysing the authors as private persons. But only what and how the articles they have wrote are written. The newspapers and news agencies I have collected the articles from are not informed of this research and they are neither got to give their consent for it. Due to the fact of the article already being out in the public for people to take part of, which also mean that they can be analysed as they are in this research.

The research does not have the aim to hurt anyone and I do not see a risk of anyone getting hurt by the study. To limit the risk for this, I have tried to be as objective and neutral as possible to not violate any persons integrity or disrespect any persons opinions.

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According to the upphovsrättslagen, the law of copyright of Sweden (SFS 1960:729)

paragraph 22 regards the right to quote a person is permitted to quote public production if this is done in a proper way with a motivation for the purpose. According to this law, I will only quote short sentences with reference to the original source.

4.0 Analysis and result

In this chapter there will be a presentation of the result of the analysis done during the research. A critical discourse analysis have been used with the base in the author Norman Fairclough´s perspective. The collected material have been analysed through the three dimensional model constructed by Fairclough. During the analysis of the collected material there was various of themes of discourse found which I have cut down to five themes.

4.1 Textual dimension

The textual dimension will make it possible to identify the characteristics of a text where the discourses exist. This will be done through the tool of modality. This means the level of how much the author agrees with what is written and transitivity means what or who is described to be responsible in the text, or if it is written as a natural phenomenon with no agent to take responsibility for happening.

Theme: The ILO-169- convention is still not ratified after xx years of discussions In the empirical material there is big amount of articles which includes the theme “the ILO 169- convention is still not ratified after xx years of discussions”. The articles with this theme described this in a way that can be interpreted as this was a tiresome struggle for the

ratification of the convention as little have happened even when there is different

investigations done to see what is required for a ratification to be a fact. I interpret it this way, as they describe it with a notice of how many years the discussions around this issue have been going on, which gives a feeling of their perspective on this issue. But it also gives the reader a feeling of, how the author is well-grounded on this topic and the knowledge of how it has been going on for a lot of years. This can be said to give more trust for the statements to be true in the article. Two quotes from the articles are presented below:

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art 4 “ In Sweden the discussion about ratification of the UN-convention for Indigenous people have been going on for 30 years soon. In 1997 the first state investigation about ILO 169 was started, where the investigator shed light on both advantages and disadvantages with a connection to the

convention.” (ETC.se 2018-02-06)

art 1 “Despite the fact of 22 countries, almost all countries with Indigenous people in the world, have ratified ILO 169, Sweden have constantly delayed it for 29 years. Therefore, Sweden have got even stronger international critique, from the UN racial discrimination committee among others.” (Svd.se

2018-07-17)

When analysing the text, the tool of modality as part of the three dimensional model have been used to be able distinguish how much the author of the article agreed with what they wrote. The level of agreement is measured through what is called affinity. When analysing with the help of modality the level of affinity in both these mentioned quotes are high as there is no room for own interpretation, the authors seems to be sure of what they are stating and the information is described as facts. In the first one quote, it is written that the discussions for the ratification have been going on for 30 years soon, and it is described as truth. Just as the second similarly are declared as truth when it describes how almost all the countries where Indigenous people are living have ratified the convention but Sweden have postponed it.

The other tool to help in the analysis of the text is the transitivity, which concerns if the occasion happening are described as there is an agent responsible or if it is no one to blame, as a natural phenomenon. In the first quote and the first sentence, there is no clear agent described, as it is just stating how the discussions have been going on, and not who have been doing them. This leads to a bigger focus on the effects of the happening, rather on the action done by the agent responsible. But in the second it is stated that the investigator is a state investigator, so one can understand that it is the state who have been doing the discussions even though it is not clearly described. In the second quote it is on the contrary clearly stated that it is Sweden is responsible for the postponement of the ratification and how this have led to even more critique from the international community. Sweden is therefore positioned as the subject in the quote.

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Connection with theory of group rights

When looking at the connection to the theory of group rights, it is clear how the authors including this theme are supportive of group rights as they support the ILO-169-convention. As these are describing how the ILO 169-convention is still not ratified and how long time has passed since the discussions started. When supporting ILO 169-convention one is therefore also supporting group rights, as the convention concerns the rights of Indigenous- and tribal peoples (Preamble, Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989, No. 169).

When looking at the different arguments supporting group differentiated rights that were mentioned in the theory-section, this theme can be said to lean on one hand, the argument of using group rights as external protection. As the ILO169-convention emphasizes the

importance of taking away the part of the previous conventions assimilationist perspective and therefore better protect the Indigenous peoples (Preamble, Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989, No. 169).

Furthermore, also the argument of equality (Kymlicka 1996, p.110) is visible in the

convention, as it is described that Peoples are not able to enjoy their individual human rights in the same way as the majority of the populations. And how specific protection through the group rights are needed for actual equality for the Indigenous peoples (Preamble, Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989, No. 169).

The argument of cultural diversity, which concerns the advantages of cultural diversity is another argument visible in the preamble of ILO169-convention, as it states how the Indigenous Peoples contribute to the cultural diversity and the “social and ecological harmony of humankind” (Preamble, Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989, No. 169).

When looking into the actual articles with this theme, the arguments supporting group rights are not explicitly not described. It is more focus on explaining how it is difficult to ratify the convention and which obstacles politicians supporting a ratification of ILO 169-convention are facing (Svd.se 2018-07-17).

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However, there is a person interviewed in the article with explanation of how a ratification of the convention would lead to a balance between the mining companies and the Sami villages. And how the state would need to discuss with the Sami people directly instead of going through the judicial processes when solving the issues of which party that have the right to the land (ETC.se 2018-02-06). When looking at this, one can in one way connect the words “balance” used and how the state would come directly to the Sami village to the argument of equality. As the Sami people would be put in an equal position as the State, when the state would be forced to go directly to the village and discuss and therefore see them as equal parts with opinions of importance.

Theme: Sweden have got critique for the treatment of the Sami people

Another theme distinguished is the theme of how Sweden was criticized for the treatment of the Sami people. Here are two quotes from the articles:

art 10 “The swedish state is famous for the support of human rights and actively contribute to support Indigenous people around the world. At the same time the UN directs even sharper critique against Sweden for their lack of respect for the Sami people´s rights.” (Aftonbladet.se 2018-02-06)

art 8 “Sweden have for at least 25 years got critiques from both the UN and the European council for the treatment of the Sami people. Stefan Löfven (the prime minister of Sweden) have expressed that he wants to enhance the influence of the Sami people, despite this the suggestion gets stuck in an order of consulting which is suppose to improve and strengthen the influence of the Sami people on their own concerns.” (vk.se 2018-07-11)

With the help of modality one can distinguish a high level of affinity as it seems that the author agrees with the statement and there is no room for own interpretation. The framing of the position of Sweden are stated as Sweden is famous for the human right-support, and not “could be seen as” which would make it unclear if the author agrees with the statement. Just as well as how it is described as even though the first mentioned sentence, the UN directs even sharper critique against Sweden. Which gives the feeling of how the author agrees as he/ she/they want to frame it in this way, as Sweden is not really standing up for Indigenous rights on the contrary to what Sweden is famous for.

In the second quote there is similarly a high level of affinity and the author agrees with what is stated. In the second sentence there is a similar way of framing it as in the first quote. Whereas, the author first describes how the prime minister have declared his support for more

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influence of the Sami people, but then despite this declarement it gets stuck, and not made in action.

The transitivity makes it possible to identify the Swedish state to be the agent in the first quote, as it is Sweden who is famous for their human rights-support but have gotten “even sharper critique” from the UN and the EU. The transitivity makes room for distinguishing the agent of Sweden to be clearly described in the second quote. Sweden is the agent who got the critique and therefore the responsibility lays on them. Though, the UN and EU are the ones who give the critique.

When connecting this theme to the theory of group rights, one can say that this theme is based on the perspective of how Peoples can have rights or getting their rights violated, as it is described how Sweden has gotten critique for treatment of the Sami people, and not the individual Sami persons. Therefore, group rights are applicable for the arguments of this theme. But one can also see how the quote from art. 10, above mentioned are describing the support for human rights and then followed by “actively contribute to support for Indigenous people” - which can in one way see it as putting human rights on one side, and the support of Indigenous peoples and implicitly their rights on another side. One can see it as how the human rights are explained as individual rights, and how the Indigenous Peoples would not be apart of this then as they are a group. It can not clearly be said how this would be

connected to the arguments against group rights, but mainly just a separation of individual rights and support of Indigenous Peoples with group rights as another issue.

But on the other way of interpreting the statement as just generally describing how Sweden is supporting human rights and contribute to the support for Indigenous Peoples would just be something else one mentions for importance of the context, the meaning would gets very different and the separation between individual rights and Indigenous peoples rights less visible.

Theme: The Sami people are victims of ….

A third theme distinguished in the articles is the description of how the Sami people have been victims of abuse, discrimination, have got their rights taken away etc. It could be found

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in article 2, 3, 5,11 and 12. The writings are mostly describing the effects of the actions done and not focusing much of describing the actual action done by the agent. However, in the first quote it was clearly focused on describing the states action, as well as the effects for the Sami people.

art 11 “The swedish government and parliament have over time striped the Sami people of their rights and on their influence as a true colonizer. They have been displaced and put under guardianship and their skulls have been in glass cases on museum.” (Expressen.se 2017-05-21)

art 12 “The Sami people have during long time been persecuted in different areas and not been accepted by the swedish society.“ (Kuriren.se 2017-12-19)

The modality in the first quote can be seen with a high level of affinity as the author shows a high level of agreement. The author uses heavy words, such as “striped” the Sami people of their rights and describes the state as a true colonizer, which makes the level of affinity to possibly be even higher. The level of affinity when looking at the modality in the second quote is high as well in the description. There is no interpretation for the reader, and the author seems to agree and writes the information as fact.

The transitivity in the first-mentioned quote shows a clear responsibility to be on the state and parliament as they are described as the agent, and especially when the action is of the state is said to be done as a “true colonizer”. In the second quote, the Sami people are described to be persecuted and not accepted by the Swedish society. Which can be interpreted to be the Swedish society to be the agent, however, it would be more clear who is responsible if the agent was put first in the sentence, such as “ The Swedish society have been persecuting… “.

This theme in connection with theory, can be said to implicitly lean on the argument of equality for group rights. As the injustices done to the Sami people, are described about the Sami people as a group and how these have been disadvantaged through out the history. But also with the argument with group rights being an external protection against unequal treatment the majority society can be dealing with. And the group rights could be used as a prevention for similar injustices against the Sami people to happen again.

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This theme describing the land rights of the Sami people to be in clash with the mining industries and the government´s wish to develop the mining and wind power-industries was seen in commonly in a number of the articles. In most of them, the conflict between these two parties was described as the reason for why the Sami people have the situation of their rights as they do today. This theme could be found in article 1, 6 and 7.

art 1 “The Indigenous Sami peoples land rights are in clash with the governments big plans for development of mines and wind power - and conflicts with other local inhabitants in big areas of the north.” (Svd.se 2018-07-17)

art 7 “The mining companies businesses within the traditional Sami lands are often breaking the international rights for the Indigenous peoples.” (Svd.se 2018-06-14)

The modality in the first quote mentioned has a high level of affinity as the author seems to agree with the statements, and write them as facts with limited room for own interpretation. In the way of describing it as the Sami land rights “are” in a clash and not “could be seen as in a clash” or similar. In the second on the contrary, the affinity is also high, but the word “often”, when describing how the mining companies often are breaking international rights makes the affinity to lower a bit. As this is not as definite as if the description would be simply would be that they are breaking international rights, and not “often” breaking international rights.

The transitivity in the first-mentioned quote is not making the agent clear, or anyone

responsible. It gives in one view a neutral description of the how the Sami land rights conflict with the mining industries. But on another view, as it is the Sami land rights that conflict, one can get the feeling of the Sami land rights to be the “issue”.

art. 4 “It is in first hand, the land-question which is the issue. Ilo 169 gives Indigenous peoples stronger

rights to consult in decisions before the state gives companies permission to come in to the Indigenou speoples traditional areas. The opponents of a ratification have expressed concerns for increased conflicts between landowners and reindeer-herders, but also because companies would get it more difficult to exploit the natural resources.” (etc.se 2018-02-06)

This quote can be said to have a high level of affinity as the author seems to agree with the statements to a high extend as the first sentence says “It is” the land question which is the issue, and does not explain it in a way which leaves room for own interpretation. The

Discourses of Sami rights in the public debate of Sweden

!