A bachelor thesis and a minor field study
15 Credits, advanced levelGender within an Indonesian
Mathematics Classroom
Genus i ett indonesiskt matematikklassrum
Jenny Olsson
Stephanie Olsson
Bachelor of Science in Primary Education, 240 Credits
Date for the Opposition Seminar (16th of
March 2018)
Examiner: Mats Lundström Supervisor: Anna Jobér Department of Science,
“Gender equality is more than a goal in itself. It is a precondition for meeting the challenge of reducing poverty, promoting sustainable development and building good governance.” Kofi Annan.
Preface
This bachelor thesis is a Minor Field Study sponsored by SIDA (Styrelsen för internationellt utvecklingsarbete) and implemented by us, two students from Malmö University. We are studying our eight and last semester of Bachelor of Science in Primary Education. First of all, we would like to thank SIDA for giving us this opportunity by providing MFS-scholarships, and to Malmö University for accepting our application and trusting us in implementing this study in Indonesia.
Secondly, we would like to thank Lena Andersson, lecturer at Malmö University who inspired us to apply for a MFS-scholarship and for providing us with contacts in Indonesia.
Thirdly, a big thank to Siti Zuhriyah who have helped us arrange our stay in Indonesia and made our study possible.
Furthermore, we are most grateful to Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta, and the persons who has assisted us during our stay, both lectures and students. Your hospitality and
helpfulness with both academic and cultural matters are most appreciated. In addition, we would also like to thank the primary school for participating in this study and hence making it possible.
Finally, we would like to express our sincere gratitude to our supervisor Anna Jobér. She has given us her full support and encouraged us throughout this whole year, from the starting point with dreams and vague ideas, to forming the application and all the way through until the finish line of this thesis. Thanks for being there for us, not only academically but also morally.
Abstract
The sustainable development goals emphasise that gender equality within education is an important problem. Furthermore, gender equality is more than just equal access for boys and girls, it is important to look at what happens within the classroom. Thus, the aim of this study is to explore gender within the mathematics classroom in Indonesia. More specifically, to explore how gender is constructed and to get the pupils’ perspective on gender equality. The research questions examined are:
How is gender constructed in Indonesian mathematics classrooms?
How do Indonesian pupils experience gender equality within the mathematics classrooms? To answer our research questions, we observed four mathematics classrooms in an Islamic primary school in Indonesia. Furthermore, we handed out surveys to the pupils in order to get their perspective on gender equality. As a foundation for the analysis of these questions, we used the queer theory complemented with an interactionist view. According to the queer theory, gender is something that is constructed and all too often a dichotomy is used when discussing equality between the sexes. Thus, the intention of this study is to explore gender equality within mathematics by looking beyond this dichotomy.
The results show that gender is being constructed both direct and indirect by the participants in the mathematics classrooms. Both teachers and pupils act and behave in a way that reinforces gender stereotypes. Although, when asked, the pupils thought that the teachers treated the sexes equally and that the mathematics classroom was gender equal. Furthermore, the pupils agree that the girls are best in mathematics. However, girls tended to have lower self-esteem than boys since they underestimated their knowledge to a greater extent. Keywords: Construction, Equality, Gender, Identity, Indonesia, Interactionist view, Mathematics, Mathematics classrooms, Queer theory.
Table of content
1. INTRODUCTION... 7
1.1AIM OF THE STUDY... 8
2. BACKGROUND ... 9
2.1THE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS ... 9
2.2THE INDONESIAN CONTEXT ... 10
2.3THE INDONESIAN SCHOOL SYSTEM ... 11
3. AN INTRODUCTION TO GENDER PERSPECTIVES WITHIN MATHEMATICS EDUCATION ... 12
3.1SEARCH METHOD ... 12
3.2PREVIOUSLY RESEARCH - GENDER EQUALITY WITHIN EDUCATION ... 12
4. THEORY ... 15
4.1IDENTITY – A BRIEF INTRODUCTION ... 15
4.2FEMINIST THEORISTS ... 16
4.3QUEER THEORY ... 17
4.4INTERACTIONIST VIEW OF GENDER ... 18
4.5SUMMARY ... 19
5. METHOD ... 20
5.1OBSERVATIONS ... 20
5.2SURVEYS ... 21
5.3PARTICIPANTS ... 23
5.4AT THE PRIMARY SCHOOL ... 23
5.4.1 Observations week one ... 24
5.4.2 Observations week two ... 25
5.4.3 Handing out surveys ... 25
5.5METHODOLOGICAL AND ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS ... 26
5.5.1 Validity ... 28
6. RESULTS AND ANALYSIS ... 29
6.1IN THE DOORSTEP OF THE INDONESIAN MATHEMATICS CLASSROOMS ... 29
6.2TEACHERS CONSTRUCTION OF GENDER AND EQUALITY ... 30
6.3THE PUPILS’ ATTITUDES ... 32
6.4COLLABORATIVE BEHAVIOUR ... 33
6.5CONCLUSION... 34
7. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION... 36
7.2UPCOMING PROFESSION ... 40
7.3FUTURE RESEARCH ... 40
REFERENCES ... 43
APPENDIX A – SURVEY ... 46
1. Introduction
The benefits of gender equality within schools are many and crucial for a sustainable development in the world. Most of the work that has been done concerning gender equality within education is to ensure that boys and girls alike have equal access to education (Todaro & Smith, 2011). However, access alone does not equal gender equality within the classroom. Gender equality in education includes girls’ and boys’ experience in school regarding equal and fair treatment from peers and teachers as well as gender-neutral learning materials and environment (ACDP, 2013). This study aims to explore gender construction and equality within the mathematics classroom in Indonesia, to look beyond attendance and the dichotomy of sexes.
Mathematics and science are two subjects often discussed in relation to gender since these fields are more likely to be presented for boys (Nyström, 2009). Learners’
preferences about specific fields of studies are often shaped by personal experiences that start at a young age (OECD, 2014). The public view of mathematics is that it is a
masculine domain of knowledge, which has been constituted through history (Chronaki & Pechtelidis, 2012). This may be the reason for mathematics being equated with power. Chronaki & Pechtelidis’ (2012) study confirms this connection between mathematics and power and shows that this connection is heavily rooted. Although masculinities are not inherited and limited to men, this connection has resulted in mathematical competence being something inherently natural, linked to the male sex.
In Indonesia, girls perform slightly better in mathematics than boys (OECD, 2016). According to a study, the gap in mathematics performance is smaller the more gender-equal the country is (Wharton, 2012). If this is true, Indonesia should be quite a gender equal country. However, gender bias in learning materials are commonplace in developing and middle-income countries (ACDP, 2013). In fact, gender equality within learning materials in Indonesian schools has been studied and were gender biased (ibid.). Studies like these, where ability, skills and attitudes are examined often make a direct comparison between boys and girls. However, it is important to look beyond gender as being a dichotomy as well as refocus the attention to social and cultural contexts (Chronaki & Pechtelidis, 2012). As a rapidly
emerging middle-income economy, the 10th largest economy in the world, Indonesia makes up
Another reason for implementing this study in Indonesia is because it is the world’s largest Muslim country and according to Kull (2012) Islamic education in Indonesia have a history of being male-dominated and of patriarchal content. Within schools, a lot of interaction is taken place and schools are therefore an arena where social and cultural values, as well as
stereotypes about gender, inadvertently can be reinforced. Teachers have the power to change gender disparities but at the same time teaching approaches and methods are likely to favour boys, particularly in Indonesia where women tend to be subordinate men (ACDP, 2013).
1.1 Aim of the study
Gender equality is, without doubt, an important topic, especially in a rapidly developing world. As future teachers, the school is an obvious context for us to implement this study and as the fourth populous country in the world and the world’s largest Muslim country, Indonesia makes up an interesting country. The intention of this study is to contribute with knowledge about gender equality within mathematics education in Indonesia. Thus, the aim of this study is to explore how gender is constructed within the mathematics classrooms as well as to get the pupils’ perspective of the gender equality.
RQs:
How is gender constructed in Indonesian mathematics classrooms?
2. Background
For a deeper understanding of the reason for this thesis’s theme as well as the context of its implementation, this chapter will provide background information about the UN’s sustainable development goals and, in particular, knowledge about Indonesia and its school systems.
2.1 The sustainable development goals
Gender equality is not only a fundamental human right but a necessary foundation for a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable world. The United Nations (UN) has, with their 17 sustainable development goals, agreed on that all countries will mobilise efforts to fight inequalities (UN, 2017). According to goal 4 and 5:
• all girls and boys should complete free, equitable and quality primary and secondary school
• gender disparities in education should be eliminated
• education facilities that are gender sensitive and provide safe, nonviolent, inclusive and effective learning environments for all children should be built and upgraded • gender equality should be achieved and all girls and women should be empowered • all forms of discrimination against all girls and women everywhere should end Consequently, these goals can be summarised as gender equality. Put together, these two goals emphasise not only gender equality in general but gender equality within education in particular. As many other developing countries, Indonesia has been successful in raising enrolment rates for both girls and boys, which today is equal (The World Bank, 2017). However, enrolment rates do not equate equality. Greater participation must be accompanied by improvements in the quality of education along with greater attention to the children, to increase learners’ knowledge (OECD, 2012). Narrowing the gender gap in education is essential in a longer perspective as well since gains in form of labour force participation and equality in employment opportunities can be made, which in turn is a key for economic growth (OECD, 2014).
2.2 The Indonesian context
Indonesia is a fascinating country in many aspects, particularly since it is rather competitive in many lists. Here are a few examples; Indonesia is the world’s fourth most populous country in the world with their 261 million inhabitants, it is the 10th largest economy
in the world, it is the world’s largest Muslim country and it has more volcanos than any other country in the world. Beyond this Indonesia is the world’s largest archipelago with more than 17000 islands that stretches a stunning 5200 kilometres from east to west (Landguiden, 2018).
Indonesia is a republic with democratic elections every fifth year since 1998 (Landguiden, 2018). Indonesia has for a long time been characterised by patriarchal and conservative opinions. However, a women’s movement and reforms within the Islamic education have for many years mutually supported each other and resulted in Islamic feminism, which received important influence in late 1990. During these years an increasing number of women have participated in leadership and decision-making positions, though the process has been slow. The Islamic feminism movement (consisting of both men and women) has also successfully raised gender awareness in higher education with books and seminars for the majority of faculties in higher education. Despite this success, science, technology and medical faculties tend to have a more conservative attitude towards this movement (Kull, 2012). The Islamic education is regulated by the state but the day to day operation is controlled by local Muslim scholars. This results in heterogeneity and local variations are considerable. Most of the school leaders are also men even though there are a lot of female teachers (ibid.).
This study is implemented in a typical Indonesian city on the island of Java, which is, to complement the list above, the world’s most populous island. The majority of the Indonesian people are Muslim, 88%, one can also find Christian, Hindu and Buddhist in the country (Landguiden, 2018). The data for this study were collected in a private Islamic primary school.
With the above knowledge of the diversity of Indonesia, it is impossible to draw any general conclusions from this study. However, the place of the implementation was chosen with regard to this knowledge and we picked a location that represents a typical Indonesian life.
2.3 The Indonesian school system
All Indonesian citizens have the right to education and the Government has an obligation to finance basic education. The Indonesian school system is the third largest education system in Asia and the fourth largest in the world with over 50 million pupils and 2.6 million teachers in over 250000 schools. The Ministry of National Education is responsible for 84 percent of all schools while the Ministry of Religious Affairs is responsible for the rest 16 percent. Of all primary schools, only 7 percent is private but this number will increase in higher levels; 56 percent of junior secondary and 67 percent of the senior secondary are private schools.
The enrolment in primary school differs within Indonesia; the enrolment rates are below 66 percent in the poor districts compared to an enrolment almost universal in higher income districts (The World Bank, 2014).
3. An introduction to gender perspectives within mathematics
education
Following chapter begins with a summary of how the previous research has been collected. Since the previous research regarding gender and education is vast, this chapter includes a selection and a variation of research relevant to our study.
3.1 Search method
To find previous studies we have used Summon, LIBRIS and Google Scholar. Most of the studies are found in Summon, which is the search engine we have used the most. We have used a Boolean search method with the operator AND to combine keywords such as gender, gender equality, mathematics, mathematics education and Indonesia. The studies that we found relevant are presented in this thesis. LIBRIS was used to find dissertations on the subject using the same combination of keywords and operator. Google Scholar has only been used when looking for secondary research findings, then the title and or the author has been used.
3.2 Previously research - gender equality within education
There is a vast number of articles on the topic of gender equality within education. Most common is to study gender within subjects that are more male-dominated like mathematics and science. However, the existing research differs from each other in methodology and perspective.
Jacobson (2015) examined US children in the third, fourth and fifth grades, to see if the pupils’ perception of their own mathematical abilities relates to their perception of their teacher’s beliefs about gender bias in mathematics. Jacobson found that boys have a higher perception of their own mathematics ability than girls. Furthermore, she found that the pupils believed that their math teachers were more biased towards boys. Burhop (2009) used a
2002. This study was also conducted in the US. There are several studies like these that confirm that boys tend to have higher self-esteem and belief in their ability than girls when it comes to mathematics. A reason for this can, according to Chronaki & Pechtelidis (2012), be that mathematics is associated with masculinity and masculine attributes like power.
Masculinity and masculine attributes are not inherited and limited to men but this stereotyping has resulted in mathematical competence being linked to the male sex.
However, there seem to be exceptions. According to Bradell & Staberg (2008)
mathematics is not associated with masculinity when Swedish secondary school pupils are asked. Bradell & Staberg (2008) investigated if the pupils perceive mathematics as a female, male or gender-neutral domain. They found no evidence of gender bias even though a few of the pupils had gendered attitudes. Thus, Swedish pupils associated mathematics to be gender neutral.
In contrast to Bradell & Staberg’s findings, Wolter & Hannover (2016) found the opposite in Germany, and therefore confirms Chronaki & Pechtelidis’ statement. Wolter & Hannover studied first-grade pupil’s self-ascription of feminine and masculine attributes and related that to their academic self-concept. They found that children are particularly responsive to gender-related information early in life and as soon as they have reached this understanding they tend to ascribe attributes associated with their own gender to themselves. In their study children who had ascribed masculinity to themselves had a higher confidence in mathematics. Thus, Wolter & Hannover’s research findings are consistent with what gender stereotypes predict.
Even if there is no consensus, most of the researcher tend to agree that mathematics is a subject equated with male attributes. However, since there is no consensus, one might reflect upon the fact that it may be cultural differences and that the context may affect the result. The fact that Swedish secondary pupils recognise mathematics as gender-neutral is a step in the right direction towards gender equality.
In Sweden, Nyström (2009) studied teachers’ impact and construction of gender
differences within science in secondary school. In her study, many teachers equated gender equality with the presence of as many girls as boys in the classroom. While observing teachers talk, where teachers described boys as creative and competitive while girls were considered thoughtful and focused on correctness, she recognised that the teachers produced a sex dichotomy by using sex to explain different behaviours. Therefore, teachers produce inequality by dividing them into different groups. However, changing teacher’s behaviour to become more gender-neutral can be challenging. Goodhand (2014) studied and describes primary teacher’s beliefs about a heteronormative culture within school using a combination
of transformative, queer and cultural theories. She found that gender and sexuality is a fearful topic for teachers and that there is a need for strategic practices within the schools to deal with gender equality and homophobia.
Some gender studies within the school environment have also been conducted in
Indonesia. Suryadarma (2015) did a longitudinal study in Indonesian primary schools. The study showed that pupils performed higher when educated by a teacher of the same sex. In schools where all the teachers were male, he could not identify any gender gap between the pupils’ performance. However, in classes where the majority of the teachers were women, the girls performed higher than boys. In general, girls perform slightly better than boys in
mathematics in Indonesia. Meanwhile, two third of Indonesian teachers are women; is there a correlation between this?
Another form of investigating gender equality is to compare boys’ and girls’ mathematics competence, which has been done in Germany by Winkelmann, van den Heuvel-Panhuizen & Robitzsh (2008). They found that boys in third and fourth grade outperformed girls in
mathematics. According to their study, this is consistent with other reports, but it does not apply to Indonesian pupils in the same age. According to the latest PISA results, girls perform slightly better than boys in mathematics (OECD, 2016).
As mentioned before, most of the studies tend to make distinctions between boys and girls and compare their experiences and results and draw conclusions about gender equality from that. However, one should look beyond this dichotomy between sexes and include the social and cultural context to explore gender equality. Thus, this study aims to complement the existing literature by explore how gender is constructed within Indonesian mathematics classrooms. Furthermore, this study also intends to shed light on the pupils’ experience and perspective on gender equality within the mathematics classroom. In order to answer the RQ:s:
• How is gender constructed in Indonesian mathematics classrooms?
• How do Indonesian pupils experience gender equality within the mathematics classrooms?
Some further theoretical aspects will be needed. These will be described and discussed in the following chapter.
4. Theory
This chapter begins with a wider description of relevant concepts that are significant to the theories. Then, it leads into an explanation of the theories and finally it ends in a discussion about how the theories are connected to this study. Consequently, this chapter begins by explaining the concept identity to get a deeper understanding of how this concept relates to gender, to finally connect it to the theories as well as its use in this thesis.
4.1 Identity – a brief introduction
A general description on identity states that identity is about the awareness of oneself, the experience to be alive, to be aware of others, to have control over one’s thoughts and actions and to have only one I. Identity contains the consciousness of one’s own personality which has developed from experiences through life (NE, 2018).
According to a more philosophical discourse, identity is explained as an adaption of the social environment that are related to the individual’s inner characteristics and consciousness. These inner characteristics are forming continuity and long-lasting self-identity (Butler, 2007). So, in what way do gender formation and gender differentiation affect the identity? Is identity a normative ideal rather than a descriptive experience? Identity is secured and stabilised through sex, gender and sexuality and therefore the person-concept is questioned.
Based on the cultural matrix, which explains a dichotomy of sexes, some identity does not exist. These identities are those who distinguish from prevailing norms, where gender does not match sex or where desire does not match gender or sex. They appear as abnormal or as logical impossibilities. Both women and men tend to subordinate gender under identity; one person is a gender and one is it because of one’s sex. Also, one is a gender in extending that one is not the other. This reinforces gender as a dichotomy (Butler, 2007).
Judith Butler, an American philosopher and gender theorist, claims that by identifying women with sex, they will be categorised and united with their bodies’ sexuality. Thus, they will be refused the same freedom and independence which men hold. A dissembling of the sex as an identity would give women the opportunity to reach the same status as men (Butler, 2007). Butler could be said to be the founder of queer theory, which has developed from feminist theories. In the next section, these theories will be explained and discussed.
4.2 Feminist theorists
Gender is a cultural concept that some defines as the difference between sexes. However, there is a difference between sex and gender that is most important to bear in mind. Sex could be seen as something biological that you are born with, while gender is something that should be considered as a social and cultural construction. Gender is thus, according to Ambjörnsson (2016) a result of actions.
Feminist theorists claim that even how biological adamant a sex is, gender is culturally constructed. Gender is a multifaceted interpretation of sex, it is neither a cause of sex nor static. If we assume to the binary beliefs, the construction men is not exclusively attached to a male body, and women is not only an interpretation of a female body. Therefore, there is no reason to suggest that there are only two genders. However, if gender is culturally
constructed, this culture can be understood as a law where gender is being forced into passive recipients. If so, gender becomes as adamant as sex (Butler, 2007).
Simone de Beauvoir, who was a French writer, philosopher, existentialist and feminist, claims that one is not born as a woman, one becomes a woman. Her belief acknowledges that gender is constructed, but in contrast to feminist theorists, she claims that one assumes one’s own gender and has the freedom to choose another one. However, a woman does always become a woman under cultural compulsion, not based on sex. Therefore, one can identify oneself as a woman regardless one’s sex (Butler, 2007).
Some feminist theorists declare that gender is created in relations with others. Beauvoir, on the other hand, is claiming that only the feminine gender is defined by one’s sex while the masculine gender elevates to the universal right of being a human. Women are derived from
the others and are therefore the negation of men; the men always prefer as the subject. The
woman body will be associated with female and therefore limit the female sex to its body. The male body, on the other hand, becomes a disembodied tool for freedom (Butler, 2007).
Feminist theories are the foundation of different theories, and queer theory is one of those. In this study, the queer theory will be used to analyse and discuss the collected data material. In the following section, the meaning of this theory will therefore be clarified.
4.3 Queer theory
Queer theory is inspired by feministic theorists and is extending their thoughts of gender as hierarchic in its nature. Some gender and sexualities are privileged and claimed to be normal, while others are determined as abnormal and unwelcomed. Queer researchers examine in what order the organisations of sexualities are depending on time and place and identifies heterosexuality as an institution, power structure and norm which reproduce specific hierarchies and thereby creating a certain kind of people. There is a distinction between heterosexual behaviours and normative heterosexuality since a certain heterosexual life emerges as the only desirable and successful way of life. This heteronormative generates hierarchies within itself by accepting these certain behaviours as norms, while other behaviours become abnormal (Ambjörnsson, 2004).
Queer theory should be understood as different perspectives on culture, society and
identity, and how these aspects normalising gender and sexualities within the heterosexuality. This theory has been chosen since it explores gender, identity and construction in both a cultural and a social context.
The concept heteronormative is rather used instead of heterosexuality since it clarifies that it is not only the sexual preference that organises life and hierarchies, there are more
dimensions in the heteronormative sphere. Queer theory extends the thoughts that gender relations and sexualities are hierarchical in its nature (Ambjörnsson, 2016).
Butler advocates a natural sex beyond social and historical conditions as a normative sex (Ambjörnsson, 2004). Categories such as women or men are not existing in its single forms, however, they become understood and has a meaning first when constructed as separated and opposite sexes as their only identity. The most fundamental elements in heteronormativity are partly about the boundary between homo- and heterosexuality but also about the hierarchy between one that categorises oneself as a woman and one that categorises oneself as a man. This categorisation develops from the heterosexual matrix. Women and men are opposite to each other only to link them together through heterosexual requests and actions. A
heteronormative gender order is created where some sexual relations, desires and patterns of
movement becomes more desirable, privileged, meaningful and comprehensible than others (Ambjörnsson, 2016).
Queer can be explained both as a theory and as a political movement. It acknowledges gender, sexualities and power as norms within the society. Queer questions what society
claims to be normal and encourage one to think beyond the ideas to categories and value sexual preferences; there is nothing normal nor abnormal (Ambjörnsson, 2016).
4.4 Interactionist view of gender
As queer theory declare gender as something cultural and social constructed, an
interactionist view of gender focus on the forces operating outside the individual, the social context. Interactionists argue that peoples’ behaviour and reactions vary and depend on the social context. According to the interactionist view, a woman would behave nourishing if interacting with people who expect women to behave that way than interacting with people with fewer gender expectations (Wharton, 2012).
Put in a school context, teachers’, as well as pupils’ expectation of a gender related
behaviours, will then be fulfilled. Schools are a social institution that is a major part of pupils’ everyday life and therefore plays an important role in producing and reproducing gender norms. For example, if the common norm is that girls are no mathematicians and the
expectation of their performance are low, they will, according to the interactionist view, most likely live up to this (Wharton, 2012).
This is in line with Walkerdine’s (1989) research and thoughts. According to her girls and women constantly perform, they act out a series of roles to fit the expectations. Their inner self is clouded by social conditioning which obscures it. Real mathematics performance underlies with rationality and brilliance which is attributes associated with men and masculinity. Thus, no matter how well girls perform, their performance will always be downgraded or dismissed since their performance is said to be based on rule-following and hard work rather than brilliance. Girls are expected to be nourishing, timid, take
responsibility, work hard and follow rules and it is a challenge to perform academically alongside these feminine attributes. In addition, these attributes are not associated with mathematics which makes the mathematics discourse a reproducer of gender segregation. Thus, as long as the sexed body is connected to certain social attributes it is difficult to improve girls and women’s position within the mathematics field. It is not enough to give equal opportunities and free choices because these underlying expectations have a significant
4.5 Summary
In this study, the concepts identity and construction will be used concurrently to analyse and interpret the data. Firstly, identity is secured and stabilised through sex and those identities that distinguish from the norms are seen as abnormal or logical impossible. Furthermore, to identify women with their sex will categorise them with their bodies and hence become objects who are refused the same freedom and independence as men. Secondly, according to Butler and the queer theory gender is something that is socially and culturally constructed. The heteronormality is a power structure and a norm that reproduces specific hierarchies and a certain kind of people. These two concepts, identity and construction, are the foundation of the queer theory which challenges what society sees as the norm. In this study, these concepts will be used to interpret observations as well as to analyse the
participants’ opinion and answer in the survey. For example, the teachers’ behaviour will be analysed through the concept construction while identity will be used to understand the sexes different perceptions of equality. Our intention is to look beyond the dichotomy between sexes and use the queer theory to establish a gender continuity to analyse gender equality within the mathematics classroom. Furthermore, the queer theory makes it possible to study gender equality without a constant comparison between sexes. Studies like these, where one focus beyond the dichotomy of sexes is greatly needed according to several researchers (Butler, 2007; Chronaki & Pechtelidis, 2012; Walkerdine, 1989).
Moreover, we are going to use the thoughts of Walkerdine (1989) and the interactionist view to discuss what the mathematics discourse does to what is happening within the
classroom in a gender perspective. She argues that there is a strong gender separation within the mathematics discourse. Mathematics being symbolic with masculine attributes forms a discourse which reproduces gender-related attributes. This is in line with the interactionist view which thinks that one behaves as expected. Thus, if there is a certain kind of norms that are reproduced within the mathematics classroom these will be reinforced by the participants themselves.
5. Method
This study is implemented in four mathematics classrooms in a primary school in Indonesia. The aim of this study is to observe how gender is constructed within the mathematics classrooms as well as to get the pupils perspective of the gender equality. Consequently, this study is inspired by an ethnographic approach with the intention to find social and cultural patterns. An ethnographic approach involves participation in a selected environment over a certain period of time to gather data by using varied methods and to develop an understanding of the culture (Fejes & Thornberg, 2015; Bryman, 2015). A combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is being used to get more than one perspective on the study as well as to increase the reliability (Hjerm, Lindgren & Nilsson, 2014). This study follows a deductive approach and the data was collected from observations and surveys (Bryman, 2015).
This chapter is thoroughly described, and hence quite detailed. The decision to have a well-detailed method chapter relay in for us the new and unfamiliar environment where the study is implemented. By this approach, we intend to balance this unfamiliar environment with stability but also help readers by sharing our experience.
5.1 Observations
Observations can be both structured and relatively unstructured. A structured observation follows a category schedule with an accompanying manual. This schedule will contain clear categories of which behaviours should be observed, during what time etcetera. It divides natural occurrences into isolated behaviours connected to general categories. A relatively unstructured method will use a protocol instead. Here, the researcher continuously observes and write a describing situation (Johansson & Svedner, 2010). One has not entered the study within advanced definite perception and no observation schedules will be used (Bell, 2000). The most common method within classroom observations is a relative unstructured method since it is quite easy. It gives a description of what actually happens and preserving relations between different occurrences (Johansson & Svedner, 2010). We used a mix of structured
describe a context. However, one can organise the observations into a category schedule subsequently. This method is called critical incident and define different occurrences one is interested in and want to make visible. This will give the observers a comprehensive
qualitative material with clear descriptions of the situation and is an effective method for adequate analyses (ibid.). Since we only used relative unstructured methods during our second week of observations, we did not use any category schedule at all. Thus, we did organise our notes into category schedule subsequently, in accordance with Johansson’s & Svedner’s (2010) critical incidents.
Observations require accurate planning to be as efficient as possible. If one manages to master this method, observations will give information about groups and individuals which is difficult to attain with other methods. It is a risk if the observers know the participants or are a part of the organisation; it might be difficult to be objective or to overlook some aspects of behaviours. To increase the validity of the observation, we did a joint observation and afterwards, we compared our notes. Thereby we maintained a sort of control (Bell, 2000). There are great deals of different templates to choose from when doing observations. However, one should consider adapting and adjusting these or even creating entirely new ones. As we wanted to examine specific behaviours we chose to develop our own schedule. Placement is an important aspect when doing observations. Where in the classroom should we as observers sit? Even if one’s mission as an observer is to melt in as much as possible, it could sometimes be advantageously to sit in the front as the pupils do not need to turn around to see you (Bell, 2000). However, we chose to place ourselves in the back of the classroom. This was because of our situation being two foreigners with divergent appearances, sitting in the front would bring more lack of concentrations from the pupils, in our view. It is
impossible to completely melt in as an observer, though the goal is to be invisible so the participants behave as normal as possible. Short after the observation, one should analyse the data to be able to draw conclusions and to see beyond what one actually saw (ibid.).
5.2 Surveys
Surveys are a quantitative method with the purpose to implement a statistic analyse and is useful if one wants to generalise knowledge within a bigger population. Researchers get the opportunity to ask questions to the respondents that aim to answer their research questions (Hjerm et al., 2014). We constructed our survey based on our research questions (mainly on
how do Indonesian pupils experience gender equality within mathematics classrooms?) and
also based on the observations we did the first week.
An advantage with a survey is that all respondents get the same questions and the
researchers power to affect the answers decreases comparing to example an interview (Hjerm et al., 2014). It is crucial not to make the survey too long since it tends to bore the
respondents, which could lead to inaccurate answers or even answer loss. It should neither be too short; with few questions, it is difficult to make the respondents opinion or beliefs visible (Johansson & Svedner, 2010). In line with Johansson & Svedner (2010) we elaborated fifteen questions with fixed answers, avoiding negotiations and value-added words (see appendix A).
Surveys are usually used to gather broad but shallow information. It is used to gather essential background data such as age and gender but also information about essential
questions to the study (Johansson & Svedner, 2010). If one wants to establish pupils’ opinions or beliefs, it is effective for the researchers to distribute the surveys and gather them
themselves (Hjerm et al., 2014), as we did in our study. According to Johansson & Svedner (2010), the survey should contain a short introduction with information about the purpose, anonymity, information about the researcher etcetera. However, due to the language barriers, we did not print such information on our surveys. Instead, we informed them orally in English and their teacher translated it into Indonesian.
Surveys are suitable for studies with the intention to examine relationships between facts such as gender, age, educations etcetera. One disadvantage with surveys is that one gets the data in tables and charts. This gives a general picture that sometimes is hard to interpret, especially if this is the only method in a study (Johansson & Svedner, 2010). This is one reason why we choose to combine surveys with observations, to be able to draw deeper conclusions.
Researchers must ensure the validity of the questions; do the questions really measure what they intend to measure. One method to increase the validity is to implement a pilot study (Hjerm et al., 2014; Johansson & Svedner, 2010). However, the context we were suited in did not permit such study. We did not get in contact with enough pupils, nor other contacts who could have helped us distribute a pilot study.
Another variable to be aware of is irregular and unsystematic errors such as open questions which are difficult to organise and analyse, or human errors when researchers make mistakes
beliefs, not influence them (Hjerm et al. 2014).
5.3 Participants
The initial plan was to include two different schools in this survey, one urban school and one rural school. Hence, our intention was to make a study of comparative character. However, when we arrived in Indonesia our contact person had misunderstood our request and had only contacted an urban school. For that reason, we decided to change our plan and concentrate on one school. This turned out to be a wise decision since it gave us the time and opportunity to have more depth and to clearer show the construction of gender. Given our limited time, a comparative study would have been shallower and with a slightly different focus.
Since the study is conducted in a, for us, foreign country we were unable to decide which school the data was collected in. The school was chosen by our contact person at the
University and has a close connection to the University. The primary school is one of the highest performing schools in central Java, and it may have been chosen to give a good impression. It is an Islamic private school and is similar to other Islamic schools in Indonesia. However, the private schools are for the more privileged families since it is an annual school fee, and most of the Indonesian pupils enrol in the public schools which are free.
According to Bryman (2015) it is important to have participants that are relevant to the research questions in a qualitative study, and since we are studying to become teachers for later primary school we asked to choose which classes to observe. Because of internal
circumstances, we could not visit year 6, hence our study is implemented in year 4 and 5, four different classes. Year 4 had a female mathematics teacher and year five had a male teacher.
5.4 At the primary school
Our first visit to the primary school occurred our second week in Indonesia. We were accompanied by one of our contact persons from the university together with a lecturer who had implemented realistic mathematics in our index school. According to our observations, realistic mathematics is a collaborative and laboratory way of working. At our arrival, we met with the principle and one of the English teachers who was supposed to follow us and be our contact person during our observations. After the meeting, where we explained our purpose
with our presence, we went to the classroom of class 5A. Our first notice was that the children were placed sex homogenously. We observed about fifteen minutes of the lesson before we went back to the office for planning our schedule for the upcoming two weeks. Both weeks, we were supposed to observe four classes during one of their mathematics lessons, class 4A, 4B, 5A and 5B, with approximately 28 pupils in each class. Totally we observed eleven hours.
5.4.1 Observations week one
For the first week of observations, we used a mix of structured methods and relative unstructured methods. In accordance with both Johansson & Svedner (2010) and Bell (2000), we continuously observed and wrote describing situations on a protocol. However, we used a version of an observation schedule which we created to make gender patterns visible. It contained some categories but focused mainly on describing the context within the classroom. We chose not to have an interpreter this week since we wanted to focus on the visible; what do we see?
We were placed in the back of the classrooms together with the English teacher. We chose to sit in the back, even if Bell (2000) made out some points of sitting in the front. Both of us took field notes during the whole lesson and both were focused on the whole class. After each observation, we gathered our notes and analysed it together into a document on the computer. These documents will be the foundations of our results and analysis in this thesis.
We visited the school Monday to Thursday, observing one class and one lesson each day, totally five and a half hours. We did not know the pupils in advance and this was the first meeting with most of the pupils (some pupils did we meet our first day visiting the school, but our first official introduction occurred this week).
4A and 4B had a female teacher. 5A and 5B had a male teacher. Their different appearance was distinct which will be further described in the result. However, both teachers really thwarted our invisibleness by talking about us and sometimes to us. They took pictures of both us and of the pupils. At one point, the English teacher asked us to walk around in the classroom and look at the pupils’ work, so she could take pictures of us. We refused the offer.
5.4.2 Observations week two
Facing the second week of observations, we discussed whether to have an interpreter or not. It was our first intention, but due to our findings from the first week and to the teaching methods (realistic mathematics), we decided it was not necessary.
We continued our observations by not using any category schedule at all since we only did relative unstructured methods. We continuously observed and wrote describing situations in a protocol. However, we did decide in advance that we should tone down the working process as well as the teachers’ excitement of us being there and instead focus on behaviours and gender patterns. Both of us continued to take field notes during the whole lessons and both were still focused on the whole classes. Similar to the first week, we gathered our notes and analysed it together into a document on the computer after each lesson. Thus, in accordance with Johansson´s & Svedner´s (2010) method critical incident, we organised our notes into category schedule subsequently, to define different occurrences we were interested in.
We continued with the same schedule, Monday to Thursday, observing one class and one lesson each day, totally five and a half hours. The English teacher still accompanied us during all of our observations and sat together with us in the back of the classrooms. Still, even though we were not unknown for the pupils nor for the teachers anymore, they made a big deal of our presence. The teachers were still talking about us and with us, and a lot of pictures were still taken.
Realistic mathematics was still predominating in the lessons. However, the last lesson with 4A looked more like a traditional teaching. This was the only lesson we felt that we could benefit with an interpreter; it might have reviled a more accurate reality on how gender was constructed based on what the teacher was saying to the children, not on who the teacher was talking to.
5.4.3 Handing out surveys
In line with Johansson & Svedner (2010) we elaborated fifteen questions with fixed answers, avoiding negotiations and value-added words. Because of the language, we received help from two students from the university to translate the survey from English into
We organised the questions by first dividing them into categories. Secondly, we tried to mix the different categories to get a nice flow at the same time as we found a nice structure. If there is no logic in the order of the questions, the respondents could be confused or lose their interest, which could lead to incomplete answers (Hjerm et al., 2014). We consciously avoided organising the questions into clusters, because we could not see a clear pattern with that method.
The surveys were handed out to the pupils on Wednesday and on Thursday. Some pupils from the classes on Wednesday were absent; they did it on Thursday instead. Totally we got 115 answers. During the responding, the teachers in both 4B and 5B were present and circulated between the pupils while they answered the questions. This might have affected their answers and thereby affected our results. In class 4A and 5A the teacher was absent.
5.5 Methodological and ethical considerations
A researcher who conducts observations need to consider who to be; a full participant or a complete observer (Cohen, Manion & Morris, 2013). Our intention was to be what Cohen et al. (2013) describes as complete observers: researchers who only observes and is detached from the group. When doing an observation like that objectivity and distance are key characteristics (ibid.). Since our research was overt, i.e. the subjects knew that they were being observed, and the fact that we could not blend in as two white women wearing no veil, a distance was no longer present. Consequently, the natural environment was disturbed. An argument for this is the comparison between our first visit to the school when they did not know the study’s goal, i.e. gender equality, and our first observation day. When we
unexpectedly entered one of the studied classrooms on our first visit to the school the pupils were sitting sex homogenous: girls besides girls and boys besides boys. One week later when we went back to do our actual observation the pupils now sat sex mixed. This might be a result of the school’s knowledge of our study’s reason, but since all the classrooms had changed seats between our first and second observation week it could also have been a weekly rotation. However, it is noticeable that the pupils were divided by sexes on our first visit. Furthermore, before entering the class the pupils were standing in sex-segregated lines
observation, but it is important to try to be seen as little as possible. Our different appearance as two white, non-Muslim women from the west resulted in us being exotified and seen. Furthermore, this exotification was reinforced by the teachers who talked about us with the pupils for almost five minutes on our first observation and from all the teachers who wanted to take photos of us both during our observation and after. Thus, it was difficult for us to blend in and to not disrupt the natural environment. Even though we knew that our presence might influence the natural setting we were not prepared for the strong reaction, particularly not from the teachers. However, it is difficult for us to say to what degree our presence affected this study’s results.
Most of the lessons we observed were influenced by what the school call realistic mathematics. Realistic mathematics is a way of working more collaborative and laboratory and it was introduced by two lecturers from a university. The school do not work this way all the time, it is common for them to also have more individual lessons where the pupils work in their mathematics book. Seven out of eight lessons implemented realistic mathematics and the reason for this was that before our arrival the school thought that our study was about realistic mathematics and they had therefore prepared this kind of lessons. This is important to bear in mind since we observed more and clearer gender patterns on the last observation which was an individual and more traditional teaching.
To help us translate our questionnaire we had two students from the English faculty at the university. We had written the questions in English and they translated it to Indonesian. During the translation all four of us were present and they asked us questions to clarify some of the survey questions. On the original questionnaire, we gave the pupils three choices of gender; Girl, Boy and Other. In this society where gender is a clear dichotomy, other is considered to be what Butler (2007) call abnormal or logical impossible. Because of this, we chose to let the survey be translated in a culturally appropriate way to avoid the risk of reducing the cultural validity (Bryman, 2015).
This study has been implemented with regard to the Swedish Science council’s advice (Vetenskapsrådet, 2017). Because observations are associated with ethical problems, we implemented the study systematically through observation schedule, notes etcetera. The informants have been informed orally, and the teachers and other persons such as headmasters and other responsible staff have been informed both orally and in writing via email.
Instead of printing information about us, about the study, their anonymity etcetera on the survey for the respondents to read, as Johansson and Svedner (2010) suggests, we informed the respondents orally when handing out the surveys. The teacher translated the information
into Indonesia. Subsequently, we are aware that information might have been omitted due to language barriers.
Since the children are under 15 years old, the parents’ consent should be obtained. However, this kind of regulation is not present in Indonesia and therefore, the parents have not received any letter regarding this study.
All data collection will be unidentified and the informants’ identity will be completely anonymous. All gathered data will be handled confidentially and no names will be used in this thesis, neither any pupil’s name nor the school’s name.
5.5.1 Validity
The above-mentioned considerations may have an effect on this study’s validity and reliability. First, the validity decreases if the researcher’s personal characteristics affect the natural environment which, according to us, it did (Cohen et al., 2013). Secondly, the external validity refers to which degree the results can be generalised to the wider population (ibid.). Since this study was conducted in a private Islamic school it is reasonable to expect that it is only generalisable to similar schools and not to the wider population who participate in public schools. Finally, considerations regarding the cultural validity have been made, for example, native Indonesian speaking university students translated the questionnaire in a dialogue with us, our methods were acceptable to the participants and we have had a constant dialogue about our own cultural filters.
By using different research methods and studying it from more than one standpoint one can argue for a concurrent validity (Cohen et al., 2013). Furthermore, being two observers have given us the opportunity to compare observations, most of the time we had observed the same things with only a few minor exceptions. To be able to compare observations like this increases the validity (ibid.). Finally, this chapter’s detailed method description is another way of performing validity.
6. Results and analysis
In the following chapter, the results from our study will be presented. How we analyse and understand the produced data is closely intertwined with our epistemological viewpoints. Thus, the sectioning of this chapter emerges when using the RQ:s and our theoretical
perspectives. The chapter begins with a description of the most obvious gender differentiation that was observed. Thereafter follows a more closely analyse of gender equality within the mathematics classrooms.
Some parts of this chapter are going to separate the sexes, even if our intention is to look beyond the dichotomy. This is done in order to analyse and explain how gender is constructed and reproduced.
6.1 In the doorstep of the Indonesian mathematics classrooms
The first most obvious when entering the observed mathematics classrooms is the
upholstery. Boys are dressed in pants (long) and shirts (short and/or long), girls are dressed in skirts or pants, a shirt and a veil, all the girls’ clothes are long. Thus, it is easy to see which is born with the male sex and the female sex. Thinking with Butler (2007) this is a way of constructing gender, a result of actions. This construction results in heteronormative being the only desirable and successful way of life. Furthermore, this creates hierarchies where certain behaviours are accepted and some become abnormal (Ambjörnsson, 2004). This school has this dress code for religious reasons but same could be true in any school using school uniform which is different for the sexes. Though, the fact that the girls need to cover more of their body is in line with Beauvoir’s thoughts about the feminine gender being defined by one’s sex while the masculine gender elevates to the universal right to be a human. As long as women are being identified with their sex, they will be refused the same freedom and
independence as men hold (Butler, 2007).
The second most obvious is the way the pupils are placed. As mentioned in the method the pupils were sitting sex homogenous on our first visit at the school and on all our observations they were sitting sex heterogeneous. When the pupils were asked who they sat beside during the mathematics lessons they answered that they sat beside the opposite sex as much as beside someone with the same sex (see table B2, appendix B). Thus, what we saw in our
the pupils, it is not common that the pupils themselves decide who to sit beside even if it does occur sometimes (see table B3, appendix B). Therefore, there is no evidence that the teachers construct gender in the mathematics classroom since the pupils seem to sit beside both the same sex as well as the opposite sex. However, before entering the classroom the pupils were divided by their sex into two lines while singing or praying. Although, we did not observe any abnormal amount of gender bias between the pupils within the mathematics classroom.
Physical body contact was quite common among all the pupils in the classroom no matter the other person’s sex.
6.2 Teachers construction of gender and equality
The male and female teacher who participated in this study radiated different
characteristics. The male teacher was very energetic, both his verbal and visual features took great place; he talked with a loud voice and he used his body language broadly. The female teacher, on the other hand, had a more timid approach, she talked with a neutral voice and did not use her body as much when talking. According to Walkerdine (1989) there are
expectations on women to behave feminine. Feminine characteristics include being
nourishing, passive and timid, among other things. If this becomes the norm then the woman will live up to this, according to the interactionist view (Wharton, 2012). The same will be true for the male teacher and men in general when it comes to expectations of masculinity.
What consequences has this within the mathematics classroom? According to Wolter & Hannover (2016) children are very responsive to gender-related information and tend to ascribe certain attributes to themselves that is associated with their own sex. Furthermore, those children who ascribed masculinity to themselves had higher confidence in mathematics. Given that boys ascribe masculinity to themselves and girls femininity, this study’s findings are in line with Wolter & Hannover’s (2016). Slightly more boys than girls thought that they were good in mathematics, but above all, more girls than boys thought that they were bad at mathematics (see table B5, appendix B).
In one occasion during our observations the female teacher went to her desk at the back of the classroom and sat down on the floor. The pupils did not notice this but continued to work
mathematics discourse set up girls to be passive, and even though this specific behaviour from the female teacher not necessarily has to do with the mathematics discourse it risks
reproducing specific gender norms, especially in contrast to the male teacher who in general radiated much more confidence. Furthermore, Nyström (2009) concluded that teachers produce sex dichotomy by using sex to explain different behaviours and although we did not understand and observed the talk, similar conclusions can be drawn from our observations of behaviours. For example, the female teacher patted a girl on the chin after looking at her stencil, while the male teacher on a few occasions grabbed boys’ shoulders and backs when helping them or leading them to their seat, he never grabbed a girl. These different behaviours from the teachers towards the pupils can thus be said to reproduce, if not produce, gender inequality, like in Nyström’s (2009) study.
In another study, Jacobson (2015) found that pupils believed that their mathematics teacher was more biased toward boys. This pattern has been difficult to observe since we did not observe their talking and in particular because of the ways they were working with groups and the teacher circulating around the classroom. However, during the last lesson, which was a more traditional teaching, this kind of patterns became more visible. The female teacher tended to let boys talk and answer slightly more often, but the reason for this could also have been because the boys were more active and raised their hands more often. According to the pupils, the teacher speaks equally to boys and girls, and of those who disagree, 21,9% consider the teacher to talk more to boys and 21,1% more to girls. Thus, compared to Jacobson’s findings, the majority of the pupils in our study did not think that their teacher (neither the male nor female) acted gender biased, and if they did, they thought that the teacher was equally biased towards boys and girls. There were no significant differences within the classes who had either a male teacher or a female teacher. Consequently, the
teachers in this study can be said to construct gender patterns, particularly by acting according to societies expectations and norms. It is possible to see these different gender attributes being ascribed by the pupils themselves as well. An example of this is that the girls, more often than boys, walk to the teacher to show their work. Furthermore, the girls tended to walk up to the teacher to get his or her attention, compared to the boys who more often shouted for the teacher and therefore we argue that they showed more confidence which is a masculine attribute. This is in line with Walkerdine’s (1989) description of norms and expectations that girls are more hard working and that their results often are said to be based on hard work and rule-following. So, in a way, the pupils themselves reproduce the gender norms. Though
Walkerdine emphasises that this is something deeply entrenched and nothing that can be changed by girls and women’s effort alone.
Even though the teachers construct gender patterns the observations did not show that they were gender biased, (except the last lesson mentioned above, though one lesson gives no statistical security). Most of the pupils did not think that their teacher was gender biased. However, our results indicate that the pupils are affected by gender norms.
6.3 The pupils’ attitudes
Both Jacobsen (2015) and Burhop’s (2009) previously research showed that boys had higher perceptions of their own mathematics ability than girls and that girls underestimated their mathematics ability comparing to boys. Our study shows the same tendency; slightly more boys than girls considered themselves good in mathematics. However, more girls considered themselves bad in mathematics compared to boys (see table B5, appendix B). This finding on low beliefs in girls’ attitudes was reflected in our observations as well, especially in our last observation where a more traditional teaching was present. The majority of hands showing during class were boys’. Only two girls raised their hands on very few occasions. Boys tended to interact more often, active and loud with the teacher, while the girls moved more discretely and addressed the teacher in a more discrete way.
However, as most researchers tend to agree that mathematics is a masculine domain and is associated masculine attributes like power (Chronaki & Pechtelidis 2012), our findings are willing to disagree. We found that the pupils acknowledge girls best in mathematics,
regardless of their sex, slightly followed by equal good. If we look into only girls’ perception, the majority answered that girls were best and only a tiny proportion answered boys. We found a big difference in boys’ perception; more boys found girls better than boys, but the majority found them equal good (see table B4, appendix B). This is in accordance with Bradell & Staberg (2008), who found that in Sweden, mathematics is not associated with masculinity. Swedish pupils associated mathematics to be gender neutral. We can agree with this with the fact that in our study, more girls than boys want to work within mathematics or science in the future (see table B9, appendix B). Also, more girls are interested in
mathematics, and girls tend to want to work within the field on a slightly higher scale than boys. This contradictory will be further problematised in the discussion.
Butler (2007) claims identity as an adaption of the social environment that is related to one person’s inner characteristics and consciousness, which are forming continuity and long-lasting self-identity. One’s identity is also secured and stabilised through sex, gender and sexuality, and both woman and men subordinate gender under identity. If accepting this, is the environment in school to favour for boys? Based on our observations, we noticed an
environment where girls are differentiated from boys. The most visible aspect is, as
mentioned above, appearance, which establish children’s identity through sex. Already here the individuals have been gender-constructed through sex, which impacts their identity. Also, similar constructions are found before the lessons when the pupils gathering outside the classroom, sexes separated from each other, for some prayers, and within one of the classrooms where the pupils’ lockers are separated by sexes, boys with blue nametags and girls with pink nametags. By identifying girls with their sex, they will be categorised as sexualities and will be refused the same freedom and independence that boys hold. A
dissembling of the sex as an identity would give girls the opportunity to reach the same status as boys (Butler, 2007).
6.4 Collaborative behaviour
Our observation revealed patterns that pupils preferred working in groups within the same sex, and interaction with the same sex was more frequent compared to the opposite sex. In several occasions, girls hugged each other and jumped around holding hands when grouped together. The same behaviour was valid for boys; they high fived and danced in rings together. These findings were also revealed in our survey, which showed a pattern of the sexes attitudes towards whom they worked best with versus whom they preferred working with. Both sexes preferred to work with the same sex (see table 7B, appendix B). They also considered themselves to work best with the same sex, however, a large proportion
considered working best with both sexes (see table 6B, appendix B).
In general, the pupils do not choose their working partners, but on some occasions, they do (see table 3B, appendix B). We noticed an interesting way of grouping the pupils during our observations in class 5A, where our findings in the survey correlate with reality. Four girls were picked out by the teacher to come up to the front of the classroom. They got numbered
from one to four, where number one begun to choose a team member, number two was second to choose and so on to number four. Then the process was repeated until every pupil in the class was chosen (remember the P.E lessons from back in the days)? All girls were chosen first. When finally the first boy was picked, all the girls started to shout. A minute later, one boy sat down on a chair belonging to a girl, and the girl started to shout hysterical. During this whole situation of grouping, the teacher was passive and did not interrupt any undesirable behaviour.
The pupils did clearly divide groups by sex. As mentioned before, this sectioning creates gender from social and cultural actions taking place within the school. In line with feminist theorists, this way of letting pupils choose their own teams will exacerbate the creation of gender in relation to each other and increase the gap between gender (Butler, 2007). This situation will be further discussed in chapter seven through the eyes of Beauvoir’s beliefs, as well as through a queer view.
The heteronormative in queer theory generates hierarchies by accepting certain behaviours as norms (Ambjörnsson, 2014). The fact that the girls reacted by shouting in several situations when boys approaching, and the teacher accepted this behaviour, certain behaviours get expected between the opposite sexes. Queer theorists mean that categories such as girls and boys do not exist in its single forms. Although, and as we can see in our observations, they become understood and has meaning when they are constructed as separated and opposite sexes (Ambjörnsson, 2014).
Schools have a major part in pupils’ everyday life and play an important role in producing and reproducing gender norms. By using an interactionist view, different norms within mathematics can lead to certain expectations, for example, the statement that girls are in general no mathematicians. If this is the norm, it is most likely that they will live up to this. This statement is not true in our study; both girls and boys answered that girls are best in mathematics (see table B4, appendix B). However, there can be other expectations which can increase the barrier between sexes. As Walkerdine (1989) claims, there might be underlying expectations and norms that have a significant effect on girls and their behaviour.
reinforcing gender norms by behaving as expected from the heteronormality and hence helping to construct gender. This construction might be unintended and parts of this study’s results point out that the teacher does not intendedly construct gender since they most of the time mix the sexes when placing or grouping them. In addition, the teachers talk equally to the sexes according to the pupils. Thus, according to the pupils, the mathematics classroom is gender equal.
Furthermore, this study’s result shows that the majority of the pupils think that girls are best in mathematics. This is interesting in contrast to previous research, particularly Chronaki & Pechtelidis, (2012) who concludes that mathematics is strongly associated with
masculinity. Though, even if the pupils see girls as best in mathematics, it does not say anything about the gender equality within the classroom. In addition, it is important to
remember the contradictory results, that girls in this study have lower self-esteem, this will be further problematised in the discussion.
Finally, the pupils in this study preferred working with someone with the same sex even if they worked equally good with someone of the opposite sex. It is difficult to draw any
conclusions about gender equality from this result, but it might be a result of gender construction because the clear separation between the sexes reinforces each sex’s identity.
