Social empowerment for and by Aymara women : A study of social empowerment processes in relation to local development programmes

I

H

HÖGSKO LAN I JÖNKÖPI NG

Social empowerment for and by Aymara women

A study of social empowerment processes in relation to local development programmes

Master Thesis in Political sciences Author: Erike Tanghøj Examinator: Benny Hjern Tutor: Ann Britt Karlsson

Magisteruppsats i Statsvetenskap

Magisteruppsats i Statsvetenskap

Magisteruppsats i Statsvetenskap

Magisteruppsats i Statsvetenskap

Titel: Socialt stärkande för och av Aymara kvinnor: En studie i socialt stärkande i relation till lokala utvecklingsprogram

Författare: Författare: Författare:

Författare: Erike Tanghøj Examinator

Examinator Examinator

Examinator: Benny Hjern Handledare:

Handledare: Handledare:

Handledare: Ann-Britt Karlsson Datum: Datum: Datum: Datum: 2007-10-04 Ämnesord Ämnesord Ämnesord

Ämnesord Bolivia, Socialt Stärkande, Lokal Utveckling, Svalorna Latinamerika, DELDEPA, Aymara kvinnor, Marginalisering och Fattigdom.

Sammanfattning

Den socialt utsatta situation som ursprungskvinnorna i Bolivia lever i har ofta varit på agendan för många organisationer (CSOs och NGOs) i landet. Framförallt har den djupt rotade socio-politiska diskrimineringen av denna grupp blivit uppmärksammad i såväl tidigare undersökningar som i internationella utvecklingsforum. Få undersökningar har däremot försökt att förstå på vilket sätt Aymarakvinnorna själva vill bli stöttade av organisationerna för att bli stärkta i sin sociala praktik. Syftet med denna Magisteruppsats har därför varit att, genom ett induktivt tillvägagångssätt, öka förståelsen kring konceptet 'social empowerment' från Aymarakvinnornas perspektiv relaterat till den nuvarande arbetssätt för CSOs/NGOs. Detta har genomförts under våren 2007 genom en kvalitativ fältbaserad studie i Bolivia, med syfte att låta Aymarakvinnorna själva berätta om sin sociala situation. Resultatet av denna studie, specifik ämnat för den Svenska biståndsorganisationen Svalorna Latinamerika, ligger till grund för en diskussion, angående vad CSOs och NGOs bör tänka på då man jobbar med socialt stärkande av Aymarakvinnor.

Studiens övergripande metodiska tillvägagångssätt har varit en botten-upp implementeringsanalys. För att erhålla information från fältet har tekniker så som social-antropologiska studier, observationer, interagerande och intervjuer använts.

Flertalet intressanta insikter samt slutsatser har lyfts fram i studien. Den primära slutsatsen är att social styrka inte kan fås eller ges eftersom att det är att likna vid en lärandeprocess. Således bör organisationer som jobbar med detta anamma en roll som 'stöttare' istället för 'givare'. Vidare har det framkommit att alla åtaganden ämnade att stötta socialt stärkande av Aymarakvinnor måste vara synkroniserade med kvinnornas progressiva lärandeprocess. Detta medför att organisationer måste anamma långsiktiga samt holistiska program istället för ad hoc aktiviteter. Den övergripande slutsatsen är att om arbetet med socialt stärkande av och för Aymarakvinnor ska gynnas av organisationers åtaganden så måste planeringen, införandet samt utförandet av aktiviteterna framförallt utgå från kvinnornas förutsättningar. Den övergripande slutsatsen är att om arbetet med socialt stärkande av och för Aymarakvinnor ska vara framgångsrikt så måste planeringen, utförandet och uppföljningen av aktiviteterna ske i sammarbete med, och framförallt utgå från kvinnornas egna uppfattningar och förutsättningar.

Master

Master

Master

Master Thesis in

Thesis in

Thesis in Political Sciences

Thesis in

Political Sciences

Political Sciences

Political Sciences

Title: Title: Title:

Title: Social empowerment for and by Aymara women: A study of social empowerment processes in relation to local development programmes Author

Author Author

Author:::: Erike Tanghøj Examinator:

Examinator: Examinator:

Examinator: Benny Hjern Tutor:

Tutor: Tutor:

Tutor: Ann Britt Karlsson Date: Date: Date: Date: 2007-10-04 Subject terms: Subject terms: Subject terms:

Subject terms: Bolivia, Social Empowerment, Local Development, Svalorna

Latinamerika, DELDEPA, Aymara women, Marginalisation and Poverty

Abstract

The vulnerable social situation of the indigenous women in Bolivia is often on the agenda of many organisations (CSOs and NGOs). Especially, the deep rooted socio-political discrimination of this group has been addressed in several researches and during various international development forums. However, few of these investigations have tried to understand in what ways the Aymara women themselves want to be supported by organisations in order to become socially empowered. In regard to this, the contemplation of this Master Thesis has been to, in an inductive manner, increase the understanding of the concept of social empowerment from the perspectives of Aymara women and NGOs/CSOs. To do so a qualitative field based study, aimed at letting Aymara women themselves explain the social situation, was conducted in Bolivia during the spring 2007. The outcome of this research has also served as a foundation to a discussion, with special references to the Swedish aid-agency Svalorna Latinamerika, concerning what NGOs and CSOs ought to consider when working with social empowerment of Aymara women. The overarching methodological approach of the study has been that of a bottom-up implementation analysis. In order to retrieve information from the field techniques such as socio-anthropological studies, observations, interactions and interviews have been applied. Several interesting insights and conclusions have been retrieved from the investigation. The primarily conclusion drawn is that empowerment can neither be received nor given as it has the features of a learning process. Accordingly, in regard to this organisations must adopt the role of 'supporters' rather than 'suppliers'. Secondly, it has been reasoned that any undertaking aimed at supporting social empowerment for and of Aymara women must be synchronised with the progression of the women's learning processes. This specifically suggests that organisations must adopt long-run as well as holistic programmes rather than ad hoc activities. The overall conclusion drawn is that if the social empowerment for and of Aymara women is to benefit from the undertakings of organisations the planning, implementation and evaluation of the activities must primarily be based on terms given by the women.

Acknowledgements

Many people have been engaged in the process of conducting this investigation. It could never have been completed without the help and assistance from all of these people. Hence, I would like to take the opportunity to thank and to show my gratitude to some of these persons.

Primarily I would like to thank Svalorna Latinamerika for giving me this chance of conducting a field study in Bolivia. Svalorna Latinamerika has both made it possible financially and practically. It has been such an instructive period for me! A special thank goes to the people at the office in La Paz. The support and many foosbolline games have helped immensely to manage the many hardships encountered during the stay in Bolivia. Further, Pablo Nava, my interpreter and assistance during the field study deserves a big 'thank you' for all practical help and lovely companion during long bus rides. I miss all of you guys!

Of course, my professor Benny Hjern and tutor Ann Britt Karlsson are dearly thanked for letting me do this field study. Especially, I would like to express my gratitude towards Ann Britt Karlsson who has been of tremendous support. Thank you Ann Britt for believing in me and standing by my side through the whole process. I could never have made it without you!

At last I would like to thank the dearest friend of mine - Therese Näsman, for showing her concerns and taking the time to call and cheer me up when I have been down, even if she herself has been working in India. Therese, you are the best!

Table of Content

_______________________________________________

1

Introduction... 7

1.1 Disposition... 9

1.2 Area of investigation ... 9

1.2.1 Specification of questions and purpose ... 11

1.3 Why this research and why focus upon indigenous women? ... 11

1.4 Importance and contributions of the research ... 12

2

Method ... 14

2.1 Theoretical framework ... 14

2.2 Methodological approach... 15

2.2.1 The Grounded Theory Approach... 16

2.2.2 Qualitative Methodology... 17

2.3 Method of research ... 17

2.3.1 Information gathering for the background of Svalorna Latinamerika and Bolivia... 18

2.3.2 Methods for gathering data from the field ... 18

2.4 Delimitations of study ... 26

2.5 Limitations and problems with the study and method... 28

3

Background ... 31

3.1 The social and political situation of Bolivia ... 31

3.2 Svalorna Latinamerika – organisational background ... 33

4

The work of Svalorna Latinamerika in Bolivia ... 35

4.1 The DELDEPA program ... 35

4.2 The DELDEPA program in practise... 38

5

The needs, problems and livelihood situation of the Aymara

women in the Altiplano ... 41

5.1 Copacabana... 41

5.1.1 Identified problems in the urban area of Copacabana ... 41

5.1.2 Suggested solutions to the urban problems ... 44

5.1.3 Identified problems in the rural areas of Copacabana (Cusijata) ... 45

5.1.4 Suggested solutions to the rural problems ... 46

5.2 El Alto... 47

5.2.1 Identified problems in urban El Alto ... 48

5.2.2 Suggested solutions to the urban problems ... 49

5.2.3 Identified problems in semi-urban El Alto (Senkata and Ventilla) ... 50

5.2.4 Suggested solutions to the semi-urban problems ... 51

5.3 Jésus de Machaca... 52

5.3.1 Identified problems in Jésus de Machaca ... 52

5.3.2 Suggested solutions to the problems in Jésus de Machaca... 54

5.4 The social situation of Aymara women discussed by the actors. ... 54

6.1 What might the result indicate? ... 61

6.1.1 Differences due to Regions, Capacitation and Age ... 62

6.2 In respect to the results; what should be considered by organisations working with Aymara women? ... 67

6.2.1 Need for both Detailed and Comprehensive Considerations ... 67

6.2.2 Programme planning on the terms given by the women ... 69

6.3 What does this mean for Svalorna Latinamerika and DELDEPA? ... 77

6.3.1 Svalorna Latinamerika as organisation... 77

6.3.2 The DELDEPA program ... 79

7

Discussion ... 82

7.1.1 Methodological Flexibility ... 83

7.1.2 Evaluation, Afterthought and Critique ... 85

8

Conclusion ... 91

Bibliography... 93

Appendices ... 97

Appendix I - Questionnaire to Svalorna Latinamerika ... 97

Appendix II- Target group distribution of DELDEPA ... 98

Appendix III - Information over the ASA- organisations ... 99

Appendix IV - Division of the FWG and Indirect FWG groups ... 100

Appendix V - Procedural Scheme over interviews ... 104

Appendix VI – Note on the Terminology used by women in the FWG ... 106

Table of Figures

Figure 6-2 – Synchronisation...76

1

Introduction

"We are borne as women - that is the problem!" "I do not have any money so I cannot feed my children...I feel lost". "I feel so little, I do not have anything". "My husband drinks everyday and he often beats me...sometimes he threatens to kill me...everything would be better if I had a job". "I do not know what I want, but I need everything!"

These are only a few lines pick out of actual life-stories told by Aymara women in Bolivia during a field-study in 2007. The social situation of Aymara women in Bolivia is truly distressing. They belong to the most marginalised, poor and deprived social group in Bolivia and hence suffer serious hardship in their everyday livelihood (Womankind Worldwide). The indigenous women suffer from low education, lacking knowledge in Spanish, high unemployment, extreme poverty, inequality and social exclusion (Rodriguez, 2001). In addition, "[T] he culture of machismo combined with deeply ingrained prejudices to create substantial discrimination towards – and violence against – Bolivia’s indigenous women, severely restricting women’s progress towards full, active participation in their own lives, within their families, their communities and their country" (Womankind Worldwide). The indigenous women are simply secondary citisens of Bolivia. The unacceptable situation of the indigenous women in Bolivia has been examined and stressed many times before. But little have been practically done in order to encourage the strengthening and empowerment of the women. Clearly it is not enough just observing the problems. It must be ask why these problems exist and what could possibly be done to ease them. The enhancement of the social position of the indigenous women in Bolivia is of great importance. Not only for the women per se, but also for the development and democratisation of the country. After years of misfortune and dictatorial oppression Bolivia is finally adopting an overarching political strategy in which development and poverty reduction is put high on the agenda (Sachs, 2005). However, this investment will not be successful unless the whole of the civil society participate.

In academics it is acknowledged that the participation and social engagement of all people - i.e. even the women - in the policies of a society is of primarily importance for local and national development and democratisation (Bone, Crockett & Hodge, 2006). Further, the participation of the civil society in democratic decision-making processes and policy reforms is necessary for the legitimacy of the development strategy (ibid). Accordingly, ordinary citisens should have a strong voice in shaping policy reforms which impact them (ibid). This means that, from a normative and theoretical standpoint, all social classes and groups should have the same opportunities to engage and participate in the process (ibid). As it is now, this is not the case for indigenous women in Bolivia.

Still, the participation and engagement of the civil society is dependent upon its capacity and possibilities to do so. This means that the capacitation and strengthening of all social groups is an important step in the country's development (Mcllwaine, 1998). The strengthening of the civil society is thought of being especially important when addressing poverty alleviation and social welfare objectives (ibid). Especially, the relationship between social empowerment and local development is well researched and it is agreed that social empowerment benefits as well as underpins local and national development (Thirwall, 2003).

Although, it is not as clear how the process of social empowerment is initiated or developed. Hence, the processes itself and the encouragement of it lack empirical evidence.

This is specially the case in the Least Developed Countries1

, (LDCs) (Gittell & Vidal, 1998). It is therefore a need for further researches that undertake the mission of increasing the understanding and comprehension about empowerment processes within socially marginalised group in LDCs. In other words, what is needed are field based qualitative researches that put the civil society perspective in focus and investigate the perception, needs and requisites of a specific social group.

It should be regcognised that there is a further dimension of the civil society that ought to be considered when discussing developmental and empowering processes - viz. the perspective of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and Civil Society Organisations (CSOs). Organisations, working at the local level, have a great opportunity and possibility to encourage social empowerment and competence building by supporting civic groups in their everyday practices and by networking with other NGOs or CSOs (Gittell & Vidal, 1998). For this to work successfully the organisations must first understand the position of the social group in order to be able to adapt and accommodate their programmes and projects with the expressed needs of the people!

In regard to this, the contemplation of this Master Thesis is to increase the understanding of what is needed to foster social empowerment and what organisations should think about when supporting such a process. This will be done through a field-study aimed at letting indigenous women explain and identify their needs and problems. In relation to this it will also be investigated what these women consider necessary in order to fell more strengthened. The outcome of this will then be the foundation of a reasoning concerning what NGOs and CSOs ought to consider when working with the empowerment of indigenous women.

To accomplish following questions will frame the research: What do the women consider themselves to lack in their everyday life? Do the indigenous women consider anything necessary for empowerment in their social practices? When answering these questions the line of approach will not be completely general. Rather, the design is to address social empowerment primarily in relation to the work of the Swedish aid agency Svalorna Latinamerika (From now on Svalorna LA) in Bolivia. Accordingly, it needs to be investigated how the work of Svalorna LA looks like in Bolivia and how it relates to social empowerment of the Aymara women.

By doing this, the research hopefully contributes with a conceptual development by illuminating new and specific aspects of social empowerment in regard to indigenous women. From the perspective of NGOs and CSOs, the investigation might bring

1 _{The United Nations use following three criteria for the identification of the LDCs:}

1)1)1) a low-income criterion, based on a three-year average estimate of the gross national income (GNI) per 1) capita (under $750 for inclusion, above $900 for graduation);


2) 2) 2) a human resource weakness criterion, involving a composite Human Assets Index (HAI) based on 2) indicators of: (a) nutrition; (b) health; (c) education; and (d) adult literacy; and


3)3)3) an economic vulnerability criterion, involving a composite Economic Vulnerability Index (EVI) based on 3) indicators of: (a) the instability of agricultural production; (b) the instability of exports of goods and services; (c) the economic importance of non-traditional activities (share of manufacturing and modern services in GDP); (d) merchandise export concentration; and (e) the handicap of economic smallness (as measured through the population in logarithm); and the percentage of population displaced by natural disasters (UN, 2005)

interesting insights concerning how current forms of programming can become more sensitive and amenable in encouraging social empowerment for and of indigenous women in Bolivia. In following section the disposition of the essay will be outlined in more detail.

1.1

Disposition

Firstly, the continuation of the introduction will explicate the area of investigation. Reasons behind taking the standpoints of the civil society, NGOs/CSOs and indigenous women will be submitted. This problematisation leads to the statement and clarification of the specific research questions and purpose of the thesis.

Secondly, the methodological approach will be submitted. Within this chapter a comprehensive description of the process of data collection and motivations for and against the chosen methods will be given. It will be evident that the primarily method for information gathering has been a field study in Bolivia. Hence, one major part of the method chapter will be devoted to explain why, when and how this study has been carried out. Special attention will be given the methodology underlying the criteria and structure of the interviews. The used strategies will also be critically assessed in order to make the reader aware of any possible biases of the collected material.

The third part consists of a background description of the organisation Svalorna LA. In addition, the social and political situation of Bolivia will briefly be outlined so to indicate in what context Svalorna LA works in.

In the fourth and fifth sections the empirical results from the research will be provided. In the first of these parts the findings concerning the work of Svalorna LA will be presented. In the latter part the results concerning the livelihood situation of the Aymara women will be outlined. In the sequent section, the analysis will take place in which the results will be interpreted in regard to the stated questions of investigation. The analysis will be divided into three questions of discussion: 1) what might the result indicate? 2) In respect to the result, what should be considered by organisations working with Aymara women? 3) What does this mean for Svalorna LA and the DELDEPA2

program?

Before concluding and summarising the paper, there will be a discussion in which the author presents her own thoughts, ideas and questions concerning the result. This section will be a commentary to the whole study with critique, afterthought and reflection. Following questions will be addressed: Have the paper fulfilled its purpose and aim of contribution? Has the study raised any new questions for further research? Finally, the paper will be finished off with a conclusion summarising the major findings.

1.2

Area of investigation

Even if the importance of social empowerment within local development and participation in democratisation is well recognised, there still remains a paucity of detail empirical research effort devoted to increase the understanding of how empowerment is encouraged in specific social groups (Gittell & Vidal, 1998). Overall, the concept of social empowerment lacks field based evidences of its signification and conceptualisation.

2

DELDEPA is a current participative democracy and local development program that Svalorna LA is working with today in Bolivia (Svalorna et al, 2007).

Previous researches concerning similar issues have been focused upon measuring the degree of 'social capital'3_{. Social capital is an economical derived concept and is accordingly} measured in economic terms (ibid). Though, even in terms of economy the concept of social capital is difficult - if not impossible- to measure directly. Proxy indicators - such as years of education and work experience - have generally been used (Grootaert & Van Bastelaer, 2002). Consequently, the investigations conducted in this manner are quantitative rather than qualitative. Further, previous researches have directed the study against poor and marginalised people rather than for a specific social group.

When conducting this line of quantitative approach several interesting and important aspects are not accounted for. Primarily, in relation to local development and development in LDCs, the task should not be to measure the 'capacity' of a civil society in arbitrary variables. Rather focus should be on the mission of investigating what the affected people

consider to foster empowerment. Due to the fact that empowerment is more a subjective

than an objective process, it becomes more interesting to investigate and analyse under which conditions social groups consider themselves to have been empowered in their social practices, rather than investigating if participants have ‘objectively’ or 'theoretically' been empowered through e.g. their education or work experience.

Accordingly, it is the firm conviction of the author that, when addressing civic empowerment and community development in regard to LDCs, one should to consider the perception of the civil society. The civil society is regcognised as one of the most important actors in a local development process by many economic and political scholars and spokesmen (DIIS, 2004). It is normatively argued that the civil society is to take part of and legitimate policies within development processes (ibid). Regarding social empowerment there are several important aspects which only can be accounted for by allowing the perspective of the civil society guide the investigation. By starting off the research at the level of the civil society it is possible to identify the needs, problems and demands of specific social groups by letting the people narrate their own life situation. Then, by incorporating the level of CSOs and NGOs it becomes possible to discuss and point out how they are to deal with these demands. (The more the organisations take part in and try to understand their target groups, the better they can adapt their programmes and projects). However, it could be a disadvantage to address all groups of civil society in this kind of research. Even if it is possible to retrieve a schematic understanding of the situation, it says nothing about the specific needs of a certain social group. The risk is that what is produced is a general picture which is not fully applicable to the specific groups in society. This is why this research will focus on one particular underprivileged and marginalised group in Bolivia - the indigenous women. By adopting a particular orientated strategy a number of intriguing questions could be posed and investigated: What are the experiences of the indigenous women when it comes to social empowerment and competence building? Do the women, belonging to this group, consider anything necessary for being empowered in their social practices? How are the specific needs of the indigenous women dealt with in the civil society?

3

Putnam defines social capital building as "those features of social organisation, such as networks of individuals or households, and the associated norms and values, that create externalities for the community as a whole" (Grootaert & Bastelaer, 2002, p. 2).

In line with the last question stated above the organisational perspective of civil society is necessary, as well as interesting, to incorporate in the study. As indicated, the networking and organisation of civil society is crucial for national and local development. In many poor communities, NGOs and CSOs work for and with people at the local and community level in order to help and encourage development and democratisation. These efforts are, presupposed they are well directed, vital for people’s participation in and ownership of the development processes. This means that in order for the organisations to abet the marginalised social groups in their social empowerment, rather than taking away the responsibility and hampering the long-run development process, they need to understand in what ways they are supposed to accommodate their programmes and activities. Hence, it is necessary to, at the same time as investigating the perceptions of the indigenous women, look into the matter if current strategies of the NGOs' and CSOs' programmes and projects are in line with the claims of the target group. In following sections, out from the above reasoning and problematisation, the specific questions of investigation and purpose of the essay will be stated.

1.2.1 Specification of questions and purpose

The enclasping and general objective of the research is to develop the understanding of social empowerment of indigenous women in Bolivia. In line with this, one of the main purposes of the essay is to investigate under which conditions indigenous women in Bolivia consider themselves to be empowered in their everyday practices. In other words, the thesis questions if the social group of indigenous women deems anything necessary in order to be subject to societal strengthening processes.

The second main purpose is to underpin the Swedish aid agency Svalorna LA with specific information about the social situation of one of their target groups i.e. Aymara women. A further objective is to, on the basis of the retrieved empirical data; embark a specific discourse, aimed at discussing in what ways current forms of development programming can become more sensitive and amenable in encouraging social empowerment for and by the women. To fulfill these purposes following questions will be addressed

1. What problems do the Aymara women face in their everyday practise?

2. Are there any factors or conditions that indigenous women consider necessary for social empowerment?

3. In what ways does Svalorna LA work today in order to foster social empowerment and local development in Bolivia?

4. In relation to the retrieved result, should Svalorna LA think of or take anything specific into consideration when directing programmes towards Aymara women?

1.3

Why this research and why focus upon indigenous women?

The reasons for why Svalorna LA and Jönköping International Business School (JIBS) want this study to be conducted are many folded. Primarily the parties have recently entered a collaboration agreement. This cooperation allows students to investigate development issues within the practical framework given by Svalorna LA and by the theoretical and academic guidance of JIBS. In this way Svalona LA can retrieve valuable information about different aspects and dimensions of their current work in Sweden as well as abroad.

There are many factors, apart from the fact that it one of Svalorna LA’s target groups, for why this research put indigenous women in the centre. The indigenous women belong to the most marginalised and deprived social group in the Bolivian society (Womankind Worldwide). They experience serious hardship and discrimination in their everyday livelihood and social practice. E.g. they suffer from low education, lacking knowledge in Spanish, high unemployment, extreme poverty, inequality and social exclusion (Rodriguez, 2001). "The culture of machismo combined with deeply ingrained prejudices to create substantial discrimination towards – and violence against – Bolivia’s indigenous women, severely restricting women’s progress towards full, active participation in their own lives, within their families, their communities and their country" (Womankind Worldwide). Further, it is not just the fact that they are at the bottom at the social scale, they also struggle with loss of culture, identity, language and territory in the process of development and urbanisation (Rodriguez, 2001).

It could hence be concluded that the indigenous women in Bolivia need special attention when it comes to local development and democratisation. The empowerment of the women, and especially the indigenous women, is very important. UNICEF recognises that "the scolarity reached by mothers has a direct influence on the conditions of health, nutrition and survival of their children" (2003). This indicates that the strengthening of the women generates positive effects upon other marginalised social groups. Due to these facts the specific needs, perceptions and requirements of the indigenous women, in regard to social empowerment should be carefully examined and investigated.

1.4

Importance and contributions of the research

There are several academic, social, political, economic and organisational reasons for why this type of research is of the essence. From an academic aspect it contributes with a conceptual and theoretical development as it addresses the notion of social empowerment in a specific context.

As mentioned, previous researches on the topic, or similar issues, have undertaken a quantitative methodological approach which has delimited the questions of investigation and scopes of analysis.

Furthermore, the theoretical standpoint of most completed studies is the supposition that empowerment equals social capital building. However, social capital building is an economically derived concept and measured in proxy indicators. Accordingly, the general aspect of empowerment and civic strengthening has mostly been dealt with through economic methods. However, by taking on a qualitative methodological line of procedure and to open up the investigation for all aspects of social empowerment, this research will hopefully increase the academic understanding of the empirical significance of the concept. Moreover, this essay will contribute with specific understanding of an otherwise generalised question. Previous papers upon this topic have addressed poor and marginalised people in general. This is not negative per se. However, general researches need to be complemented with specific investigations. Hence, by focusing upon the group of indigenous women in Bolivia the result presented in this essay can be compared to the previous general derived needs. In the end, this will generate better understanding of the different dimensions of social empowerment.

In order to harmonies the work of, both internal and external, actors engaged in promoting local development process in LDCs, the needs, requirements and perception of the civil

society must be understood. To promote long-run development is a delicate process that needs to be nourished in the right way by external actors. One cannot pelt any kind of manure on it and wish for faster growth. At the same time one cannot abandon and starve it. Accordingly, it is truly important that external and foreign aid agencies apprehend how to balance their work aimed at strengthening the civil society. The intention, and contribution, of this essay is to make conscious and engender the perceptions of indigenous women in Bolivia concerning civic empowerment. Hopefully, this will generate important information usable for organisational capacitation and networking. Especially, this research might support Svalorna LA to develop so to become even better in their undertakings directed to indigenous women.

At last it should not be forgotten that this kind of research is important for the indigenous women. The most vulnerable and marginalised people can often not speak up for themselves and state their opinions officially and internationally. Therefore, it is important that they are given the means and tools to communicate their standpoints. It is the anticipation that this essay will serve as such a channel, even if it is on a small scale. In the end, the main wish and effort of this paper is to open up for a long-run amelioration process of the livelihood situation of the begrudged indigenous women in Bolivia.

2

Method

One of the consequences of addressing a topic that has been little investigated is that there is no straightforward way to deal with it. In this case, there are no pre-set models or theories for the exact situation that can be used or tested. It can consequently be problematique finding a theoretical benchmark for the investigation. However, by referring to an inductive derived 'model' of, concerning civil society participation in and ownership of development policies, a previously done research this thesis finds its theoretical framework. Combined with a qualitative field study and grounded theory approach, the study also manages to convert the theory into practical research methodology. In order to gather information in an accurate manner, both for background information and empirical results, different research methods have been used. The main techniques used have been that of semi-structured interviews, interactions and observations. In addition, literature and protocol studies have been applied and questionnaires have been sent out to the offices of Svalorna LA so to retrieve necessary background data.

In the following chapter the methodological approach used for the data collection will be put forward. Since interviewing has been one of the prime tools for data gathering, special attention will be devoted to explaining how, when and with whom these interviews have been carried out. In addition, there will be a section explaining the necessary methodological requirements for using observation as a research tool. It will also be argued within this section on what basis the specific methods have been selected as well as why they serve the purpose of the essay the best. In the end, the limitations and major drawbacks with the selected methods will likewise be discussed and pinpointed. Before that the upcoming section will be devoted at explaining and stating the theoretical framework of the thesis.

2.1

Theoretical framework

As to the legitimacy of a research it is important that the topic of investigation and problematisation is derived from a theory or model. A theoretical framework forms a point of reference against which new empirical findings can be analysed and discussed. In this case, the theoretical derivations will also provide the reasons for why Bolivia has been chosen as a case study. As stated, the theoretical framework of this thesis will consist of an inductive model developed by the author in a previous thesis. In order for the reader to understand from where the present area of investigation is derived a short outline of the precedent research will be done.

The selection of Bolivia as case study is educed from a long process. The author's interest for the Bolivian civil society situation was established in the writing of a Bachelor Thesis on the topic of popular participation within and ownership over the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) process in Bolivia from a civil society perspective. For this task, Bolivia was selected since the country was amongst the first countries to adopt the PRS 'way of thinking' (Booth & Piron, 2004).

Out of the study many interesting findings were made and conclusions drawn. One of the major findings was that one must account for the perception of the civil society before determining the quality and legitimacy of policy reforms intended to affect the society. Meaning, in this case, that it is not enough to evaluate a process, in which the civil society is supposed to participate, without including the civil society in that evaluation. E.g. when measuring the degree of civil participation it is utterly important that the people are given

the opportunity to comment upon their own possibilities to participation. It was accordingly advocated that for a genuine apprehension of civic engagement, its relevance must be measured against the perception of the people and not only against the official evaluation reports. (Tanghøj, 2007)

The effects of neglecting the civil society in the policy forming process of the Poverty Reduction Strategy Plan (PRSP) were painfully evident in Bolivia. The whole PRSP process in Bolivia was characterised by skepticism of the civil society against the government. It was the perception that the governmental initiatives to engage civil society into the process only had been a charade to officially legitimate the governments pre-set development plan, which was more in line with the Bretton Woods Institutions’ requirements for debt cancellation under HIPC II than with the popular will. The dissatisfaction with the process caused a strong rejection and the mobilisation of the civil society. Over 100 Bolivian CSOs decided to write a letter of complaint to IMF and the World Bank pleading not to accept the PRS document as they did not consider it to be appropriate. Yet, the PRSP was accepted by International Finance Institutes the civil society never came to regcognise the document, hence, the whole PRS process never given legitimacy by the Bolivians. (ibid) The reasons for this dissatisfaction and reaction of the civil society depended upon several factors. All of these factors will not be discussed here due to the limited space of writing4

. However, the common denominator was the lack of means to genuine participation. E.g. the indigenous women were restricted in their possibilities to participation in the process due to the fact that all meetings were held and all information leaflets were written in Spanish. Furthermore, the agendas and structures of the National Dialogues5 _{were strictly} compiled and followed by a governmental committee. No suggestions to changes in the agendas made by the public were given effect to. In addition, the public was not invited to take part in discussions concerning specific areas of the PRSP. E.g. the subject of economic development policy was never brought up on the agenda of the Dialogues. (ibid)

In relation to these experiences, it was particularly concluded and highlighted that the feeling of ownership must be fostered through the empowerment of the civil society so it is capable to participate, engage, react and influence in a competent way. If a genuine participation process is to take place, the civil society must be enabled to actively engage in the policy reformation procedures (ibid). This was the statement that ended the previous research, and this is the problem that begins this one.

2.2

Methodological approach

The overbridging methodological approach of the previous research has been that of a field study. The study was carried out in Bolivia from April 29 to June 30 the year 2007. A field research could be explained as a "...systematic study, primarily through long-term interactions and observations, of everyday life (Bailey, 1996, p. 2). Theoretically and methodologically field studies have many advantages. The general goal of field based

4

To read more about these reasons the reader is recommended to read the Bachelor Thesis: Poverty Reduction through the participation of the poor!? A study of the Poverty Reduction Strategies in Uganda and Bolivia from a civil society perspective. See Bibliography for references.

5

The National Dialogues were a political initiative taken by the President of Hugo Banzer in 1997. The idea was that the Dialogues would serve as deliberation forums in which decision-makers and the civil society participated. Three Dialogues have been conducted in the years of 1997, 2000 and 2004 (Tanghøj, 2007).

investigation is to understand the everyday practices from the perspective of a specific social group by interacting with them (ibid). By this a field research generates first hand information, which is of great importance when dealing with a subjective topic such as social empowerment. If relying on secondary data the risk of biases and fallacious tendencies in the result and analysis is increased. Meeting the informants face to face and interacting with them in their home milieu fosters better insights about the actual experiences and situations (ibid). In the end, this generates more and better analytical possibilities.

2.2.1 The Grounded Theory Approach

When conducting an academic research the relationship between theory and data must be outsourced. This will be done in this section. Due to the line of attack, the essay has both inductive and deductive features. This might seem contradicting. Although, there is nothing that hinders a research to contain both inductive and deductive elements (Svenning, 2003: May, 1997). Even when working with qualitative methods theories must be evaluated and verified to some degree (Svenning, 2003). Hence, there can be some kind of deductive characteristics even in a research which general approach is of analytical induction. Further, there is nothing that hinders inductive derived theories to become the foundation of a deductive system (ibid).

Conducting an inductive analysis implies that one starts off with simple data which brings about a basic theoretical framework from which an issue of interest can be conveyed (ibid). The research about this new topic might lead to new findings which in the next step can be investigated (ibid). Hence, these new researches hopefully extend and develop the initial theories based on the minimal data. In this way, an inductive analysis contributes to successively develop theories by the mixture of observation and abstraction (ibid). The reason for adopting this approach is in order to contribute to the conceptual development of social empowerment and consequently fulfilling the general objective of the essay. The dissertation will also adopt deductive characteristics. Deduction means that a general picture of the society initially is drawn. Then, in the next step, a specific aspect will be investigated so to test the significance of the theoretical framework (May, 1997). To adopt a sheer deductive research approach implies the rejection of the argument that it is possible to conduct research without basing it on a theory. The spokesmen of this perspective try to unite the empirical idea that there are a range of methodological rules for the practical research with the deductive idea that our hypothesis or expectations will be supported or rejected by the observations we collect. Hence, within deduction it is a necessity that the collection of information is guided by the theoretical interest and not the other way around (ibid).

Though, as stated, this study is not a classical deduction or induction - it has features of both. When it comes to 'theory testing' and development the study will follow Glaser's and Strausss' 'grounded theory approach', as a method to generate new and supplemented understanding (May, 1997). Within the grounded theory approach there are two lines of procedures. The first is called 'continuous comparative method'. This approach denotes a procedure in which the researcher gather, interpret and analyse data parallel (Svenning, 2003). This method resembles the analytical induction as it aims at developing a theory stepwise. The second dimension of the 'grounded theory approach' is the 'theoretical sampling'. This is a line of procedure in which the researcher chose new cases to study from a theory development aspect (ibid). New cases or contexts are thought of as having the

potential to expand and redefine the original theory (ibid). This latter line of procedure will be the one adopted in this investigation.

To work accordingly to the grounded theory approach means that the intention is not to test or prove the validity of a theory or model. Rather, the objective is to demonstrate possible support and enhancements of it (ibid). This is exactly what this study aims at. The theoretical standpoint that will be subject to this methodological approach is the one outlined above. The intention is to further develop it by providing it with specific information generated from the field. This is done with the aspiration that the retrieved data will contribute to an increased understanding of how social empowerment is encouraged and how the civil society can be enabled to participate in policy reform processes.

2.2.2 Qualitative Methodology

The abstract relationship between the theory and the data has now been explained. What remains is to outline how to convert questions and theory into concrete surveying instruments (ibid). In order to make a trustworthy study, the researcher must inform the reader of how this has been dealt with. For this case, a qualitative research method has been adopted. This is, as Taylor and Bogdan explain, due to that:

Qualitative methods allow us to stay close to the empirical world. They are designed to ensure a close fit between the data and what people actually say and do. By observing people in their everyday lives, listening to them talk about what is on their minds, and looking at the documents they produce, the qualitative researcher obtains first-hand knowledge of social life unfiltered through concepts, operational definitions, and rating scales (1984, p. 7).

Qualitative studies are usually conducted through interviews, narrative dialogues, interactions, observations and protocol analysis (Svenning, 2003). The general thought is that qualitative studies are exemplifying. From the examples conclusions can be drawn in relation to the theoretical framework. However, qualitative studies prioritise in depth understanding rather than generalisations. To summon up the methodological approach so far it could be said that this research adopts a grounded theory line of procedure with both inductive and deductive features. Further, the investigation will be conducted by a qualitative field study. This is in order to stay close to the empirical world. It will become evident in the following sections that to complete this several practical methodological techniques have been applied.

2.3

Method of research

Having clarified the theoretical methodology it now becomes necessary to account for the practical methodology used to gather information. It should be acknowledged that this research has been conducted through a mixture as well as an integration of many methodological techniques such as: Organisational and socio-anthropological analyses, observations, interactions, informal dialogues, interviews and literature studies. The main reason for adopting a range of measurements is that it generally has been difficult to come in contact with the women as well as to collaborate with the CSOs. Accordingly, flexibility in the methodology has been necessary. In addition, applying different methods also guarantees a broader and wider spectrum of results. E.g. the combination of both observation and interaction generates a better picture of a society than only interaction.

2.3.1 Information gathering for the background of Svalorna Latinamerika and Bolivia

In order to retrieve necessary information about Svalorna LA objectives, expectations with the study as well as about the organisation per se a questionnaire was sent out to the office in Stockholm and La Paz (See appendix 1). Furthermore, during a meeting held in Stockholm at the head office of Svalorna LA these questions were discussed with the Head of the organisation, the Program Manager and the Chairwoman of the board.

Information concerning the organisational structure and history of Svalorna LA and the current programming in Bolivia has been retrieved through document and protocol studies. Primarily Svalorna LA's web-page6

and the 'Bolivian Country Program for Democracy and Local Development'7

(Svalorna LA et al, 2007) have been used for this task. The information about the social and political situation of Bolivia has solely been based on literature studies. To further understand what kind of office the filial is in Bolivia observations of the people and work of the organisation have been done during the field study. The researcher has spent many days at the office in order to get an indication of how the work is organised and administrated. In addition a couple of interviews and smaller discussions have been conducted with the people working there.

2.3.2 Methods for gathering data from the field

The method for collecting empirical data from the field consisted mainly of observations and interactions. This is because the combination of these techniques of data collection is superior when the ambition is to acquire appreciation of people’s experiences, perceptions, standpoints and attitudes concerning an issue (May, 1997). Moreover, techniques used such as, socio-anthropological interaction, everyday chitchats and dialogues have been applied. By the means of this combination of techniques the process of gathering information constantly took place within all situations related to the issue of investigation.

Observations Observations Observations Observations

Observations are important and necessary in the beginning of any investigations in which the researcher needs to create an understanding of the society, group or area that is to be examined (Bailey, 1996). The reasons for why primarily general social observations are important initially are many. First and foremost the researcher can detect other informative aspects and dimensions about social structures, problems, phenomena etc. when spending some time in the beginning of the research only observing, rather than trying to retrieve all information at once through formal interviews (ibid). In addition, primarily observations prepare the researcher so when conducting the interviews the investigator might have a greater understanding of why the informants answer in the way they do.

Due to this, three weeks of the field study in Bolivia were devoted to mere observations. The investigator spent much time in the areas of interest8

in order to get a general

6_{www.svalorna.se} 7

Free translation form the original title: "Föredragnings-PM Bolivias landprogram 'Demokrati och Lokal Utveckling' 2007-2011"

8

The areas of interest were El Alto (including the semi-urban areas of Senkata and Ventilla, Copacabana and Jésus de Machaca).

understanding of the social context. In addition, several visits were done to rural, urban and semi-urban areas in which the Aymara culture is strong. In all of these situations the observations were of anthropological character. The intention was to increase the apprehension of the Aymara culture as well as to be able to visually study how women interacted with the society in their everyday practices. E.g. the investigator participated in an Aymara cultural festival in Jésus de Manchaca and in a town meeting in Pantisamaña. In some of these cases informal interactions with women were made. However no interviews were carried out. With informal interactions the researcher refers to chitchats and smaller discussions that were raised as a consequence of the presence of the researcher in the communities. These types of interactions were also done so to establish confidence and contact with all kinds of people.

During the initial stages of the research procedural it soon became evident that the indigenous women were difficult to come in contact with. They were skeptic and distanced themselves from taking contact with the 'gringa alta' (meaning tall foreigner). The reaction of the women to the deemed 'encroachment' of the investigator clearly indicated that it had been impossible go to a village and at once try to interview women. Especially in the case of Jésus de Machaca it became important to spend time in the community before any kind of interaction with the women could be done. The reason was that the investigator had first to be accepted by the town council (i.e. the local male Aymara leaders) before it even was possible to reside in the village (!)

In addition to that, the trips allowed the women and men to observe the foreign researcher In summary, the intention of this initial measurement strategy was to get a better understanding of the Aymara culture, establish legitimacy within the social group of Aymara women as well as letting the women spread the word in order to inform more women about the research.

The weeks of observations were not only directed towards the women and the Aymara culture but also against Svalorna LA and their co-operation organisations. By being present at the office in La Paz, attending a fairy organised by Svalorna LA, visiting different activities organised by the co-operative organisations as well as speaking and lunching together with the collaborators it was possible to get an understanding of what kind of organisation Svalorna LA is and how they work in practise. It has been important to take on an informal approach even in these meetings in order to avoid suspicions that the research was an organisational evaluation or similar.

The technique used in order to account for observations has been that of writing a field based journal. Each day, all observations done were written down and commented. This was done so to see if some observed phenomena were frequently or ad hoc. In other words, this was carried out to see if there were any patterns in the observations. Whenever interactions have taken place the procedure of the meeting has been noted and a summary of the content has been written down.

Collaboration with the ASA Collaboration with the ASA Collaboration with the ASA

Collaboration with the ASA----networknetworknetworknetwork

To start off the field research a meeting with the Senior Adviser of La Paz office was arranged. During this meeting the intentions and structure of the research were explained. The strategy for how to achieve the purposes of the investigation was also presented and discussed. In general the response to the overall research approach was positive. However, the Senior Adviser came with some suggestions and recommendations about how to

approach the Aymara women. During the meeting following regions of investigation were agreed upon: El Alto (including the semi-urban communities of Senkata and Ventilla), Copacabana and Jésus de Machaca. It was further determined a meeting together with the ASA- organisations (Asociación Solidaridad Andina - the co-operative organisations) had to be arranged so to inform about and explain the intentions of the researcher as well as asking for help to contacting women in the areas of investigation.

Almost all of the ASA- organisations were skeptical towards the investigation and only a few of them wanted to help out. In general they did not believe that it would be possible to come in contact with the women and to conduct the study during a time period of two months. One of the organisations was especially skeptical and would only help out if two ultimatums were followed, viz. 1) That they got some results in the end and, 2) that a person from that organisations was present during the interviews. It was explained that there would be a report written after the finalisation of the study but that it was up to the organisations themselves to use it in order to attain results. It was also clearly explained that it was impossible for anyone except from the researcher and the interpreter to take part in the interviews. After some discussion and negotiating three organisations agreed to help out: CASSA (Comunidad Andina Suma Satawi), CESEFADE (Centro de Servicios para la Familia y el Desarrollo) and CISED (Centro de Capacitación Integral y Servicios para el Desarrollo). These organisations promised to assist by preparing the women in the villages for the investigation and by letting the investigator attend in and take part of their activities.

Identification of the Informants Identification of the Informants Identification of the Informants Identification of the Informants

Having spent some time only observing the areas, the Aymara culture and the work of the organisations it became time to start interacting with the women in the villages. Interaction with people can be done in many different ways. E.g. it is possible for the researcher to gain important information by participating in ad hoc and spontaneous discussions and debates in the field or by engaging in local activities.

However, when conducting a qualitative study the most common way of interaction is by interviewing people (Svenning, 2003). As to interviews there are several types that can be transacted. Interviews can be informal or structural and questions can be direct or indirect posted. The constitution of an interview depends also on the number of persons being interviewed at the same time - i.e. is it a group or a one person interview? (ibid). Yet, before being able to conduct interviews the population of interest needs to be identified and a sample has to be drawn out from it. Sequentially the identification and selection process of informants for the study will be outlined.

The first step taken in the selection process was to try to identify a ‘For Whom Group’ (FWG). The FWG concept represents a popular perspective on projects directed towards the society. The concept of FWG must not be equated with organisational target grouping (Hjern & Andersson, 1998). The concept of target group is limited to a particular organisation or instance (ibid). E.g. the target group for Svalorna is the poor and marginalised people in La Paz department. This population is huge and it seems naive to presume that Svalorna LA alone would be able to provide all its needs. Rather, it is reasonable to think that several organisations and institutions need to work together in order to deal efficiently with poverty and marginalisation. Accordingly the 'solitary' organisational target-group thinking is not appropriate for this study and hence the FWG term will be used separate from target group (ibid). A FWG perspective in a field research

means that the analysis of the investigation is done in consideration to the people supposed to be affected by the work of the organisation. Hence, the intention is to see if the needs or perceptions expressed by the affected people have been fulfilled by the program, rather than evaluating if the organisation has fulfilled its own pre set targets (ibid).

The process of identifying the FWG was primarily done together with Svalorna LA. The organisation was asked to specify the group of people for whom their work is intended. It was also asked of them to stipulate the characteristics of the social groups in Bolivia they were interested in. At last they were requested to specify if any of these groups was more relevant than the others from a marginalisation point of view. Out from this procedure the group of Aymara women became identified as a group in specific need of addressed attention. In the next step the researcher asked for a list over the people included in the activities of Svalorna LA in Bolivia. What was received was a specified target group account of the ‘Bolivian Country Program for Democracy and Local Development (DELDEPA)9 (See Appendix II). From this scheme it was determined that the overall organisational target group consisted of 111337 people of whom 99610 were indirect influenced by the DELDEPA program. Of those being direct influenced 5809 were women and 5918 were men.

Due to the specified number of adherents it was presupposed that there existed a circumstantial list with names and contact details over the participants in the different activities. However, fact is that there was no such list. Rather the figures of the direct target group were estimated by Svalorna LA and the ASA-organisations. The figure of the direct target group was then multiplied with 7 for rural areas and with 5 for urban areas in order to retrieve the quantity of the indirect target group.

It is considered that one person engaged in a DELDEPA activity will influence between 5-7 other persons, depending on where he or she lives (Personal correspondence with Drackner, 18/4-2007)

Snow Snow Snow

Snow----ball samplingball samplingball samplingball sampling

Consequently, there was no participations list from which a FWG could be randomly chosen. In combination with the general skepticism amongst the Aymara women random sampling was completely non-appropriate. Accordingly, other techniques were needed to be applied in order to identify the FWG. Fortunately there are many other alternative ways to select informants. One of the most commonly used procedures is that of snow-ball selection (ibid. Snow-ball sampling is a technique where respondents are identified through connections made on the field or in previous interviews (Esaisson et al, 2005). This approach implies that the people in the FWG cannot be firstly picked out in a straight line fashion and then interviewed. Rather, the identification of the FWG becomes a glomerating process in which identification and interaction becomes parallel and intertwined. Howsoever, the snow-ball effect needs to start off from somewhere. Due to the problem of distrust and shyness of the indigenous women, it became necessary for the researcher to visit the areas of investigation and try to engage in as many activities as possible so to come in contact with women and to slowly establish confidence.

9

The DELDEPA program is the main activity that currently is managed in Bolivia by Svalorna Latinamerika. Later on in the essay this program will be outlined and explained.

At times when the situation was right and the possibility given, the intention of the research was explained and the reasons for why the investigator wanted to speak with the women were given. In these scenarios it was impossible to use words such as 'investigation', 'research', 'interview' etc. since the women reacted negative to them (however, in this essay the writer will use the word interview when referring to the interlocutions with the women in the FWG). Instead it was explained that the researcher wanted to know more about the social situation of the women in order to better understand what kind of support they wanted and needed. It was also explicated that this was done in order to under built aid-agencies with information of how social empowerment processes can be encouraged in an amenable way. Several times the investigator stressed that the only thing she wanted was to sit down and talk with and listen to the women. It was also accentuated that the intention was that the women were to tell and inform the researcher and not the researcher to question the women. The reaction to this approach was general positive and the women did not seem all too suspicious. When all necessary information had been given and after that the women had posed their questions the researcher just had to wait for the women to volunteer.

The overarching strategy was simply to let the women select the investigator (!) During the preclusive meetings and the interlocutions with the volunteering Aymara women the snow-ball methodology was applied by questioning if they knew of other women who might have an interest in participating in the research.

With this approach the FWG became more or less chosen by the women themselves. In addition, the composition of it turned out to be as random as if any other quantitative sampling technique had been used. The only criteria for allowing the women to participate in the study was that they 1) lived in the areas included in the study, 2) were of Aymara heritage and, 3) participate by free will. These criteria were necessary in order to fulfill the purpose and objectives of the investigation.

As it turned out all the women that signed up for the task were included in the study. This was due to the fact that there were so few women in each area that actually volunteered. Hence, it was necessary to talk with everyone of them in order to fulfill the methodological requirements of sample size. The final identified FWG contained 39 indigenous women (See appendix IV)10

To increase the dimensionality of the investigation it was also wished for to come in contact with people deemed as important by the women in the FWG. By actively listening after or by posing questions such as 'with whom' during the interviews persons and organisations from other parts of the civil society could be identified. Through this it became possible, not only to expand the research horisontally, but also vertically by 'climbing' upwards in the social hierarchy of the Bolivian society. Accordingly, the snow-ball effect came useful in order to come in contact with different kinds of actors involved, one way or another, in the lives of the women. To allow for such a vertical ‘climb’ it can be possible to identify people or oganisations considered to play an important role for the social empowerment of the women (For Svalorna LA this could give suggestions to possible extensions of the ASA-network). The people that have been incorporated in the study through the snow-ball effect have been separated from the women in the FWG. This group of people is denoted 'actors'. This is because most commonly these people have been organisational or institutional

10

Due to secrecy the names are not printed in these lists. For a full list please contact the author at tanghojerike@hotmail.com