K3, SCHOOL OF ARTS AND COMMUNICATION MALMÖ UNIVERSITY
SWEDEN
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UESTIONS ANDE
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PACES: T
HECHALLENGE OF COMMUNICATING HISTORY AND MEMORY IN
POST
-
GENOCIDEC
AMBODIAA STUDY OF THE ROLES OF STORYTELLING AND RADIO IN EDUCATING YOUNG CAMBODIANS ABOUT THE KHMER ROUGE REGIME
NIAMH HANAFIN MAY 2007
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This project would not have been possible without the cooperation and support of the Women’s Media Centre of Cambodia (WMC). I am grateful to the co-directors of WMC for the opportunity to undertake this interesting study and I hope the results will be useful for them in their future work.
I would also like to thank the following for their invaluable contributions, assistance and support during this research:
• Khut Sokhoeun, Chheng Leap, Ros Kong, Mey Sansotheary, Voun Soviry, Mak Chanden, Hin Kunthea and Anita Walker (WMC)
• Tara Urs (Open Society Justice Initiative), Craig Etcheson (Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia), Francis Rolt (Search for Common Ground) and Louise Whitehead
• Heang Veasna (Lutheran World Federation) and Eng Vanndy (Sa'ang High School, Kandal)
• My supervisor, Rosita Ericsson
I am particularly indebted to the many young Cambodians who kindly volunteered their time and thoughts to participate in my audience research.
And finally, to my parents, whose commitment to education has shaped my life in all the best ways, and to Graham, whose capacity to support and encourage is seemingly infinite. Thank you.
PREFACE
Cambodia’s Khmer Rouge regime has been scrutinized and researched from many different perspectives as scholars and academics attempt to unravel and understand the roots of this appalling period in Cambodia’s history. However, politics, ideology and culture aside, this was a human tragedy, inflicted by people and endured by people. The Cambodian people suffered immeasurably during the Khmer Rouge and the long years of war before and since. Many Cambodian colleagues and friends have told me of their experiences during the regime. Even when hearing these stories directly from survivors, I find them almost unbelievable. The forced labour, the summary executions, the lost families, the torture and fear do not sit well with the image of Cambodia as a peaceful Buddhist nation.
Today, Phnom Penh is a modernising capital city. I often try to imagine how it looked in April 1975, as Khmer Rouge soldiers evacuated the city, leaving the sick, the infirm and the elderly by the roadside and exterminating enemies of the revolution. Looking across the vivid green rice paddies that cover rural Cambodia, there is no hint of the crimes against humanity that were committed by the Khmer Rouge in their insane attempt to reset history and re-programme society. Farmers in the countryside continue to plant and harvest rice, just as they did before the Khmer Rouge and for thousands of years before that again. Dusty and ill-kept memorials dot the country but explain nothing. Is it any wonder that young people remark, “if this Khmer Rouge regime really happened, where is the proof?” Unfortunately the bulk of evidence is currently being carried in the heads and hearts of those who lived through it and although they try their best to impart these events to their children, it seems that this is just not enough.
The need to properly preserve, explain and memorialise this most extraordinary history is imperative to ensure that the next generation can understand and come to terms with the Khmer Rouge. Instead however, young people are left wondering about fundamental questions, with little encouragement or means to investigate these issues on their own. I believe that the Cambodian media have a real responsibility to present and explain the history of the Khmer Rouge in a balanced, understandable and acceptable way, without the trappings of propaganda and political bias. The danger of ignoring this pressing need has been identified by young Cambodians themselves, who fear that by not knowing their history, they are doomed to see it repeated.
Niamh Hanafin,
ABBREVIATIONS
BBC British Broadcasting Corporation CPK Communist Party of Kampuchea CPP Cambodian People’s Party CSD Centre for Social Development DC-Cam Documentation Centre of Cambodia
DfID British Department for International Development
DK Democratic Kampuchea (official name of Cambodia during KR regime) ECCC Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia
Funcinpec National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful and Cooperative Cambodia
GADC Gender and Development for Cambodia ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross IMPACS Institute for Media, Policy and Civil Society KID Khmer Institute of Democracy
KOFF The Centre for Peacebuilding, SwissPeace
KR Khmer Rouge
NGO Non-governmental Organisation NIS National Institute of Statistics OSJI Open Society Justice Initiative
UNDP United Nations Development Program
UNTAC United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia WMC Women’s Media Centre of Cambodia
ABSTRACT
Twenty-eight years after the fall of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, many Cambodians are still unclear about what really took place during the 1975-1979 regime, during which an estimated 1.7 million people died. Cambodia still suffers economically, socially and psychologically from the legacy of the Khmer Rouge and the years of war before and since. This has also impacted on the next generation of young Cambodians, who are reportedly poorly informed and sceptical about the Khmer Rouge. This research explores the root causes of the apparent disinterest and lack of knowledge among Cambodia’s youth. It also examines the potential role that radio can play in supporting and contextualising survivors’ testimonies and educating young people about their recent history. This is achieved by studying a phone-in radio series entitled Ka Pit (The Truth), which aims to educate young people about the Khmer Rouge regime.
The overall supposition of this study is that real and meaningful reconciliation requires documenting, memorialising and communicating past violence and conflict, a process which has been slow to occur in Cambodia. The research is framed by a theoretical model for peacebuilding media initiatives devised in 2005 by Bent Norby Bonde. The long-term relevance of the model is tested in the context of Cambodia. Integrated into this approach is the application of a theory of conflict resolution, the
Nested Theory, as a means of guiding the design of media content that addresses
complex conflict-related issues. In this study, it is applied to Ka Pit to determine if it is a useful mechanism for presenting such information in an understandable and acceptable way.
The research methodology consisted of focus group discussions with young Cambodians, and a comparative survey of listeners and non-listeners of Ka Pit. The results are divided into four main sections: Attitudes and knowledge about the Khmer Rouge, familial storytelling as a source of information about the Khmer Rouge, radio as a source of information for young people and an evaluation of Ka Pit.
The field research reveals that 91.7% of survey respondents lost relatives during the Khmer Rouge regime. However, only 8.5% of survey respondents claimed to be very aware of the KR while 87.5% know a little. 91.7% of respondents learned about the Khmer Rouge from their parents and relatives. In general, young people know about the day-to-day hardships suffered during the regime but do not understand the wider geopolitical, ideological and historical context of the Khmer Rouge. While urban
educated youths can educate themselves by accessing other sources such as books, memorials, Internet, magazines and videos, rural young people rely almost exclusively on survivors’ testimony and the mass media as sources of information about the Khmer Rouge.
Family stories play a crucial and primary role in informing young people about the Khmer Rouge. However, they also contain inherent limitations and provide neither adequate proof that such a horrific regime existed nor sufficient explanation for why it happened.
On the other hand, radio is still a popular pastime and an important source of information for young people in Cambodia. It is a versatile medium that can be listened to throughout the day. 87% of respondents listen to the radio sometimes or often and 41.7% learned about the Khmer Rouge through radio. Young people enjoy Ka Pit and find it extremely informative and interesting. They feel that the information in the programme is trustworthy and can contribute to their understanding of the Khmer Rouge time.
The impact of Ka Pit to date has been very impressive, given it has only been on the air for a short time. 90.9% of respondents believed that the programme can have a positive impact on society, most notably that young people will understand their history and that a similar regime would be prevented from taking power in Cambodia. Listeners of Ka Pit were consistently better informed that non-listeners about conditions during the Khmer Rouge regime. Furthermore, listeners of Ka Pit are far more likely to discuss the Khmer Rouge than non-listeners.
The research validates Bonde’s assertion that peacebuilding media programming is needed even many years after open conflict has ended. It also points to the potential of the Nested Theory as a means of content design for peacebuilding programmes. However, there are also practical implications for Ka Pit and recommendations include addressing the whole truth of the Khmer Rouge, making the programmes more youth-oriented, varying programme content, increasing promotional activity and reviewing the programme schedule.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1. INTRODUCTION... 1
1.2. SCOPE AND FOCUS OF THE RESEARCH ... 1
1.3. STRUCTURE AND APPROACH... 2
2. BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT 2.1. BACKGROUND... 4
2.1.1. CAMBODIA TODAY... 4
2.1.2. THE LEGACY OF THE KHMER ROUGE... 5
2.2. TRUTH, HISTORY AND RECONCILIATION ... 8
2.2.1. INTRODUCTION... 8
2.2.2. CHALLENGES OF KHMER ROUGE HISTORY... 9
2.2.3. POLITICAL DIMENSIONS... 10
2.3. SOURCES OF KHMER ROUGE HISTORY AND MEMORY... 10
2.3.1. MUSEUMS AND MEMORIALS... 11
2.3.2. LITERATURE... 12
2.3.3. EDUCATION SYSTEM... 13
2.3.4. MASS MEDIA... 14
2.4. WOMEN’S MEDIA CENTRE OF CAMBODIA ... 14
2.4.1. INTRODUCTION... 14
2.4.2. KA PIT (THE TRUTH) RADIO SERIES... 15
2.5. CONCLUSION ... 16
3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 3.1. INTRODUCTION... 17
3.2. LITERATURE REVIEW ... 17
3.2.1. RECONCILIATION AND THE PAST... 17
3.2.2. MEDIA AND PEACEBUILDING... 18
3.2.3. HOW MEDIA CONTRIBUTES TO PEACE-BUILDING... 20
3.3. AN OVERVIEW OF APPROACHES AND STRATEGIES ... 21
3.3.1. INTENDED OUTCOME PROGRAMMING... 25
3.4. AN INTEGRATED LONG-TERM MODEL FOR MEDIA CONTENT ... 26
4. FIELD RESEARCH 4.1. INTRODUCTION... 30
4.2. RESEARCH OBJECTIVES... 30
4.3. METHODOLOGY... 30
4.3.1. FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS... 31
4.3.2. QUANTITATIVE SURVEY... 31
4.4. SAMPLING... 32
4.6. RESULTS ... 34
4.6.1. THE KHMER ROUGE LEGACY... 35
4.6.2. ORAL TRADITION AND YOUNG PEOPLE... 38
4.6.3. RADIO AND YOUNG PEOPLE... 42
4.6.4. IMPACT OF KA PIT... 47
4.7. ANALYSIS OF RESULTS... 49
5. CONCLUSIONS 5.1. INTRODUCTION... 52
5.2. APPLICATION OF RESULTS TO THE NESTED THEORY... 52
5.3. IMPLICATIONS FOR BONDE’S MODEL FOR MEDIA CONTENT... 53
5.4. PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS ... 54
5.5. CONCLUSION ... 56
BIBLIOGRAPHY... 58
ANNEXE 1: CAMBODIA – A BRIEF HISTORY SINCE INDEPENDENCE ... 64
ANNEXE 2: SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE (ENGLISH) ... 67
ANNEXE 3: SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE (KHMER)... 70
ANNEXE 4: FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION GUIDE ... 75
ANNEXE 5: LIST OF TABLES... 78
LIST OF FIGURES BONDE’S INTEGRATED MODEL FOR SCOPE AND TIMING OF SUPPORT TO CONTENT AS PART OF CONFLICT PREVENTION AND PEACE BUILDING... 28
MAIRE DUGAN’S MODEL, THE NESTED PARADIGM OF CONFLICT FOCI ... 29
SURVEY Q22. CAN YOU NAME FOUR GROUPS THAT WERE TARGETED FOR KILLING BY THE KR REGIME? ... 37
SURVEY Q15. HOW DO YOU KNOW ABOUT THE KHMER ROUGE REGIME? ... 40
SURVEY Q6. HOW OFTEN DO YOU LISTEN TO THE RADIO? ... 43
SURVEY Q11. NEGATIVE AFFECTS OF BROADCASTING KA PIT ... 47
SURVEY Q13. POSITIVE AFFECTS OF BROADCASTING KA PIT... 47
SURVEY Q19. TRUE/FALSE STATEMENTS ABOUT THE KHMER ROUGE ... 48
1
1. I
NTRODUCTION
“He who controls the present, controls the past. He who controls the past, controls the future."
George Orwell, ‘Nineteen Eighty-Four’
“From April 25 to April 27, 1975, the Khmer Rouge leaders held an extraordinary Congress in order to form a new Constitution, and renamed the country “Democratic Kampuchea.” A new government of the DK, led by Pol Pot, came into existence after which Cambodian people were massacred.”
9th Grade Social Studies textbook, Cambodia1
1.1. INTRODUCTION
It is said that in the immediate aftermath of the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime, many Cambodian survivors had simply no comprehension of the magnitude of the horrors that occurred in their country, nor did they have any idea of why or how they happened (Etcheson, 2004, p.64). Twenty-eight years later, much research is being devoted to what Cambodians hope the upcoming trial of senior Khmer Rouge leaders will achieve. A common finding in these studies is the overwhelming desire of survivors to know the truth about the Khmer Rouge. It appears, then, that this lack of understanding continues to be a feature of Cambodians’ perceptions of the Khmer Rouge today. This begs the immediate question, why are Cambodians so poorly informed and confused about what occurred during the 1975-79 reign of Democratic Kampuchea? It also prompts speculation about the possible consequences of this shortage of truth for Cambodian society today and in the future. While survivors have a certain knowledge of what occurred, based on their own personal experiences, a more worrying implication is the effect of this information deficiency on Cambodia’s youth, those too young to remember the so-called radical evil of Democratic Kampuchea.
It has been 28 years since the fall of Democratic Kampuchea on January 7th, 1979. The decimation of the older generations has meant that Cambodia today is a very young country. According to census statistics, 68.9% of Cambodians are under the age of thirty (NIS, 1998). This young generation of Cambodians has grown up without any direct experience or memory of the Khmer Rouge. However, whether they appreciate it
1 Sourced from DC-Cam’s website (http://www.dccam.org/Projects/). This is the only reference to the Khmer Rouge regime in the public education system in Cambodia today.
1. Introduction
1 or not, the world which young Cambodians inhabit bears the scars of the dark years of Democratic Kampuchea. Therefore, the effects of the Khmer Rouge on this generation and the subsequent impact on Cambodia’s economic and social development, is a real and valid concern.
However, evidence suggests that young people’s knowledge of, and interest in, the Khmer Rouge regime is low. Survivors often lament the scepticism shown by their children when they tell stories of starvation, hard labour, disease and repression (OSJI, 2005, p.17). Despite these unsettling claims, there has been little research conducted into the attitudes of young Cambodians towards their recent history and what has contributed to their current understanding of the realities of the Khmer Rouge.2 This
project attempts unravel some of these issues by examining how Khmer Rouge history and memory are being transmitted in Cambodia today and the potential of radio to generate a greater understanding of the Khmer Rouge among Cambodia’s next generation.
1.2. SCOPE AND FOCUS OF THE RESEARCH
The central supposition of the project is that a fundamental component of reconciliation in Cambodia is an accurate, understandable and complete historical record for those who did not live through the 1975-79 Khmer Rouge era. For this, reliable, accessible and trustworthy channels of communications are imperative. The current culture of mistruths, half-truths, blame and denial serves only to produce a generation of Cambodians whose understanding of history is based on conjecture and speculation, fuelled by disinterest and doubt.
This research focuses on two channels of communication: oral history and radio. The justification for this approach is three-fold. Firstly, as is explored in the next chapter, Cambodia is greatly lacking in conventional sources of reliable historical information about the Khmer Rouge. Secondly, it would seem pertinent, given young people’s sceptical attitudes towards their parents’ stories, to explore the limitations of familial storytelling as a means of communicating such a period of mass violence and genocide. Thirdly, in 2006, an innovative radio series began broadcasting on a Cambodian radio station, which targeted young people in an attempt to educate them about Khmer Rouge history. It is therefore an ideal juncture to explore these two
2 One exception is the 2005 Youth for Peace study “Genocide in the Mind of the Cambodian
1. Introduction
2 communication channels comparatively and to assess whether their combined impact can compensate for the lack of other alternatives.
The study will be framed theoretically by a model for long-term peacebuilding media initiatives devised in 2005 by Bent Norby Bonde. Intended to assist donors and the UN to identify appropriate media projects to support at different stages of conflict, the long-term relevance of the model will be tested in context of Cambodia. Integrated into this approach is the application of a theory of conflict resolution as a means of guiding the design of media content that addresses complex conflict-related issues. This was tested by Bonde in relation to a journalistic television documentary series. In this study, it will be applied to a phone-in radio series to assess its significance for ‘intended outcome’ radio programming.
The overall research question being approached is:
‘Is radio an effective way of complementing oral history and providing a credible and trustworthy historical context about the Khmer Rouge regime for young Cambodians?’
To address this question, this study attempts to establish the relevance of familial storytelling as a source of information about the Khmer Rouge for young Cambodians. Furthermore it identifies key characteristics of familial storytelling about the Khmer Rouge and the extent to which these characteristics determine how young people understand the Khmer Rouge. The potential role of radio is then examined as a complementary information source and the impact that this can have on young people’s knowledge of and interest in their recent history, using the case study of a radio programme produced and broadcast by the Women’s Media Centre of Cambodia (WMC), a local non-governmental media organisation.
1.3. STRUCTURE AND APPROACH
This study is divided into four related sections. Chapter 2 compiles the results of an extensive desk study of Cambodia-related reports, documents and books to provide important contextual information and explain the focus on radio and storytelling, as opposed to other sources of historical information. Chapter 3 presents a review of key literature and explores the relevancies of various strategies and frameworks for media
1. Introduction
3 and peacebuilding. It then presents Bonde’s model in detail both in terms of its inclusion of long-term strategies and its application of conflict resolution theory as a way of guiding media content. Chapter 4 presents the methodologies and results of the field research. Chapter 5 draws together research results and the theoretical framework to outline some implications for the field of media and peacebuilding. It also provides some practical recommendations and conclusions of the study.
4
2. B
ACKGROUND AND
C
ONTEXT
2.1. BACKGROUND
2.1.1. Cambodia Today
The Royal Kingdom of Cambodia is a small country is Southeast Asia, bordered by Laos to the north and the powerful nation-states of Vietnam to the east and Thailand to the west. It has a population of around 14 million people, the majority of which is ethnic Khmer. There are also smaller populations of ethnic Chinese, Vietnamese and Cham Muslims as well as diverse hill-tribe minorities in the mountainous northeast. Buddhism is the main religion, though elements of animism still remain and have been incorporated into religious practices and beliefs. Cambodia is a rice-growing nation and 72% of the population are rice-farmers (Maloy & Kay, 2007). It remains one of the poorest countries in Southeast Asia with 34.7% of the population living below the poverty line (UNDP, 2005, p.8).
Cambodia has been a democracy since 1993 and is now ruled by a coalition government of the CPP (Cambodian People’s Party) and Funcinpec (National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful and Cooperative Cambodia) under Prime Minister Hun Sen. Sizeable aid contributions have enabled Cambodia to make significant strides forward. Economic growth reached an impressive 13% in 2005 (Maloy & Kay, 2007). Infrastructure such as roads, bridges, electricity and water supply, continues to improve. A concerted government and donor effort has helped to get a potentially devastating HIV/AIDS epidemic under control.
However, many problems remain. Rule of law is weak, and the poor frequently lose out to the rich and powerful under a culture of impunity and patronage (Lor & Doyle, 2003). Access to good quality social services remains limited. There is a chronic shortage of skilled personnel in all professions. Violence is rife within homes and communities and is frequently the first recourse to resolve disputes. Crime is also high with hundreds of thousands of guns circulating in the country. Poverty continues to affect the majority of Cambodians. Cambodia is a country at peace. However, it is still contending with the legacy of war and violence.3
2. Background and Context
5
2.1.2. The legacy of the Khmer Rouge
“No society, however unified and resilient, can quickly overcome the repercussions of atrocities on the scale experienced by Cambodians. It will take years, possibly even generations.” (Linton, 2004, p.58)
Psychological
It is almost impossible to imagine the psychological impact of the Khmer Rouge on those Cambodians who lived through the regime. According to one research, a shocking 88% of respondents lost family members during the regime (KID, 2004, p.12). For many Cambodians, the forced separation from their families remains one of the most traumatic memories of the Khmer Rouge (ICRC, 1999, p.7). A National Institute of Health study of Khmer Rouge survivors living in the United States found that 62% suffered from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder and 51% from depression (OSJI, 2005, p.11). One medical sociologist claims that untreated mental health problems among Cambodians have reached epidemic proportions (Fawthrop & Jarvis, 2004, p.141). “The symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (aggression, anger fear, grief, sadness and nightmares) are abundantly clear in many Cambodians.” (Linton, 2004, p.57) As well as the horrific physical suffering endured by survivors, there was also the mental torment of witnessing atrocities and loved ones’ deaths and living in fear of their own lives. Laura McGrew’s study, Truth, Justice, Reconciliation and Peace in Cambodia, details some of the long-term effects still suffered by survivors of the regime. They report being unable to forget the past and suffering from recurring nightmares. They also still mourn for dead relatives and suffer the pain of not knowing what happened to those who simply disappeared. Some suffer from a sense of guilt for surviving when others did not (McGrew, 2000).
Economic
Cambodia’s economy effectively ground to a halt during the Khmer Rouge. Markets and money were abolished. The existing infrastructure was destroyed. Schools, hospitals, pagodas, banks, businesses, everything was dismantled. An ICRC study reports that 59% of respondents who survived the regime suffered serious damage to
2. Background and Context
6 their property (ICRC, 1999, p.5). The professional classes were decimated.4 Everything that had been gained before 1975 was lost, and in 1979, many Cambodians had to begin again with no property, possessions or resources of any kind. Because of the disproportionate death toll among men, many thousands of women were forced to support their households, without education, skills or resources, plunging families further into poverty. Currently, almost one third of Cambodian households are headed by women (NIS, 2004). 64% of females and 46% of males over the age of 25 did not complete primary education (ibid.). All of these factors continue to contribute to the high rates of poverty that still exist today.
Impunity
In today’s Cambodia, the military and political elite, and the clientele system that supports them, enjoy a position above the law (Roberts, 2002, pp32-33). High-ranking government officials and other well-positioned members of Cambodia’s privileged are regularly implicated in assassinations, assaults, land-grabs and other crimes. The mass disenfranchisement of the poor by the rich has reached dizzying heights. Yet such cases rarely make it to court and, if they do, corrupt judiciaries ensure that rulings are made in favour of the highest payer (Lor & Doyle, 2003). Furthermore, rank-and-file police and military personnel operate with little respect for the rule of law, swift to open fire on suspects and slow to conduct investigations. Torture of suspects is a routine method of eliciting confessions in police stations (Adhoc et al, 1999, p.10). According to a 1999 report on impunity, “[a]t least one in every thirteen arrests in Phnom Penh resulted in either death or injury” (ibid., p.17). Many argue that this culture of impunity in Cambodia has its roots in the failure of the government and the international community to bring to justice senior Khmer Rouge leaders for crimes committed against the Cambodian people (ibid., p.12).
Violence
Some scholars caution against attributing Cambodia’s current culture of violence solely to the Khmer Rouge regime. This is, of course, a valid point considering the many years of war before and after the regime and strong cultural influence on such behaviour (Roberts, 2002, pp53-34). However, many of Cambodia’s most disturbing social
4 According to Suzannah Linton, only ten out of hundreds of Cambodian legal professionals survived.
2. Background and Context
7 problems seem to stem from a culture that has lost its moral benchmark. Cambodia’s social fabric was ripped asunder during Democratic Kampuchea. The most fundamental building blocks of traditional life such as family and religion were rendered meaningless. Respect for human life, a value that is central to Buddhism, was completely eroded by the Khmer Rouge. The concept of community dissolved into a chaotic web of suspicion, distrust and betrayal. These factors combined to produce a generation of Cambodians with little awareness of the moral framework that has shaped Cambodian culture for centuries (Linton, 2004, p.59). When exposed to such a gross absence of humane and compassionate conduct, the concepts of right and wrong are difficult to grasp and equally difficult to impart to the next generation. This current lack of moral boundaries is clear from almost daily news reports of violent acts committed against neighbours, friends and family members, often with minor provocation, and robbers that are quick to murder for small gains such as a motorbike or a piece of jewellery (Barnitz et al, 2001, p.6). Knowing that justice will never be achieved through the legal system, Cambodians frequently resort to street justice where suspected criminals are beaten and sometimes killed by angry mobs.
Inheriting the past
It can be argued that Cambodian youth are as much a product of the Khmer Rouge as those who lived through it. On the most direct level, many young people must cope with the symptoms of post-traumatic stress among survivors in the family (Wallquist, 2002, p.7). These can range from aggressive behaviour to depression, anxiety and fear. “As children grow up with mentally ill parents, they are far more likely to become depressed and abusive themselves, creating a vicious cycle with consequent social implications” (Vannath in Bloomfield et al, 2003, p.52). Many also suffer economically because their parents did not get a good education or lost property and assets during the Khmer Rouge (Münyas, 2005, p.65). The opportunities available to young people are limited because of the increased levels of poverty experienced by their families.
These and other remnants of the regime, both within the family and in a wider social context, inevitably combine to mould the next generation. One 2003 study of urban youth warns that “one would be foolish to underestimate the devastating effects of DK regime and its intergenerational impact as the effects of incomprehensible trauma are transferred down the family line” (GADC, 2002, section 3.6). Gang membership, violence, rape, theft and drug-use characterize the new urban youth culture of Cambodia
2. Background and Context
8 (ibid.). The study also reveals that young people show a worrying desensitisation towards violence, inability to empathise with others and little sense of personal responsibility. Nothing illustrates this better than the recent rise in popularity among male high school and university students of the ‘sport’ of gang raping sex workers. When asked to evaluate this practice morally, only 13% of respondents (both male and female) felt that it was wrong (ibid.).
Importantly, while youth violence grabs headlines, it is often forgotten that it is also young people who bear the brunt of this violence, coping on a daily basis in schools, homes and on the streets, with exposure to gang intimidation, drug use, robbery and assault.
2.2. TRUTH, HISTORY AND RECONCILIATION
2.2.1. Introduction
The last century has seen unprecedented levels of violence and genocide. While the Holocaust stands apart in scale and magnitude, the last sixty years provide a depressing number of examples of extreme violence, Rwanda, Bosnia, and now Darfur and Iraq, to name a few. How nations chose to remember and document these difficult events and assume responsibility for them contributes greatly to the process of healing for victims and perpetrators alike and to the ultimate goal of peaceful coexistence. Germany has gone through an intensive and painstaking historical documentation of Nazi war crimes, in consultation with former Allied forces and various persecuted groups. This has undoubtedly contributed to the normalised relations Germany now enjoys with the rest of Europe, the international Jewish community and other groups persecuted by the Nazis during World War II (Galtung, 2001). On the other extreme, Turkey continues to deny the 1915 Armenian genocide and distrust, antagonism and bitterness continue to characterise the relationship between the Turks and Armenians to this day (Harutunian, 2007).
Historical accounting via truth-telling is seen as an essential ingredient for reconciliation and healing in a society that has suffered from conflict and violence (Freemand & Hayner in Bloomfield et al, 2003). There are few, if any examples, of where a policy of burying the past has been effective (Brounéus, 2003, p.12). Creating an accurate official historical record and communicating it to the public can achieve a number of important results for a society that has undergone extreme violence or genocide. Revealing the truth assists “in establishing a reality that is not fantasised or
2. Background and Context
9 fabricated, but is instead actual and grounded in facts. It puts myths and lies to rest, and can open eyes to the reality of what happened.” (Linton, 2004, p.173) This helps to eliminate false versions of events and diminishes perpetrators’ powers of denial, in the present and in the future. It also honours the victims, both living and dead, and officially recognizes their suffering (Brounéus, 2003). Finally, it allows future generations to understand their history and recognise the need to build a society based on tolerance and peace rather than violence and war.
2.2.2. Challenges of Khmer Rouge history
The need then to adequately preserve, memorialise and communicate the past is evident. However, this process faces a number of difficult challenges in the Cambodian context. The recent history of Cambodia is a complex affair. Many geopolitical, ideological and cultural motivations converged to create the horror of the Khmer Rouge. It is not an easy history to explain or understand, least of all because one of the most striking features of the Khmer Rouge leadership was its secrecy. The Angkar5 was incredibly
successful in isolating itself from its people and creating and maintaining an air of anonymity through which it exerted absolute authority (Short, 2007). Even survivors of the regime still remain unclear as to what really took place and why.
In addition, historical generalisations about the conditions during the Khmer Rouge are difficult. One version of history needs to account for the myriad of different experiences within different regions of the country. The extent of killings, food shortages and hard labour differed greatly. According to Ben Kiernan, conditions varied between regions (depending on the regional secretary in charge) and over time (Kiernan, 1997, Chapters 5&6). Not only this, but there are a number of opposing truths which need to be somehow recognised and assimilated, specifically those of the Cambodian government, the former Khmer Rouge, the international community and the Cambodian people (Linton, 2004, p.126).
A further challenge is the need to approach this history in a way that promotes coming to terms with the genocide and explains the dangers of extreme ideologies and the psychological processes that led to dehumanisation, mass killing and extreme violence against an unarmed population. Avoiding blame and encouraging tolerance is particularly important in a country where survivors often live side by side in small
5 Angkar translates as the Organisation, a collective term used to describe the shadowy top Khmer Rouge leadership
2. Background and Context
10 communities with former Khmer Rouge cadres responsible for crimes against them and their families.
2.2.3. Political dimensions
In many ways, the issue of the Khmer Rouge is still dealt with as more political than historical. The Khmer Rouge regime remains a highly sensitive topic on Cambodia’s political landscape. Since democratic elections in 1993, the government has neither shown interest in open discussion or debate about the Khmer Rouge nor placed any importance on educating the Cambodian public about the regime. “After more than a quarter of a century, there is no agreed ‘official version’ in the Kingdom of Cambodia, not even in school textbooks, about what happened in the era of Democratic Kampuchea.” (Linton, 2004, p.174) Furthermore, it is unlikely that a robust official inquiry into the truth will happen any time soon, particularly as many senior officials of the current government are former Khmer Rouge officers (Etcheson, 2004, p.48).
Despite this, the government is quick to raise the spectre of the Khmer Rouge for political gain, keen to point out that it was the Cambodian’s People’s Party that liberated Cambodia from the Pol Pot regime. Beyond this one well-publicised fact, the government sees little need to consider what other information might be needed by the Cambodian public in order to be able to reconcile with the past, move forward and ultimately understand what happened to Cambodia during those years.
2.3. SOURCES OF KHMER ROUGE HISTORY AND MEMORY
Cambodia is an oral culture. Part of this rich culture of storytelling involves passing family history from generation to generation. Parents are the principle source of information for young people about the Khmer Rouge regime (Münyas, 2005, p.25). An overwhelming majority of young people report that they talk about the Khmer Rouge period at home (ibid., p.35). Survivors of the regime are keen to pass on their experiences to their children, so that they can understand their family history and perhaps learn to appreciate what they have. However, while most survivors try to talk to their children about the past, they report that young people don’t comprehend the extent of the horrors that they endured (OSJI, 2005, p.17). As noted in a recent
Washington Post article, “[i]n the absence of a shared national story about the Khmer
2. Background and Context
11 human experience are being passed down to a sometimes skeptical younger generation” (Kinetz, 2007).
According to Youk Chhang, director of the Documentation Centre of Cambodia, many parents they speak to report that their children don’t really believe what they tell them about the Khmer Rouge. “The children simply cannot fathom that their parents went hungry, labored many hours in the fields, or lived in fear of their lives.” (Chhang, 2006, p.3) A 2006 video documentary, funded by the Open Society Justice Initiative, entitled Chong Meul Pit (Wanting to See the Truth) gives a worrying insight into the tendency of young people to dismiss the stories of their parents as simply too fantastic to be true.
“It is often said that the current school-going generation of young Cambodians finds that the stories they hear from parents are too horrific to be true – they sound like made-up horror stories to frighten children. [footnote deleted] Yet it is from these same parents that children may also learn negative attitudes and prejudices that could hinder the process of reconciliation reaching into the next generation. (Linton, 2004, p.176)
Aside from survivor testimony, historical information about the Khmer Rouge is available from a number of official or public sources, specifically museums and memorials, the public education system, literature, and mass media. The Documentation Centre of Cambodia, a local NGO, has a public information centre housing research, Khmer Rouge records, survivors’ testimonies and photo and film archives. It also conducts outreach work and publishes a magazine entitled “Searching for the Truth”.6 At first glance then, it would seem strange that young people rely so heavily on their parents’ stories to learn about the Khmer Rouge. To fully explore this issue, it is important to consider the accessibility of these information sources, what they represent and the nature and extent of the information being provided by them.
2.3.1. Museums and Memorials
According to the Yale-based Cambodia Genocide Program, there are approximately 80 sites of memorials to victims of the Khmer Rouge in the whole country. The most well-known is Choeung Ek, a killing field on the outskirts of Phnom Penh where thousands of prisoners were taken to be exterminated. Generally these memorials consist of a glass-fronted stupa filled with bones and clothes of victims. Today, many are in poor repair, left to local communities to upkeep (Hughes in Cook, 2005, p.281). Tuol Sleng
6 Many other NGO’s are involved in other aspects of reconciliation such as mental health care, public forums, research and legal and human rights related activities.
2. Background and Context
12 museum, formerly S-21 torture prison, is the only official museum to the Khmer Rouge in the country (Linton, 2004, p.63). It is located in central Phnom Penh and displays harrowing photos of prisoners, implements of torture and, until recently, an infamous map of Cambodia made from human skulls and bones.
Most of these memorials were established by the Vietnamese-supported government during the 1980’s and served an important political function. By remembering the victims of the Khmer Rouge, they also justified the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia (Hughes in Cook, 2005, p.273). By extension they are now used by the ruling CPP party to remind Cambodians of their part in the defeat of the Khmer Rouge (Samean, 2007). Thus the official memorialisation of the Khmer Rouge is highly politicised. Furthermore, while Tuol Sleng and the various memorial sites offer some sort of visual ‘proof’ that mass killing occurred during the Khmer Rouge, they offer little or nothing in the way of explanation or contextualisation (Münyas, 2005, p.14). Young people can and do visit these sites, but they do not walk away with any greater understanding of the momentous events that created such places.
2.3.2. Literature
Many Khmer Rouge survivors’ memoirs have been published over the years, usually in French or English. However, very few of these books have been translated into Khmer (Etcheson, 2004, p.80). There has also been an enormous amount of academic and journalistic research conducted about the Khmer Regime (almost all by foreign scholars), from an array of perspectives. Again, the vast majority of these are not available in the Khmer language. DC-Cam (Documentation Centre of Cambodia) has been involved not only in translating various historical and personal accounts of the Khmer Rouge, but also in conducting and disseminating its own research. However, aside from DC-Cam’s activities, little historical material has been produced by Cambodian historians and researchers (Etcheson, 2004). One can speculate that the political climate has done much to stifle home-grown scrutiny of the Khmer Rouge era. Of the literature that does exist, distribution tends to focus around urban areas (Münyas, 2005, p.22).
Disregarding the general lack of published material available, an important factor when considering literature as a potential source of information about the Khmer Rouge are the low literacy levels of young Cambodians. According to a 1999 Ministry of Education report, only 57% of 15-24 year olds have the level of literacy needed to
2. Background and Context
13 understand and express written information (Wallquist, 2002, p.9). This means that almost half of young Cambodians do not possess a sufficient level of literacy to be able to read an adult book. This greatly reduces the significance of literature of any kind as a source of information about the Khmer Rouge.
2.3.3. Education system
The greatest failing of the Cambodian government in relation to establishing historical fact about the Khmer Rouge is the abysmal record of the education system. From 1979 until the peace agreement of 1991, each warring faction produced its own history textbooks for use in the areas under its control. The ruling government of the time used the history curriculum for blatant propaganda purposes to attack the “Pol Pot-Ieng Sary Clique” and to overtly identify enemies of the state (Etcheson, 2004, p.84).
In 1993, all mention of Cambodia’s recent history was removed from the school curriculum in order to placate the various factions. Since then, the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport has consistently failed to produce a comprehensive history of the Khmer Rouge. In 2002, the government revealed its new history curriculum, which included events during and after the Khmer Rouge. However, the textbooks were quickly withdrawn due to high-level complaints of political bias.7 “As a result, Cambodian 9th and 12th grade students were consequently left with only the textbooks that describe the entire history of the Cambodian genocide in two vague sentences. The history lessons for the remaining grades in Cambodian public schools mention nothing about post-1970 Cambodian history at all” (ibid., p.86).
At the time of writing, the textbooks still have not been revised and re-introduced. According to one of the authors of the textbooks, the five-year silence since the books were withdrawn is in part due to the fact that the former Minister of Education expressly stated that these events were too political to be included in the curriculum (Prak & Wasson, 2006). The current Minister of Information also blamed ‘certain politicians’ for keeping the Khmer Rouge out of the high school curriculum (ibid.).
7 Prince Norodom Ranariddh, leader of FUNCINPEC, objected to the fact that his party’s 1993 election victory had been excluded from the text, while Hun Sen’s 1998 victory was included.
2. Background and Context
14
2.3.4. Mass Media
Radio and television are undoubtedly the most effective means of reaching the majority of people in Cambodia. Given very poor literacy rates, as well as low distribution levels of newspapers and other printed media, television and radio are seen as primary sources of entertainment, information and education (Edman, 2000). There is a plethora of media broadcasters on the air. As of 2002, there were 6 television stations and 13 radio stations in Cambodia (Tive, 2003). However, this does not necessarily imply a broad spectrum of ideas, perspectives and political opinions. There is a close link between politics and the media in Cambodia. The broadcast media, both government and private, are dominated by the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (Edman, 2000). Almost all other stations are affiliated with opposition political parties and strongly flavour their programming accordingly (ibid.).
In a 2004 survey, 64% of respondents said that the best way to disseminate the history of the Khmer Rouge regime is through the mass media (Linton, 2004, p.171). However, given the way in which the government approaches the Khmer Rouge in general, it is unlikely that most media outlets would attempt to present a comprehensive and balanced history of the Khmer Rouge to audiences. On and around the 7th of January (the day that Phnom Penh was liberated from the Khmer Rouge), there is a spate of programming, usually documentaries dating back to the 1980s, celebrating the victory of the CPP over the Khmer Rouge. Most of these are blatantly political in nature. Films are also shown, including Roland Joffe’s movie “The Killing Fields”, which chronicles Dith Pran’s survival of the Khmer Rouge. However, there are few examples of regular radio or television series which attempt to educate the public in a meaningful way about the Khmer Rouge.8
2.4. WOMEN’S MEDIA CENTRE OF CAMBODIA
2.4.1. Introduction
The Women’s Media Centre of Cambodia (WMC) is a local non-governmental media organization, which aims to improve the representation of women in the Cambodian media and to provide programming on issues relevant to women in Cambodia today. The centre is managed entirely by women and has become the foremost provider of
8 With the Khmer Rouge tribunal expected to start in late 2007, this situation is now changing, and more organizations are starting to produce programming about the Khmer Rouge and the tribunal.
2. Background and Context
15 public service broadcasting in Cambodia. Since 1995, WMC has been producing radio, video and television programmes addressing a wide range of contemporary women’s and social issues.
In 1999, WMC launched its own radio station, FM102, which has been steadily gaining popularity among Cambodian listeners to become one of Cambodia’s leading radio stations. FM102 reaches around twelve of Cambodia’s twenty-four provinces and can be said to be the only truly independent radio station in the country, free from the political allegiances of most radio stations in Cambodia (Edman, 2000). The schedule includes both entertainment and educational programming, including phone-in shows and an international news service provided by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation.
2.4.2. Ka Pit (The Truth) Radio Series
In May 2006, WMC received funding from the Open Society Institute (OSI) to produce a series of radio programmes addressing the Khmer Rouge regime and the upcoming tribunal. The series was targeted at young Cambodians, many of whom have heard stories about the Khmer Rouge time from their parents but remain unconvinced by these accounts and poorly informed about the larger political, ideological and cultural origins of the regime. The programmes aimed to increase youths’ knowledge of the period, to recognise and substantiate the stories of survivors and to increase young people’s support for, and interest in, the Khmer Rouge tribunal.
WMC conducted a baseline survey in June 2006 to gather information from the public about what topics should be covered. This information was further fine-tuned by an advisory committee of experts from organisations such as DC-Cam, Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts in Cambodia and Cambodian Defenders Project, who assisted WMC to finalise the production plan.
From June to December 2006, a series of weekly one-hour phone-in programmes entitled Ka Pit (The Truth) was produced by WMC’s radio station, FM102. The programmes were broadcast live and programme components included guest speakers, testimonies of survivors, features and news reports. Listeners were able to call the programme either to ask questions to experts in studio or to relate their own experience of the Khmer Rouge regime. The programmes were aired on Friday mornings from 10.50-11.50am with 30-minute edited rebroadcasts on Tuesdays, 7.30-8.00pm and Saturdays, 7.30-8.00am. In total, twenty-six programmes were produced. The first fourteen programmes focussed on the Khmer Rouge regime, while the final
2. Background and Context
16 twelve programmes addressed the Khmer Rouge tribunal. At the time of writing, the series is being rebroadcast at the same times, until further funding is secured to develop a new series.
2.5. CONCLUSION
Cambodia still suffers from the effects of the genocidal rule of Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge regime. However, many Cambodians, particularly the younger generations, don’t fully understand the scale of what befell Cambodia during those years. There is a significant shortage of easy to access, neutral information about the Khmer Rouge and the history that does exist is brief and highly politicised. The Khmer Rouge is remembered, but not explained. Within this context, storytelling plays a vital role in educating young Cambodians. However, it appears to have limitations. Radio stands as a potentially exciting opportunity to address these limitations and to act as a trustworthy and understandable source of Khmer Rouge history. This study will explore further the role of storytelling and radio in educating young Cambodians about the regime under the broad framework of media and peacebuilding.
17
3. T
HEORETICAL
F
RAMEWORK
3.1. INTRODUCTION
As a media project that was designed with a specific target audience, a set of socially-beneficial objectives and a fixed time-frame, Ka Pit clearly falls broadly within the development communications field. There are several communication theories that could be applied to frame an educational radio series such as this. However, as the process of reconciliation is intimately linked to the way in which the past is acknowledged, memorialised and communicated, I would argue that this radio series can be defined as a long-term peacebuilding media initiative.
In this chapter, I will first present a literature review which contextualises the study in terms of reconciliation philosophy and outlines contemporary thinking in media and peacebuilding. I will then provide an overview of some current strategies and approaches to media for conflict-resolution and peacebuilding and will argue that many of these strategies can and should continue to be applied years and even decades after a conflict has ended. To strengthen this assertion, I will present and explore a comprehensive long-term content-oriented model of media for peace-building and a potential framework for designing media content in this context.
3.2. LITERATURE REVIEW
3.2.1. Reconciliation and the Past
Much academic theorizing has been dedicated to defining exactly what reconciliation means and the steps that are necessary to achieve it. As is often the case with a social phenomenon such as this, definition is not a straightforward process. To explore this issue further is beyond the scope of this study.9 However, it is generally agreed that the
shift from conflict to peaceful co-existence can only occur if at some point the past is faced (see Bloomfield et al, 2003, chap.1).
Priscilla Hayner suggests that the reconciliation process can be observed in three areas: “how the past is integrated and spoken about between former enemies; if relationships are based on the present or past; and if contradictory versions of the past
9 See Bloomfield et al, Brounéus, Linton and Etcheson for comparative definitions of reconciliation as a process and as a result.
3. Theoretical Framework
18 have been reconciled – not into one truth of the past but to versions not based on lies and denial.” (Brounéus, 2003, p.15) David Bloomfield argues that reflecting on the past, while painful, is also necessary. Understanding and coming to terms with the past are the best ways to ensure that it will not be repeated (Bloomfield et al, 2003, p.15). For John Paul Lederach, the past, the present and the future are entwined in the reconciliation process. By embracing the past and then letting it go, new relationships can be pursued, which paves the way for a new vision of the future and thus alleviates the difficulties of dealing with the present (Etcheson, 2004, p.3). In its report,
Reconciliation – Theory and Practice for Development Cooperation, SIDA concludes
that reconciliation “mainly focuses on remembering, changing, and continuing with life in peace. Reconciliation does not require forgetting, forgiving, or loving one another.” (Brounéus, 2003, p.20) In the Cambodian context, Suzannah Linton emphasizes that reconciliation should certainly not be about suppression of the past or being resigned to not dealing with past conflict (Linton, 2004, p.73).
Charles Villa-Vicencio, Executive Director of the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation in Cape Town, believes that the core responsibility of reconciliation lies with the state. Among other initiatives, the state should “enshrine in the national consciousness the memory of past abuse, through the establishment of museums, monuments, memorials and other national symbols. If the national memory is to be powerful enough to check future atrocities, future generations must encounter the memory of past atrocities” (Villa-Vicencio, 2001).
However, facing the past is problematic not just because it can be an extremely traumatic and contentious process but also because it requires a government that cares about the well-being of its people, that can take responsibility for the country’s past conflicts and that takes the necessary steps to ensure that the past can be uncovered and recognised (Brounéus, 2003, p.51). Given that this is not the case in Cambodia, Ka Pit assumes an important reconciliation role by taking responsibility for educating young Cambodians (and even survivors) about Cambodia’s violent past.
3.2.2. Media and Peacebuilding
The pervasiveness and influence of the mass media is a double-edged sword, particularly in countries in crisis. The media can play a key role in instigating and perpetuating violent conflict by polarising opponents, whipping up war fever, establishing partisanship and disseminating war propaganda (Hieber, 2001). Jake
3. Theoretical Framework
19 Lynch identifies the potential of media as a conduit for cultural violence. Cultural violence can include hate speech, xenophobia, Persecution Complex, myths and legends of war heroes, religious justifications, ‘Chosenness’, patriarchy, ‘Orientalism’ and civilisational arrogance (Lynch, 2002, p.31). The mass media has frequently been used to promote these ideologies to support extreme political agendas. The Nazis used the media to disseminate anti-Jewish propaganda prior to World War II. The horrific role of Radio Milles Collines in fostering ethnic hatred and coordinating genocide in Rwanda and the use of the media to create ultra-nationalist sentiment in Serbia are two more recent examples (Hieber, 2001, pp.1-2).
However, media can also play a part in reversing the effects of conflict, encouraging peace-building and promoting reconciliation. Brounéus (2003) argues that media is possibly the most important strategy for reconciliation because of its reach and influence at all levels of society. Howard Ross asserts that the media:
“can be an instrument of conflict resolution, when the information it presents is reliable, respects human rights, and represents diverse views. It’s the kind of media that upholds accountability and exposes malfeasance. It’s the kind of media that enables a society to make well-informed choices, which is the precursor of democratic governance. It is a media that reduces conflict and fosters human security.” (Howard, 2002, p.1)
Media for conflict-resolution and peacebuilding is a relatively new area of discourse. It is only in the last decade or so that full recognition has been accorded to the uniquely complex role of media in conflict and the difficult contexts within which that media operates. Debate continues on the impact of certain issues such as journalistic objectivity (see Lynch, 2002) and media regulation (see Allen and Stremlau in Hemer & Tufte, 2005). However, there has been a general consensus that in order to fully explore and understand this emerging discipline, media strategies and approaches must be informed not just by trends in development communications but also by conflict-resolution theory (Manoff, 1998).
Reconciliation theorists are almost unanimously in agreement that reconciliation in a post-conflict society takes a long time. Daniel Bar-Tal argues that sustainable peace requires an ethos of peace. This process can take decades as it involves individuals and groups shaping new beliefs, motivations and emotions regarding the conflict, themselves and others (Brounéus, 2003, p.50). John Paul Lederach also emphasises that transforming a war-system into a peace-system can take generations. In his time-frame for peace, he identifies three post-conflict phases: ‘short-range planning’ (1-2 years), ‘decade thinking’ (5-10 years) and ‘generational vision’ (20+ years) (cited
3. Theoretical Framework
20 in Brounéus, 2003, p51). There are also pragmatic considerations. Luc Huyse rightly points out that reconciliation is just one of many challenges facing a country after violent conflict. As such, the process may be postponed in favour of more pressing political or economic concerns (Huyse in Bloomfield et al, 2003).
It should then follow that the relevance of peacebuilding media approaches doesn’t necessarily diminish as a country moves towards what Lederach calls the ‘generational vision’. The need for peace-building and reconciliation can often continue for years or even decades after a conflict has ended. Cambodia is not a country in crisis. However, as seen in the previous chapter, many disturbing vestiges of genocide and war remain embedded in Cambodian society, arguably exacerbated by the reluctance of the powers-that-be to allow the public to understand and come to terms with the Khmer Rouge regime. Therefore, Cambodia provides a case study both for the long-term nature of reconciliation and the need for continued peace-building media strategies in societies that have experienced extreme violence. The challenge, then, is to identify a theoretical model that provides a longer-term content-oriented vision of media for peacebuilding.
3.2.3. How media contributes to peace-building
The Center for War, Peace and the News Media used existing conflict resolution theory and practice as a basis for identifying potential roles for the media in conflict prevention and management, including:
• Channelling communication between parties • Educating
• Building confidence
• Counteracting misperceptions • Analyzing conflict
• De-objectifying the protagonists for each other • Identifying the interests underlying the issues • Providing an emotional outlet
• Encouraging a balance of power • Framing and defining the conflict • Building consensus
3. Theoretical Framework
21 IMPAC’s (Institute for Media, Policy and Civil Society) 1999 roundtable report, Media
and Peacebuilding, also condensed the wide variety of roles that can be played by
media as an aspect of a peace-building intervention: • Provide information – hopefully accurate
• Provide an alternative view • Provide a voice for the voiceless • Entertain
• Advocate peace
• Translate highly political or technical information into popular language
• Act as a watchdog by monitoring implementation of agreements and holding public officials accountable
• Through responsible reporting, contribute to building a culture of peace as opposed to sensationalising violence
• Serve as a communication mechanism between conflicting parties (IMPACS, 1999, pp.1-2)
From Manoff’s perspective, the role of media seems very much based on the re-establishment of relationships between conflicting groups (though he admits himself that this list is a work in progress). IMPACS offers a broader vision of what media can achieve which advocates for simplicity, participation, neutrality and entertainment. If we apply Ka Pit to both of these lists, it clearly aims to educate, provide accurate information, analyse and explain the conflict and counteract misperceptions. Through its use of oral testimony, it also provides an emotional outlet and a voice for the voiceless.
3.3. AN OVERVIEW OF APPROACHES AND STRATEGIES
Strategies and approaches for media for conflict-resolution and peacebuilding are often intended to guide donors and international organisations in terms of which media interventions to support and when and, as such, there exists considerable similarities between different frameworks. Indeed, many reports and strategies were developed through processes of consultation, such as meetings and conferences, and so individuals and organisations working in the field may have contributed to several different
3. Theoretical Framework
22 strategic papers.10 I have looked at a number of key documents to develop an overview of these approaches. However, I have decided to frame my research within a model devised by Bent Bonde (2005) in his PhD thesis, Media and Communication in Conflict
Prevention and Peace-Building: Exploring strategies for International and UN-led Conflict Transformation, which builds on a convergence of theories of conflict
resolution, mass communication and social psychology. But first, I will look at some of the strategic points of convergence that I have observed to be relevant to this study.
Phases of Conflict
Most media strategies differentiate between three phases of conflict (pre-conflict, conflict and post-conflict) and suggest media interventions appropriate during each phase (DfID, 2000; Hieber, 2001; Howard, 2002; Spurk, 2002). This distinction is extremely important, as different communication needs will emerge depending on the stage of conflict. However, Ross Howard warns that it is not advisable to be too prescriptive. “Stages of conflict are often fluid with overlapping characteristics and inconsistent types of media practices, which challenge easy prescription of the appropriate media-based peacebuilding initiative.” (Howard, 2002, p.12) Michael Lund (2002) argues that media is, in fact, likely to be more effective as a tool for peacebuilding before or after conflict as opposed to during open conflict. This is because the “reinforcing environments required for media to be effective for an individual media recipient are least likely to exist at escalating or high levels of violence, i.e., at the middle stages of active, open, violent conflict.” (Lund in KOFF, 2002, p.11) These phase-based conflict divisions provide a useful starting point for designing appropriate media interventions. However, because approaches tend to try to provide a general overview of conflict and media applicable to very different contexts, they are inclined, deliberately I would imagine, to over-simplify conflict phases. However, as Bonde asserts, a more nuanced approach may be more effective. “By bridging the strategies for immediate post conflict communication and media development with the mid- and long-term strategies important steps could be taken relatively easily towards independent media reflecting the entire society and
10 Some examples include Strengthening Lifeline Media in Regions of Conflict Conference, MAI, 1998; The Media and Peacebuilding roundtable discussions, IMPACS, 1998-2001;
Media and Peacebuilding Workshop, KOFF, 2002; The Role of the Media in Public Scrutiny and Democratic Oversight of the Security Sector, DCAF, 2003; Crisis States Research Centre Workshop, LSE, 2005
3. Theoretical Framework
23 strengthening the active involvement of the people in a process towards democracy and lasting peace” (Bonde, 2006, p.3). Christoph Spurk’s media strategy is one of the few that recognises the need for a long-term perspective. According to Spurk, the objective of long-term assistance is to foster a free, pluralistic and independent media, seen as a pre-requisite for a functioning democratic society. “The goal is to have a range of various credible voices and a sector that promotes such outlets” (Spurk, 2002, p.12). These include improving the legal enabling environment for the media, strengthening the media sector, removing barriers to access and other obstacles, supporting individual media bodies and reform of public service media (ibid., p.13). However, I would argue that by focussing on media interventions at the institutional level, Spurk excludes the potential impact of programming and content at this stage.
Multiple media fields
The second commonality is the delineation between various media fields, such as structures, legislation, policies, associations, journalism training and programming, and the roles that each field can play in each phase of conflict (DfID, 2000; Spurk, 2002; Hieber, 2001). The media is a multi-layered creature and functions on many levels in society. It is important to recognize how and why each layer plays a potential role in peace-building. Rob Manoff (1998), Director of the Center for War, Peace and the News Media, rightly highlights the need to focus not just on media content, but also to examine the institutional dimension of the media “by addressing professional codes and guidelines, government and multilateral policies, the interests of media personnel or the economic stakes of their employers and the potential of training programmes, as well as journalist and management exchanges” (Manoff, 1998). Bonde defines five fields for media intervention: Media structure, media legislation, ethical standards, journalists’ capacity and media content. “Logically speaking, the media tools needed for the leadership to impact popular attitudes in order to be supportive towards violent conflict illustrate the areas which media interventions must seek to neutralise in their efforts to prevent conflict and build peace.” (Bonde, 2005, p.143)
In the 2000 report, Working with the Media in Conflicts and other Emergencies, DfID defines four key types of media intervention that should be supported: objective and balanced reporting, provision of humanitarian information, targeted peace-building media initiatives and development of free, independent and responsible media in conflict prone countries (DfID, 2000, p.18). In their report, Why Templates for Media
