Degree Project in Criminology Malmö University
30 Credits, Two-year master Faculty of Health and Society Criminology, Master’s programme 205 06 Malmö
THE BATTLE YOU KNOW
NOTHING ABOUT
A QUALITATIVE STUDY ON THE PROCESS OF
FEMALE RE-ENTRY
THE BATTLE YOU KNOW
NOTHING ABOUT
A QUALITATIVE STUDY ON THE PROCESS OF
FEMALE RE-ENTRY
LANA LANICA
Lanica, L. The battle you know nothing about. A qualitative study on the process of female re-entry. Degree project in Criminology 30 Credits. Malmö University: Faculty of Health and Society, Department of Criminology, 2019.
Much research related to incarceration and re-entry has been focused on male models, and thus ignoring the unique circumstances of women offenders. Previous research argues that evident differences are found between the two sexes and these should not be neglected. Furthermore, both previous research and the theory of cognitive transformation has been utilized to analyse the results in a theoretical framework. The aim with this thesis is to explore the difficulties women face when re-entering into society after a criminal lifestyle. Hence, understand how women encounter and tackle these problems. Qualitative semistructured interviews with six former female addicts and offenders and one operations manager were tape-recorded. Transcription data was analysed using thematic analysis. The results showed that it was difficult to re-establish a healthy
relationship with children. All the women came from dysfunctional families and no support from family members was a challenging aspect in the re-entry process. Substance abuse was also found among all the women, which showed that it competed with both parental and employment responsibilities and finding a job was easier than holding down one. Furthermore, ending contact with antisocial peers was important, however, meeting new people was difficult. Lastly, the results showed that all the women had subjective motivation keeping them on the path of lasting change. This study concludes three ways to improve female re-entry processes, (1) greater aid to women with substance abuse, (2) continued therapeutic assistance post treatment and, (3) positive role-modelled guidance for young women.
Keywords: desistance, re-entry, semi-structured interviews, theory of cognitive
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express my deepest gratitude to all the women who participated in this study, it has been very interesting to listen to all your stories. I wish you all the best in your continuance of lasting change. My grateful thanks are extended to the operations manager, for your thoughts and for helping me gain access to the women who participated in this study. I would also like to thank the other two operations managers who also helped me find participants for this study. A special thank you to my supervisor, My Lilja, for your advice and guidance through the process of the thesis writing. Finally, I wish to acknowledge the support and encouragement provided by my family and beloved one throughout my study.
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 3
INTRODUCTION 5
Relevance to criminology 5
Aim and research questions 5
PREVIOUS RESEARCH 5
Definitions 6
Theoretical framework 6
Factors affecting re-entry 7
Family relations 7 Motherhood 7 Peers 8 Employment 8 METHODOLOGY 9 Research design 9
Data collection method 9
Procedure 10
Participants 10
Data analysis method 10
Scientific quality 11 Ethical considerations 11 RESULTS 12 Broken relationships 12 Parental stress 13 Work responsibility 14 Financial responsibility 14
Meeting new people 14
Self-transformation 15
DISCUSSION 16
Limitations of the study 19
CONCLUSION 19 Future research 20 REFERENCES 22 APPENDIX 27 Appendix 1 27 Appendix 2 28 Appendix 3 29
INTRODUCTION
There is a great amount of research on re-entry (Crow & Semmens 2008; Kvale & Brinkmann 2009; Maruna 2010, 2001; Petersilia 2005; Urbina 2008). Even
though literature regarding re-entry is in its most gender neutral (Schlager 2013), scholars, particularly of feminist dissent, argue that much research related to incarceration and re-entry have been focused on male models, and thus ignores the unique circumstances of women offenders (Boyd 2004; Enos 2001). This raises various questions on gender and urging for a critical need for indepth research on female individual lives (Carlsson 2013; Miner-Romanoff 2012). Male and female ex-offenders may resemble one another to a certain degree, however, evident differences are found between the two sexes and these should not be neglected. It is critical that we understand and acknowledge the importance of gender differences. For many reasons, recovery and re-entry for the female population is challenging. Among others, women tend to be single mothers with complex family circumstances, have difficulties maintaining a steady income and employment, suffer from mental illnesses, have serious substance abuse problems and history of personal abuse, homelessness and destructive relationships (Bloom & Covington 2000; Boyd 2004; Urbina 2008). Many of these challenges include personal, social, political and economic consequences, and also affecting the family and community at large (Petersilia 2003).
Relevance to criminology
Given that criminal justice has the main goal to reduce crime, it is of obvious importance and relevance that desistance and re-entry needs to be studied. By understanding female desistance and re-entry, it helps us as researchers
understand the way women go through processes to cease offending. Insight on the experiences of desisting females will not only help others with the same pathways, but also aid families, society and criminal justice efforts with knowledge on how to help future women re-enter successfully into society. As Olivia said in one of the interviews, this study is executed because “everybody deserves the chance to be the best person they can be.”
Aim and research questions
The aim with this thesis is to explore the difficulties women face when re-entering into society after a criminal lifestyle. Hence, understand how women encounter and tackle these problems. The research question is following:
1. What kind of problems do women experience within family, peers and employment when re-entering into society?
PREVIOUS RESEARCH
This chapter includes a literature review to enable this study to either stand out as new evidence or contribute with additional knowledge to the field. The chosen literature has carefully been reviewed to provide the most important data on female re-entry relevant to this study. To begin, definitions used will be explained in the beginning followed by a theoretical framework suitable for this study‟s aim.
Lastly, factors affecting re-entry will be discussed which include family relations, motherhood, peers and employment.
Definitions
In this paper, desistance, is viewed as “a developmental process in which one maintains a state of non-offending” (Davis et al. 2012; Laub & Sampson 2003; Maruna 2001). Re-entry will be defined as “the process of transitioning from incarceration to the community, adjusting to life outside of prison or jail, and attempting to maintain a crime-free lifestyle” (Davis et al. 2012; Laub & Sampson 2003, 2001). These concepts should be seen as two very different ones. Although a person can desist from committing crime, the ability to adjust to life outside of prison can still be difficult (Davis et al. 2012; LeBel et al. 2008).
Theoretical framework
Giordano, Cernkovich and Rudolph (2002) contributed to desistance research with a longitudinal study including both male and female ex-offenders when they attempted to fight and correct the limitations evident in Sampson and Laub‟s age-graded theory of informal social control (Sampson & Laub 1993). This theory emphasizes cognitive and identity transformation and the ex-offender‟s own role in the transformation process. They mean that, ex-offenders creatively and selectively choose appropriating elements (referred to as “hooks”) in the environment to sustain a different way of life (Giordano et al. 2002:992). They argue that these hooks will serve well as catalysts for lasting change when they energize rather fundamental shifts in identity and changes in the meaning and desirability of deviant/criminal behaviour itself. This theory has been chosen because of its relativeness to female desistance. Since the theory has been developed to explain the desisting process of not only white males, complex research results regarding female re-entry can be better interpreted and explained by this theory.
Giordano and his colleagues developed a four-part theory of cognitive
transformation that desistance, thus re-entry process involves. Firstly, there needs
to be a period of openness to change. During this period, the ex-offender needs to have awareness and willingness to initiate the change process. Further, action must occur for the process to move forward, which the second part of cognitive transformation relies on. An exposure to opportunities and possibilities of change focuses on the “way out”, e.g. if an ex-offender is offered a job. A fundamental idea is that both the ex-offender‟s attitude and exposure to a hook are important elements for successful change (Giordano et al. 2002:1001). Thirdly, there has to be an ability that the individual can imagine or conceive themselves in doing new and conventional things. This new identity and way of thinking can be considered a broader, more all-encompassing personal construct. The authors point out that the new identity can act as a cognitive filter for decision making (ibid. p. 1001). Lastly, there becomes a transformation in the way former criminals view crime and deviant behaviour. The re-entry process can be seen as relatively complete when the ex-offender no longer sees the same behaviours as positive, viable or even personally relevant (ibid. p. 1002). Giordano and his colleagues could later state that their findings were actually better applicable on women than on men (ibid. p. 1010).
Factors affecting re-entry
It is central to remember that desisting from crime, as it is a process, requires engagement with family and friends, communities, the civil society and state itself. Therefore, studying the processes women go through can and will pose greater outcomes for their re-entering process. Previous research shows that women with greater criminal history, no steady employment and drug dependency was associated with faster recidivism (Cimino 2015). Furthermore, a clear link between substance abuse and recidivism has been established in various research (Blumstein & Beck 2005; Deschenes et al. 2007; Huebner et al. 2010; Maruna 2001; Nilsson et al. 2014; Petersilia 2005), and a large number of individuals rearrested and returned to prison had an inability to refrain from substance abuse (Blumstein & Beck 2005). Nilsson et al. (2014) discussed that most convictions are frequently linked with involvement in drugs and connected with illegal ways to finance the drugs. Studies have also shown that drug and alcohol abuse are persistent risk factors for women re-entering into society (Cimino et al. 2015; Kubiak 2004). Substance abuse is therefore seen as a present feature in all factors below.
Family relations
Because feminist scholars have argued that research ignores the unique
circumstances of women offenders (Boyd 2004; Covington & Bloom 2003; Enos 2001), research has shifted their attention to matters related to women‟s criminal trajectories, and how they manage family obligations (Arditti & Few 2006; Enos 2001; Owen 2003). In many studies, family support has been particularly
important for female re-entry success and associated with lower recidivism rates (Davis et al. 2012; Farrall 2004; Laub & Sampson 1998; Zamble & Quinsey 1997) A study conducted in a prison in Illinois (Kiser 1991), revealed that visits from family were extremely important to female inmates, and for women who did not get family visits found it the most difficult part of serving time as they felt no support from family.
Laub and Sampson (2003) discussed and maintained that strong bonds to family members can in fact help individuals desist from crime. Further, it is argued that marriage and children create strong family bonds which increases the motivation to avoid illegal activities. Other scholars agree that if an individual does not have meaningful relationships with the family it may leave the person more prone to be influenced by deviant peers (Bahr et al. 2010).
Motherhood
The primary concerns for female offenders are to successfully reunite with their children and maintaining a sustainable lifestyle and relationships with family and intimate partners (O‟Brien 2001; Richie 2001). Upon incarceration, separation from children is believed to be the most damaging part of female incarceration (Arditti & Few 2006). The majority of incarcerated women have at least one child (Austin & Irwin 2001), and some children have to be placed somewhere else during the mother‟s incarceration time (Bloom & Steinhart 1993; Hagan & Dinovitzer 1999). A study by Enos (2001) found that female inmates endure severe stress in prison as their children are not with them. Because most women have primary responsibility of their children, they choose to reside with them and resume their role as a mother once released (Arditti & Few 2006; Hagan & Dinovitzer 1999). Sadly, during re-entry, Travis et al. (2001) found that mothers have an extreme hard time re-establishing a relationship with their children and
that more often than not, a mother-child relationship is beyond repair. Maternal incarceration has also shown to result in emotional, financial and, social suffering (Arditti & Few 2006). Moreover, the challenges of re-entry for mothers are far beyond stigma and include serious health problems such as emotional disorders, a history of physical or sexual abuse, and long-term substance abuse problems (Arditti & Few 2006; Owen 2003; Travis et al. 2001). However, as substance abuse recovery itself is a demanding role which may compete with maternal responsibilities, attaining sobriety might also motivate maternal roles (Richie 2001).
Peers
The relationship with delinquent peers has been one of the most consistent finding through the literature that has a strong influence on the criminal behaviour, both on the onset and the persistence (Davis et al. 2012; Rebellon et al. 2008). Much research has found that having friends who abide the law will reinforce law abiding behaviours and discourages of illegal activities and attitudes, thus positively affecting the re-entering process (Byrne & Trew 2008; Davis et al. 2012; Laub & Sampson 2003, 2001; Maruna & LeBel 2010; Maruna & Toch 2005; Schroeder et al. 2007). Staying away from deviant peers may also develop other bonds such as marriage or employment that constrain illegal activity (Giordano et al. 2002; Laub & Sampson 2003, 2001; Warr 1998).
Employment
Many researchers agree on the importance of employment for successful re-entry. Not only will a job provide steady income, but it is also linked with other factors that can promote desistance (Graffam et al 2005; Laub & Sampson 2003;
Ramakers et al. 2015; Visher & Travis 2011; Zamble & Quinsey 1997). Unfortunately, a high number of former offenders find it difficult to find a job because they tend to be undereducated, have few or no job skills (Davis et al. 2012; Seiter & Kadela 2003), and hold characteristics associated with weak employment prospects (Petersilia 2003; Ramakers et al. 2015). Richie (2001) found that women often have difficulty securing employment and must in many occasions rely on family members for financial support to avoid homelessness. In a study conducted by Morris et al. (2008) they found that formerly incarcerated women, more than men, face severe mental and physical barriers when seeking and trying to hold down a job. Women were also more likely primary caregivers to their children, and more often than not, also single parents. Parental stress was found to be a risk factor for increased recidivism which could all be based on low education and poor or no income (Van Voorhis et al. 2010). Laub and Sampson (2003) concluded that full-time work could lead to a change in the routine activities, and recidivism rates were lower for individuals who had strong employment bonds (Sampson & Laub 2001). Additionally, temptation of
committing illegal acts is seemed to be constrained by the potential loss of work (Laub & Sampson 2003). Work is also seen to increase the association with law abiding friends, leaving much less time to hang out with deviant ones. A recently published study conducted by Lilja (2019) showed that her results were consistent with Laub and Sampson (2003), and that employment was an important factor in desisting from crime.
METHODOLOGY
The present study focused on understanding particular problems former female criminals experience when re-entering into society after a criminal lifestyle. The women‟s own stories are fundamental to this thesis therefore has a qualitative approach been chosen to outline this study. Furthermore, the data is collected through semistructured interviews and analysed using thematic analysis. Research design
In criminological research, the majority of studies have been conducted with a quantitative approach, urging crime research to include qualitative measures (Meuser & Löschper 2002; Miner-Romanoff 2012). In criminal justice, qualitative research is an approach usually focused on exploring, clarifying and describing experiences and meanings individuals or groups ascribe to a social or human problem or phenomenon (Creswell 2014, 2007; Vito et al. 2014:171). In this study, this design is will help to provide understandings of different ways the re-entry process can operate in and what it is like to experience a certain event or problem. As this design allows a deeper understanding of indepth and detailed information from specific individuals, the results are not always completely generalizable (Vito et al. 2014:172).
It has been argued by quantitative researchers that qualitative research is too subjective and that the results basically are based on how the researcher unsystematically interprets what is important and worth mentioning (Bryman 2012). However, a qualitative researcher seeks to describe the meanings of certain themes in the life world of the subjects in the study (Kvale 1996). Through this design, a researcher can provide explicit and thorough description of a concept and explain to the reader what the concept really means and how it can play a role in a larger process (Vito et al. 2014).
Data collection method
Qualitative interviews are used to gain indepth understanding about individuals‟ attitudes, beliefs, values, experiences and explanations of actions and choices. Interviews tech researchers the full stories behind participants experiences (McNamara 1999). Semistructured interviews are, among other reasons, suitably used in situations where the researcher does not get the chance to interview an individual more than once (Bernard 2006). A semistructured interview is open ended, but follows a general script and covers a list of topics (ibid.:210). Therefore, an interview guide allows the researcher to be flexible, meaning the opportunity is given to ask questions you have not set to ask and, not asking questions that you first wanted to ask. It leaves you in full control but also
allowing the interviewees to speak freely in their own words and sometimes even wondering off to other topics you never intended to cover, but maybe actually needing them (Bernard 2006).
Weaknesses of using interviews as a method include the discussion which
demonstrates how interviewees respond differently depending on their perception of the interviewer (Denscombe 2007). It has also been argued that the researcher‟s presence may bias the responses, however, as a young woman interviewing
women older than myself, I gave them the opportunity to feel like they educate me in a sense, making them speak in their own words and in their own way. All
the participants were given the opportunity to evaluate and elaborate their answers with as much time as they needed. Despite the critique of interviewing as a
method, the advantages were far greater and gave this study unique opportunities to collect data. Furthermore, the study would have gained a deeper understanding of the women‟s narratives if more interviews were conducted, however, one interview with each participant still can provide rich and useful knowledge. Procedure
After getting the ethical approval for this study (reference number, HS 2019/löp nr 51- see appendix 1), I got in contact with one operations manager of a
treatment facility who helped me get in contact with one woman. Both of them were later interviewed together. The woman distributed the study‟s information letter to other women which led to one woman asking to participate. This process was repeated with two other treatment facilities in Sweden. Mostly, women who already participated in the study helped me to find other participants, therefore the sampling method in this study came to be in form of a snowball sample. Snowball sampling is used when the researcher wants a purposive sampling of participants and needs participants to help him or her suggest other participants for the study (Chambliss & Schutt 2006; Höglund & Öberg 2011).
Interviews in this study were held during four weeks on six different occasions and all interviews were conducted face-to-face. An interview guide was used in every interview (see appendix 2). The length of the interviews ranged from 50 minutes up to 1,5 hours. The interviews were conducted in Swedish and later transcribed. Quotes used in this paper were translated into English by myself. Every participant signed a consent form before the start, which meant that every interview was also approved to be tape-recorded. For every interview, the participants were given the choice to pick a place they wanted to be interviewed at. One interview was held at a public library, one in KRIS organisations office space and four at the treatment facilities.
Participants
The criterion to participate in this study was that the participants should be female, have had a criminal lifestyle and/or have a criminal record, have been active in non-profit organizations counteracting criminality and/or treated at treatment homes. During the data collection period, March-April 2019, six women and one operations manager were interviewed. The women ranged in age from 25 to 34 years, with a mean age of 30 years. All six women have a criminal record and a history of drug abuse. Five women have been to jail, four women have also been to prison. All six have stayed at treatment homes at least once (see appendix 3 for further details).
The choice of including one operations manager in this study is taken because of his unique experiences in the field and also because this kind of experience can help to better understand and interpret the women‟s own personal stories. He has a history of crime and substance abuse, and has 13 years of experience working at treatment homes.
Data analysis method
Analysing qualitative data can be done in various ways. In this study, I found it satisfying using thematic analysis. It is a process of identifying patterns or themes within qualitative data (Braun & Clarke 2006). A good thematic analysis can
interpret and make sense of complex data. Themes will be identified at a semantic level, meaning: “within the explicit or surface meanings of the data and the analyst is not looking for anything beyond what a participant has said or what has been written” (ibid. p.84). The data is analysed following Braun and Clarke‟s six-phase framework1 (Clarke & Braun 2013). As the phases are not necessarily linear, I moved back and forward between them because of the complex data. Scientific quality
The scientific quality of the study has been reflected upon, as well as the validity and reliability. Validity refers to the accuracy and trustworthiness of data,
instruments and findings in research (Bernard 2006) and, reliability has to do with the consistency and repeatability of the measures (Bryman 2012). However, as reliability is a vague term used in qualitative research, I rather focused on
qualitative generalization (Bryman 2012; Creswell 2014, 2007). Even if the form of inquiry is not to generalize findings to individuals, sites, or places outside of those under study (Gibbs 2007), the results should however in some way be generalized to some broader research findings. Ensuring a qualitative
generalizability requires documentation of qualitative procedures. Yin (2009) recommends to document the reasons behind chosen designs and methods as well as why specific previous research is selected. This has been done in this chapter. The interview guide was designed to enable participants to interpret the question in their own way, which would follow by them answering in their own words. This was done to ensure the study‟s validity. Further, the risks and benefits of these interviews were also reflected upon. As this study will bring up memories of a troubled past, participants may experience discomfort. During the interview, I asked the participants if they felt comfortable and reminded them that they could end the interview if they felt doing so. No participant in this study gave any sign of discomfort. The participants ensured me that they felt it was a relief to talk about their past with someone who did not judge them and they felt like their voices could be heard. Hence, this study offered the participants more benefits than risk which could ensure a higher quality of validity. The participants were all also deeply thanked for participating a couple of weeks after the interviews were held. Further, the transcripts were carefully examined numerous times to make sure that they did not contain obvious mistakes.
Ethical considerations
The Ethics Council of the Faculty of Health and Society at Malmö University has ethically approved the project plan, the information and consent letter as well as the interview guide. Because this study requires information of personal and sensitive data, an ethical approval was therefore needed. Some revisions were made according to the Ethics Councils suggestions.
Each participant in this study was informed both orally and in written form the procedure for the interview prior to the interview. They were informed that if anything was unclear, I was happy to explain, and that they could at any time ask questions if they had any. The participants had the option to choose any location of their choice where they would feel safe and calm to be interviewed at.
Additionally, they were informed that participation was completely voluntary and
1 Step 1: Become familiar with the data, Step 2: Generate initial codes, Step 3: Search for themes, Step 4: Review themes, Step 5: Define themes, Step 6: Write-up
they could, at any given time, terminate their participation without any further justification. The interview did not take place if a consent letter was not signed. Anonymity was ensured by not mentioning names or any personal details of the participants on the tape-recordings or on the transcripts. Results are written in a way that no participant can be identified, with made-up names and, not revealing any kind of information that could be associated to a treatment home or a
participant in this study. The recordings and all other information about the study were contained on my personal computer with a password no one could access which ensures confidentiality. The recordings and transcripts are destroyed after the thesis is approved.
RESULTS
This thesis has focused on the re-entry process women go through and the problems that occur on the way. Through six semi-structured interviews with the participants, four categories were successfully identified through the women‟s stories: broken relationships; work responsibility; meeting new people and;
self-transformation. The results will be presented with both similarities and
differences between the different stories, but first, some common features will be mentioned.
All of the six women expressed that they have successfully been sober and crime-free from at least 8 months up to 8 years, with a mean of 26 months. All six women have a history of substance abuse. All six women have committed
offences such as theft and shoplifting, four women have distributed narcotics, two women have committed an assault, and one woman has committed fraud. Five women have been to jail for at least three days up to three months, four of them have been to prison for at least one month and up to 7 months. However, one woman has not expressed if she has been to prison nor jail, therefore, the matter is unknown.
Broken relationships
Three of the six interviewed women reported having at least one child. All three women said that it was hard to re-establishing a healthy relationship with their children when they got sober. During incarceration and treatment, Sara and Jessica had help from family. Jessica admitted herself to the same treatment home as her older daughter a few years after her. This is the same treatment home she had help from to re-establish a relationship with her daughter.
Jessica: “It took about two years of sobriety for me to make good with one of
my daughters. She was blaming me for her addiction and felt like I ruined her life… I was so sad for so long, I‟m still sad to this day, but we are now closer than ever. We go to meetings together, it‟s our thing now.”
Sara: “My son didn‟t want any contact with me for many years. He could block
my number and not open the door when I wanted to visit. It was so hard to earn his forgiveness… […] my mother recommended that he would get therapy, and that‟s how he eventually started to talk to me again.”
Julia did not get help from family, but could however find support from her therapist to rebuild what damaged had been done. Julia‟s daughter spent almost three years in a foster home before Julia was approved to get her daughter back. By that time, the daughter had grown up and did not want to go home with her mother. Deciding what was best for the daughter, Julia agreed on letting her stay with the foster home for some time longer.
Julia: “The foster home she stayed at was very nice. My therapist […] and her
foster parents helped me regain contact with her […] I‟m grateful for them and their help.”
All of the six women have some sort of dysfunctional background and all of the women have expressed how their families have affected them in adulthood. Today, many of the women do not have contact with any family members and some have limited contact with a few of them. Two of the women have a long history of crime and drug abuse in the family.
Amanda: “My family has been both an asset and an obstacle for me, because
when I quit crime and drugs my father was still very active in his heroin addiction and crime. So, I had to learn to distance myself from him... That‟s very hard to do... And the rest of my family, well, I had to distance myself and give up contact with many of them because they were still very criminally active. […] today I have some sort of a healthy relationship with my mother and siblings.”
Olivia: “My mother was an addict and my father was in and out of prison for
10 years. […] I didn‟t have any contact with them, I still don‟t have contact with them… it‟s better that way, the whole family is full of problems anyways.”
Jessica also grew up in a dysfunctional family. Her mother threw her out in a young age, which made Jessica turn to illegal ways to finance herself. By that time, she met a man and had two children with him. After the second pregnancy, he started mentally and physically abusing her for a couple of years.
Jessica: “I moved in with my boyfriend when my mother kicked me out. He
wasn‟t very nice to me… he‟d get so aggressive when he was drunk, and when he was sober, he was just a painful as*hole.”
Parental stress
All three mothers said they tried to quit both crime and drugs when their children were born. However, two women said that being a single parent was stressful and difficult. They admitted to using drugs when their children were in the house.
Julia: “Sometimes I was so stressed out of her yelling and not falling asleep,
and I didn‟t have money for a babysitter. […] when she slept, I could smoke some hash just to relax a little… I thought that nobody would ever know, so what‟s the harm in that?”
Jessica: “My daughter once walked in on me while smoking hash [Jessica said
she was stressed out from work and parenting] she was very young to
understand what it was… I said that I light a scented candle, and she said „it doesn‟t smell good mummy‟ […] I felt so ashamed.”
As from the time of the interviews, both women say, apart from those times, that they have not used drugs while their children being near.
Work responsibility
All six women reported that holding down a job was not as easy as finding one. Being responsible enough to show up on time, and going to work every day was difficult and sometimes too much. In some cases, the pressure of holding down a job and not knowing other ways to relief stress resulted in them leaving their jobs to get treated for depression. Furthermore, Amanda, Olivia and Jessica are today sick listed by depression.
Amanda: “Taking responsibility was very hard in the beginning, you know,
when you have been free and done whatever you wanted, and suddenly you have to do things you normally wouldn‟t do.”
Olivia: “Going to work every day was in the beginning okay. But later when it
was dark and cold I called in sick many times. […] I knew I was getting so depressed from working there, so I quit.”
At some point, work responsibilities got so overwhelming for some of the women that they fell back into substance abuse. Both Jessica and Petra lost their jobs due to drug testing at work. Petra fell down a very dark hole when she lost her jobs. She explains it as a place she does not want to visit again.
Petra: “I was sober, had two jobs and an apartment. […] Then, homeless for
five years and later went to prison… all because of one positive drug test at my first job.”
Financial responsibility
Hand in hand with a steady employment, a monthly income follows. Sometimes, however, the money cannot cover all the days of the month. Having been used to finance themselves in illegal ways, made it harder for these women to get through the month with little or no money.
Olivia: “I usually spent all my money right away and then when I didn‟t have
anything left, I would borrow from my friends […] eventually I learned how to save.”
Sara: “I was used to having a lot of money and when I got my pay check I could
spend everything in 5-6 days. Then, I was left with only 300 kr. for the rest of the month. […] my mother would sometimes help me, but when she couldn‟t, text loans were very helpful. Now I have a large depth to pay back, and I‟m already living on a minimum wage.”
Meeting new people
“You‟re known by the company you keep”, said Sara, suggesting that “if you hang out with antisocial friends, you will eventually do same acts as them.”
Friends were a common category within the women‟s stories. It was safe to say that the women could agree that new friends were appreciated in their process for
lasting change. However, age was a crucial factor in this prospect. To be able to end contact with former antisocial friends, one had to be aware of the possibilities this entailed. Both Amanda and Olivia were very young the first time they left a treatment home, and ignored the recommendations their managers gave them. This resulted in them both relapsing. The operations manager could share that many of the young women who come in for treatment relapse very quickly because they fall under the influence of deviant peers.
Amanda: “I was very young and couldn‟t really let go of my old friends or my
ex-boyfriend. I fell back into the same path very fast, and soon I was back at the treatment home for another treatment. […] When I finished my treatment the second time around, I knew I had to let go of my old friends and ex.”
Olivia: “How can you tell a 20-year-old girl that her friends are not good for
her? I thought they were my family, but I learned a couple of years later that they weren‟t.”
The women in this study have said that they were able to meet new people through work and other settings and by doing so, they have actively motivated themselves to stay on a law-abiding path in life. However, some women said, sharing thoughts and feelings with people who have not gone through what they had, was difficult. The operations manager believed that a desisting process should not involve people who are not willing to go, or have already been on, the same path as them. He said that it is so important to find new friend and that it is totally unacceptable having contact with former antisocial friends. Furthermore, he expresses a unique and “special love” for those friends who have gone through a treatment program together with you. Both Amanda and Sara have found friends through a treatment program.
Amanda: “I‟ve found new friends through work, but I haven‟t got the same
connection with them as I got with those who have gone through the same things as me. I think it‟s very important to have that kind of friends. […] You can‟t really be yourself with people who haven‟t gone through the same thing as you have.”
Sara: “Many of the women who go through the stuff I have don‟t get much
support from other [nonoffenders and nonaddicts] people. We learn to support each other because we don‟t get it from anywhere else.”
Petra, on the other hand, still kept contact with her former friends. Giving the reason that, as long as she does not express an interest in their choices, she can handle it.
Petra: “I don‟t have a problem being near drugs or seeing them when I visit my
old friends, I‟m totally uninterested in that now […] it‟s so weird that I‟m not disturbed by it. It‟s such an amazing feeling! [..] that‟s why I can still hang out with them.”
Self-transformation
Most of the women have failed to desist from drug abuse and crime the first time they tried. However, all women have now, according to themselves, successfully accomplished to leave their past life behind them. Throughout their stories, all
women had and are still going through the process of re-entering in different ways. Some of the battles they fight very differently as already mentioned. Yet, the strongest battles they need to fight in this process is with themselves. They all highlight the importance of changing themselves and the courage that is needed to do so.
Amanda: “I feel better and I have responsibility now […] if I mess up, I‟ll lose
it all. It‟s not worth it.”
Julia: “I want to wake up one day, look in the mirror and say „I love you‟. […]
I‟ve been my own worst enemy, and I don‟t want to be that anymore.”
Having a job, or a loved one, seemed to motivate the women very much. Both Petra and Olivia had met someone who they wanted to share their lives with and their visions of the futures were filled with hopes and dreams. Risking it all was not in their plan. They knew that they had lost everything before, therefore, this time, it meant everything to them.
Petra: “You lose everything very fast. Today I have a new job and live together
with my boyfriend, and I would never risk losing everything again… I have too much to lose now.”
Olivia: “I‟m living together with a very nice man, who has the same
background of criminality and substance abuse as me […] we speak about starting a family, and how we want to raise our children to have better lives than we had… I‟m fighting to make that dream come true.”
Children were probably the biggest factor in the desisting process among all three women who had children. Being a better mother and a role model for their
children, both Jessica and Sara said they fought every day, because of their children. Furthermore, having come from dysfunctional families themselves, both say that they want to give their children a better childhood and life than they had.
Jessica: “I fight to be a better mother for my children. I love them so much, and
they really deserve the best!”
Sara: “I want to be a person who my children are proud of. I want to be a role
model for them.”
Concluding, at the end of the interviews, I asked the women what „ordinary‟ people could do to help with their re-entering process, Amanda said following which I thought was very powerful:
Amanda: “Everyone you meet is fighting a battle you know nothing about. Be
kind. Always.”
DISCUSSION
Fixing broken relationships was seen by three women who had children as a difficult aspect of re-entering back into society. Previous research showed that
once female offenders are released from prison, most of them wants to reunite with their children (Arditti & Few 2006; Hagan & Dinovitzer 1999).
Re-establishing a healthy relationship to the child is not always easy, and more often than not, the relationship between the mother and child is beyond repair (Travis et al. 2001). However, even if the process was seen as difficult, it was not
impossible. The women reported that they managed to repair the broken
relationships by the help of family, therapy and also staff from treatment homes. This supports the previous research findings on mother-child relationships and shows further that re-establishing a relationship with the children is possible. Previous research also shows that the identity of a mother is dramatically altered during incarceration, and that support from family and friends can minimize the challenges faces during re-entry (Covington & Bloom 2003). Furthermore, previous research also showed strong evidence that lower recidivism rates were associated with support from family members (Davis et al. 2012; Farrall 2004; Laub & Sampson 1998; Zamble & Quinsey 1997). All six women came from dysfunctional families, and most of them had to break contact with many family members who were still very active in crime and substance abuse. Amanda spoke of how she had to distance herself from her family because of those reasons, however, she was able to rebuild a relationship with her mother and siblings where she eventually found support. Jessica, who has also grown up in a dysfunctional family said she has been able to reconnect with her daughter and that they help each other out by going to meeting together. Olivia, on the other hand, did not get any support from her family members and had to rely on friends who had completed a similar treatment as her. As all the women report that they feel they have successfully been able to desist from crime and drugs, the results support previous research that support from family, and friends, can positively benefit the desistance process.
It is safe to say that the link between female criminality and drug use is strong because substance abuse were found among all the female participants. According to previous research, most convictions are frequently linked with involvement in drugs (Nilsson et al. 2014), and a large number of individuals rearrested had an inability to refrain from substance abuse. A study by Richie (2001) found that substance abuse recovery may compete with maternal responsibility, and Van Voorhis et al. (2010) found that women tended to fall back into both crime and substance abuse due to parental stress. This can be supported by the fact that Julia and Jessica said they used drugs while their children were in the house because they felt stressed out and some women also failed to desist from crime and substance abuse because of overall stress.
The results also showed that work responsibility was another risk factor in substance abuse recovery. Petra lost two jobs and an apartment because one positive drug test at her job. Both Olivia and Jessica also reported that the responsibilities at work were too much, resulting in them falling back into substance abuse. Findings from previous research pointed however in another direction. Laub and Sampson (2003) concluded that recidivism rates were lower for individuals who had an employment. Furthermore, full-time work would also increase the association with law-abiding friends, leaving much less time to hang out with deviant ones. This finding can be partially supported. On one hand, the women turned to drugs because of an overload of work responsibilities, yet, on the other hand, they say that today they would not do it again. This therefore
support the finding that temptation is seemed to be constrained by the potential loss of work (Laub & Sampson 2003). It further supports findings from Lilja (2019) who also found results supporting Laub and Sampson‟s findings.
Staying on the topic of employment, all six women reported it was not difficult to find a job. Findings from Petersilia (2003), Ramakers et al (2015) and Seiter and Kadela (2003), state that imprisonment limits employment opportunities. This may be very relevant and true, however, because all the participants in these studies were male, it makes it questionable if it is possible to apply it on women as well. The results from this study do not support these findings.
Financial responsibility was a common factor detected in the women‟s stories. Richie (2001) found that women must, in many occasions, rely on family members for financial support to avoid homelessness. Petra did not get any financial support from family member and was homeless for five years. The reason she was homeless was not simply because she did not have help from family or friends, but it could certainly have helped her situation if she did. Olivia and Sara had help from family and friends and the support meant much to them both. These results can therefor support this finding.
The most consistent finding from previous research is the relationship between delinquent peers and criminal behaviour (Davis et al. 2012; Rebellon et al. 2008). Findings from life course theory suggest that relapse occurs while hanging out with friends who abuse drugs (Laub & Sampson 2003, 2001; Maruna & LeBel 2010). Furthermore, previous research could also stress that having a districted association with deviant peers decreases the motivation for committing crime and encourages individuals to live a law-abiding life instead (Maruna & Toch 2005; Schroeder et al. 2007). Most of the women in this study said it was important to end all contact with antisocial friends. Both Amanda and Olivia spoke of how they fell back into addiction while they still were under the age of 21. They were both young and saw their friends as family. Today, both say that it is important to end all contact to be able to desist from crime and drugs completely. Having a relationship with people who truly cared and listened was more important. The operations manager spoke of the importance of finding new friends, highlighting a special love for the people they have gone through the treatment with. This
study‟s result supports findings from previous research. However, Petra, still keeps contact with her old friends. Seeing or being near her past life does not seem to affect her, therefore, she is able to be around it. Maruna (2001) explains that individuals who see themselves in control of their futures have a high level of self-efficacy and are able to desist from crime. Yet, Petra is the woman in this study who has the shortest period of desisting from crime and delinquency with one failed attempt to desist in the past. Hopefully, she will not fall under influence of former friends who still abuse drugs and commits crime.
The theory of cognitive transformation is divided into four-parts which constitutes the desistance process (Giordano et al. 2002). By choosing hooks as appropriate elements to sustain a different way of life, the authors argue that these hooks will serve well as catalysts for lasting change. Through the women‟s stories, these hooks are identified and were categorised as self-transformation. The first part in the theory states that there needs to be a period of awareness and willingness to change. Being a mother motivated this change for all three mothers who
decided to get help herself and Sara constantly reminds herself to be a role model for her children. The second part of the theory urges for an exposure to
opportunities and possibilities of change as a “way out” (ibid.). Amanda speaks of the responsibility she has now and how important it is for her, and Petra has found a new job which gives her a second chance to stay on the right track. Both of the women have an attitude and are exposed to hooks which are important for successful change. The third part of the theory is the ability to imagine or
conceive themselves in doing new and conventional things (ibid.). Olivia hopes to start a family together with the man she loves. Therefore, instead of spending all her money at once, she instead learned how to save money for her future family. Finally, the last part of the theory states that there becomes a transformation in the way former criminals view crime and deviant behaviour (ibid.). All women have, in one way or another, expressed that they have closed the chapter on their previous life style and would not go back to where they were before. Apart from this, no other statements on the views of deviant behaviour has been identified. Furthermore, it is already expressed that the women in this study do no longer see their previous behaviour as positive, viable or even personally relevant anymore. Therefore, their re-entry process can be seen as a path to lasting change. The theory of cognitive transformation is at its most applicable on the women in this study. Further, the theory states that the four parts should be seen as
interdependent, which this study also supports. Limitations of the study
This study has several limitations. First, the sample was small and each participant was interviews only once. A longitudinal study would contribute with greater and more in-depth results, especially with Petra who was sober and crime free for only 8 months. However, including one operations manager with more than a decade of experience in the field could provide a better understanding if something was somewhat unclear in the women‟s stories. The second limitation is that the small sample makes it impossible to generalize the results, yet, this study only serves to highlight and understand the experience of the women participating in this study. Third, all the women in this study were Swedish. The results would maybe be different among a sample of women from a different cultural background. Finally, only sociological factors were explored in this study and the impact of other factors, such as specific treatments, were not included.
CONCLUSION
Using data from six semistructured interviews, this study has presented qualitative information from the perspectives of six female ex-offenders and one operations manager. The aim was to explore the difficulties women face when re-entering into society after a criminal lifestyle. The interviews were able to provide insight into the re-entry process and highlight the subjective difficulties and similarities which has helped to gain understanding of how women encounter and tackle these problems. Thus, the research question has been answered with four key findings. The first finding suggests a strong link between female delinquency and substance abuse. All six women have reported having a substance use problem, and some of them have even said that their addiction has led to relapse at least once. Substance abuse was also present in other aspects of the entry process such as
re-connecting with family and holding down a job. Substance abuse recovery was seen as one of the most difficult features of the re-entry process. The second finding presented evidence of successful re-established relationships between mothers and children. Even though the process was difficult and complex, it was possible with the help of staff from treatment homes and support from family and friends. Furthermore, support from family was found to be important in terms of helping the women re-enter into society easier. The third finding, however, identified both parental stress and work responsibilities as risk factors for relapse. Adjusting to work and single parenting was perceived as a very stressful and sometimes overwhelming task. Employment was easy to find, yet, it was difficult to hold down a job. Finally, the last finding showed that the majority of women found it necessary to end all contact with former antisocial friends to be able to successfully desist from crime and delinquency. Sometimes, however, the importance of ending contact was not an easy thing to understand, especially while being young.
Understanding how women tackle these problems could be explained with a theoretical framework based on the cognitive transformation theory. These findings suggest that motherhood served as a motivational factor in the re-entry process as the mothers felt willing to change for their children‟s sake. An
employment or an intimate partner was also seen as a motivational factor for some of the women. Furthermore, having opportunities and possibilities to change was helpful as it was perceived as a second chance. Also, by having hopes and dreams of a positive future helped the women envision a transformation that was evident to happen. All these three factors go hand in hand with the way they view deviant behaviour today. As all women expressed that their lives were better now than before, none of them felt that criminality nor drugs was worth risking what they had today. A lasting change was motivated by these four parts.
The findings in this study can positively support previous research regarding female re-entry. Moreover, this study‟s results suggest that the re-entering process should include a continued therapeutic treatment once released from a treatment home. These treatments will ultimately help aid women remaining sober, regain contact will children and family and, provide knowledge on how to deal with stress. Furthermore, the reintegration off ex-offenders is a part of a broader societal problem, hence, societal support should be offered more often to women after incarceration, especially to young women.
In conclusion, this study suggests three ways to improve female re-entry processes, (1) greater aid to women with substance abuse, (2) continued
therapeutic assistance post treatment and, (3) positive role-modelled guidance for young women.
Future research
Future research should focus on key issues concerning female transitions and re-entry while they still are in prison, during transition and upon release to the community. While acknowledging gender differences, research should contribute to making a difference for correctional practices and current re-entry programs. Furthermore, the ones who can truly understand women‟s re-entry processes are the women themselves, therefore urging for more qualitative longitudinal studies exclusively on females. Future research also needs to examine more detailed how female re-entry is similar to and different from male re-entry. Thus, addressing the
complex problems they face, to provide women with opportunities to improve a successful return to society.
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APPENDIX
Appendix 2
Intervju Guide
Generella frågor: Berätta om dig själv.
Ålder Barn Arbete idag
Varit fängslad/häktad? Om ja, hur länge och hur länge sedan?
Berätta om när ett avvikande beteende började, och hur man hanterade det, och när man bestämde sig för att byta livsstil. Vad fick en att vilja ändra sig?
Familj:
Bra relation med familjen? Accepterad i familjen? Mor/far/syskon/kusiner? Förhållande?
Någon i familjen som är/varit kriminell?
Påverkas barnens liv av Ditt liv? Har din familj tagit avstånd från dig när du var kriminell? Hur har relationen förändrats?
Relation till barn? Vänner:
Svårt att skaffa nya vänner? Behålla kontakten med gamla vänner?
Kontakt med kriminella vänner? Svårt att hålla sig undan? Mobbning? Utfrysning?
Känna sig ensam? Saknar gamla minnen?
Skola och utbildning: Mobbning? Utfrysning?
Svårt att få en bra utbildning? Låga betyg pga. kriminalitet? Avhopp från skolan?
Svårt att hänga med? Komma i tid? Ta ansvar?
Arbete och ekonomi: Att arbeta
Svårt att få ett arbete? Svårt att behålla arbete? Låg lön?
Svårt att vänta på regelbunden inkomst(lön/bidrag)?
Komma i tid? Ta ansvar? Regelbundna tider
Att utföra jobb åt någon annan, att ha en chef?
Missbruk:
Beroende? Narkotika/alkohol? Rehab?
Svårt att tacka nej?
Svårigheter att hålla sig undan miljöer som kan leda till återfall? Svårigheter att hålla sig undan gamla vänner?
Värderingar och åsikter, samma som innan eller förändrade?
Kan du leva enligt nya värderingar? Säkerheten/att vara på sin vakt hela tiden? (kriminellt syfte)
Har det förändrats efter sitter det fortfarande i? (institutionsskadad)
Appendix 3
Name Age Correctional
Facility
Offence Sober and crime-free
Amanda 25 Unknown Theft and shoplifting, distribution of narcotics, substance abuse problem
5 years (60 months)
Petra 29 Jail, prison Theft and shoplifting, substance abuse problem
8 months Julia
(Mother)
30 Jail, prison Theft and shoplifting, distribution of narcotics, substance abuse problem
4 years (48 months)
Olivia 32 Jail, prison Theft and shoplifting, assault, distribution of narcotics, substance abuse problems
2 years (24 months)
Jessica (Mother)
34 Jail Theft and shoplifting, fraud, distribution of narcotics, substance abuse problem
8 years (96 months)
Sara (Mother)
34 Jail, prison Theft and shoplifting, assault, substance abuse problem
