The Tales of Interracial Relationships - How Interracial Couples in Sweden Experience Being Treated in Everyday Life

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THE TALES OF INTERRACIAL

RELATIONSHIPS

HOW INTERRACIAL COUPLES IN SWEDEN

EXPERIENCE BEING TREATED IN EVERYDAY

LIFE

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THE TALES OF INTERRACIAL

RELATIONSHIPS

HOW INTERRACIAL COUPLES IN SWEDEN

EXPERIENCE BEING TREATED IN EVERYDAY

LIFE

TANIA NJOKI KARANJA

Författare / Karanja, T. N. The tales of interracial couples. How interracial couples in Sweden experience being treated in everyday life. Examensarbete i

sexologi/ 30 högskolepoäng. Malmö universitet: Fakulteten för hälsa och

samhälle, institutionen för socialt arbete, 2019.

Abstrakt

Rasideologier och tankar om rashygien är något som präglat svensk historia sedan andra världskriget. Begreppet ras har varit, och är fortfarande idag ett

kontroversiellt ämne i Sverige, och har såväl i den akademiska världen som i dagligt tal kommit att bytas ut mot begreppet etnicitet. Tankar om ras och/ eller etnicitet kopplat till sexualitet är i dagsläget föga beforskat i den svenska kontexten. Denna uppsats har som fokus att studera hur ras och/eller etniskt blandade par definierar sig själva, samt hur de upplever att de blir bemötta av sin sociala omgivning i en svensk kontext. Resultaten visar att paren definierar sig på olika sätt, med hänvisning till etnisk tillhörighet eller beskrivningar av synliga skillnader vad gäller hud- och hårfärg. Det är mindre vanligt att par talar om sig själva i termer av skillnader i rastillhörighet. Resultaten visar även att paren bemöts av stereotypa föreställningar kopplat till rasblandade relationer, mer specifikt kopplat till den icke-vita partnern, i både nära så väl som mer avlägsna sociala sammanhang. Dessa föreställningar har inte sällan både en exotifierande och sexualiserande karaktär, där antagandet om den icke-vita partnern som sexuellt exotisk görs.

Nyckelord: blandpar, blandrelationer, etnicitet, ras, rasifiering, sexualitet,

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THE TALES OF INTERRACIAL

RELATIONSHIPS

HOW INTERRACIAL COUPLES IN SWEDEN

EXPERIENCE BEING TREATED IN EVERYDAY

LIFE

TANIA NJOKI KARANJA

Author / Karanja, T. N. The Tales of Interracial Couples. How Interracial Couples in Sweden Experience Being Treated in Everyday Life.Degree project in

sexology/ 30 credits. Malmö University: Faculty of Health and Society,

Department of Social Work, 2019.

Abstract

Race ideologies and thoughts about racial hygiene are things that have

characterized Swedish history since World War II. The term race has been, and still is today, a controversial topic in Sweden, and has been replaced by the concept of ethnicity both in the academic and public world. Thoughts of race and/ or ethnicity linked to sexuality have been explored to little extent within the Swedish context. The focus of this thesis is on how interracial and/ or interethnic couples define themselves, and how they experience being perceived and treated by their social surroundings in a Swedish context. The results reveal that the couples define themselves in different ways, referring to ethnic origin or descriptions of visible differences in regard to skin and hair color. It is less common for couples to talk about themselves in terms of racial differences. The results also show that the couples experience that they are met by stereotypical notions of interracial relationships, more specifically linked to the non-white partner, in both close as well as more distant social settings. These notions often have an exotifying and sexualized character, where the assumptions of the non-white partner being sexually exotic is made.

Keywords: couples, ethnicity, interracial dating, interracial marriage, race,

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thank you to my supervisor Sayaka Osanami Törngren, for being a pioneer on the field of research on interracial relationships in Sweden and paving my way. Thank you, Filip, because without you this thesis would never have happened. Thank you to my sister Toni, who has proofread this thesis. You are truly a motivator, and you make me want to strive to become a better me.

Thank you to my girls Jasmina and Chimen for keeping my head up when I just want to give up, and for sharing this journey with me.

Thank you, Sergon, for believing in my achievements when I did not believe in them myself.

Thank you, to everyone who has followed me through the ups and downs in life, in contributing to my becoming the woman that I am today. No one mentioned, no one forgotten.

Last but definitely not least, thank you to the amazing informants who invited me in to share their intimate experiences of love across racial and ethnic boundaries. Your stories have truly moved me, and I hope I have done them justice.

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1 INTRODUCTION

Today we live in a society that is strongly affected by the social changes in how people choose to live and structure their everyday life and organize their social environment. We can never fully decide with whom we work or go to school with or meet at a public place. However, relationships and who we choose to build a family with, are still a social context in which we still can deter. The preference for the person you choose to enter into a relationship and raise children with, differs from person to person. In this regard, norms and ideals are crucial when it comes to the perception of race (Jonsson Malm & Osanami Törngren, 2018). Due to the increasing number of immigrants in Sweden, it is more prevalent and conventional to choose a partner from a different ethnic and racial background than oneself. However, interracial couples reveal that most of their everyday problems are not related to the couple’s relationship, but rather to their relations with people around them (Osanami Törngren, 2018).

1.1 Problem area

The reactions to interethnic marriages have been, and still to a large extent, are rather negative in most of the Western industrialized societies. But during recent years, marital unions between people from different ethnic groups have become more accepted in parts of the world (Buunk & Dijkstra, 2017). Although, some ethnographic studies show that people who are in interracial relationships often meet resistance from society (Osanami Törngren, 2018). Sutton & Perry (2009) put emphasis on the importance of recognizing that interracial relationships are targets of hate groups and hate crimes in several countries, such as the U.S and UK, as well as Germany and Belgium. Racial violence has during many years been used to retaliate against people who have chosen to cross the boundaries of what has been considered racial and sexual propriety. Additionally, both black and ethnic men and women, whether perceived as over or undersexualized, are put in the highest risk when they visibly cross the racialised sexual boundaries by entering intimate interracial unions (ibid). Even though interracial marriage is not illegal in Sweden, this does not mean that negative attitudes toward these unions does not exist (Osanami Törngren, 2011).With regard to a Swedish context, Jonsson Malm & Osanami Törngren (2018) depict that interracial families are perceived as problematic here in Sweden, a country strongly characterized by whiteness as a norm and where the fusion between whiteness and being a Swede has become so normalized. Race and sexuality, when it comes to interracial relationships, is scarcely studied in the Swedish context (cf. Osanami Törngren, 2019), and the studies conducted have mostly focused on prevalence of interracial marriages and attitudes toward interracial unions in the Swedish context. Never has a study been conducted where the focus has been to examine how these couples actually experience being perceived and treated by their social

surroundings, in a country that has a past of playing the leading role during the era of early 1900s eugenics movement (cf. Elwert, 2018; Osanami Törngren, 2016). With this thesis I intend to contribute to the discussion on the significance and roles of race and visible differences in relation to sexuality within the Swedish society, by addressing how interracial couples experience that they are perceived and treated by their social surroundings.

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1.2 Aim and research questions

The purpose of this study is to qualitatively seek an understanding of how interracial couples in Sweden define themselves in regard to race. Further so, the aim of this study is also to investigate in what ways interracial couples narrate their experiences of how they are being perceived and treated in their everyday life, by people in their immediate and more distant social surroundings, concerning them being interracial couples.

Research questions:

1. How do interracial couples in a Swedish context define themselves? 2. How are they experiencing that they are perceived and/ or treated by their

immediate families and their friends?

3. How are they experiencing that they are perceived and/ or treated by their distant family, colleagues and other acquaintances?

4. How are they experiencing that they are perceived and/ or treated by public society, such as in the grocery store, in town, by neighbours, in contact with authorities etcetera?

2 THEORETICAL NOTIONS

In this chapter, you will be provided an introduction to the teoretical notions of race, ethnicity and interrelationships that will be used frequently in this thesis. In addition, I will also introduce the theory of The sex hierarchy (Rubin, 1998), that will be applied to analyse the empirical data in order to address the interracial couples experiences of being perceived linked to notions of race and sexuality. The theoretical notions for this thesis are based on a social constructivist approach on sexuality, which in this case means observing sexuality not only as biological drift, but also as a historical and social construct that is impossible to separate from its cultural context (Månsson, 2012).

2.1 Race, racism and racialization

The definition of the term ‘race’ in this thesis, is a subgroup within the human species that carry visible phenotypes which differentiates one subgroup from the other within the group of humans. The genetic differences between humans are marginal even though there is a great variety in our visible differences.

Throughout history, the world’s population has usually been divided according to four races; the European white race, the Asian yellow race, the African black race and the Native American red race. These racial divisions have been based on geographical origin, physical characteristics and previously ascribed mental characteristics, even though this later was dismissed by scientists (National Cyclopaedia, 2019). Due to there still being an actual difference in terms of people’s skin color today. I argue that the notion of race still exists among people in Sweden on a social level. On that note, the definition of race as people with different appearance when it comes to skin color will be applied in this thesis. Racism is consistent of ideas, prejudice and attitudes or actions and practices, based on the classification of people belonging to specific racial groups and further ascribing these people with certain inherent traits. Further, racism is based on the idea that there are more superior races than others, and according to this hierarchy entitling the more superior races to dominate, exploit and even annihilate members of, supposedly, more inferior races (National Cyclopaedia, 2019). Racism varies depending on context and co-varies with other

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powerstructures such as sex and class and seldomly appears as the only oppressing system (The County Government of Stockholm, 2018).

Racialized is the term used to emphasize that the perception of people belonging to different races is a social construct, rather than a biological reality. A racialized individual is someone that is ascribed as belonging to a certain racial group, by his or her social surroundings. Racialization is a means of defining others by their perceived visible differences (National Cyclopaedia, 2019).

2.1.1 Definitions of races and POC

This thesis focuses on discussing issues of race and visible differences in terms of skin color. When doing so, terms such as white, non-white, persons of color (POC) and black are used. A white person is someone that belongs to a race characterized by fair skin color (National Cyclopaedia, 2019). By white in this thesis, I refer to the majority Swedish population, or Europeans and white-Americans. The definition of a non-white person or POC, is someone that has a skin color other than white (National Cyclopaedia, 2019), in this thesis used to refer to all racial groups that are not considered to be white. Notice that the terms non-white and POC are used interchangeably. A black person is someone that is darkskinned and/ or of African descent (National Cyclopaedia, 2019).

The Swedish National Cyclopaedia lacks definitions of the term’s whiteness and blackness. Blackness, also known as ‘Negritude’ is a term that is used to describe the experience and expressions of the social-political heritage identity that is common to black people all over the world (Dictionary, 2019). Hübinette et al. (2012) defines whiteness as a system of norms that regulate the relations between different races, where whiteness is constructed at a privileged and superior position. Whiteness is constituted by various setups of practices and priviledges. Hübinette et al (2012) further argues that within the Swedish context, it is hard to separate the notion of whiteness and the notion of Swedishness, seeing as how white people in Sweden are perceived as being Swedish while non-whites are perceived as non-Swedish (Hübinette et al., 2012).

2.2 Ethnicity

The definition of the term ethnicity or ethnic background is considered to refer as belonging to a particular people, tribe or ethnic group. It is most often used to categorize other people who are considered to be different from one’s own people. It is the group’s own way of identifying itself as an ethnic group that is central, and thus determines its ethnicity. Ethnicity should not be confused with

nationality, religious status or the term race (National Cyclopaedia, 2019).

2.3 Interracial and/ or interethnic relationships

In regard to the terms of interracial and/ or interethnic relationships, Osanami Törngren et al. (2016) argue that these terms often have been used

interchangeably in different parts of the world. Furthermore, they argue that terms of race and interracial is more commonly used in North America, but these terms are seldomly used in the European political or academic context, instead the terms ethnicity and interethnic are being used (Osanami Törngren et al., 2016).

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relationship with different racial background. Although while in contact with informants I will use both interracial and/ or interethnic as terms referring to the couples, with the reason being that the term race is controversial in Sweden. Thus, making the term race and interracial hard to abide by due to it deviating from the social reality that exists within the Swedish context, whereas the terms ethnic and interethnic is more applicable. It is important that the actual subjects of this thesis are able to identify with the terms being used and using both terms facilitates identification rather than sticking to one term which could result in feelings of distance. Further, I have chosen not to specify what is considered to be a committed relationship, due to the fact that I want the couples to define this for themselves. Nor have I excluded any type of relationship set up, whether it be that the partners in the relationship are living apart, cohabiting or being married and regardless of the sexual orientation of the couple.

In contrast, I will use the terms intraracial and/ or intraethnic relationships which are the opposite terms of interracial and/ or interethnic relationships, meaning relationships within the same race or ethnicity.

Through this thesis the terms mixed relationships, interracial, interethnic, intercouple and intermarriage will be used interchangeably.

2.4 The sex hierarchy

Rubin (1998) argue that most modern Western societies evaluate sexual acts according to a hierarchical system of sexual values. At the top of that pyramid lies marital and reproductive heterosexuals, and below are unmarried but

monogamous heterosexual couples followed by the majority of other

heterosexuals. According to Rubin (1998), those individuals whose sexual acts are ranked as high in this hierarchy, are rewarded with certified mental health,

respectability, social and physical mobility, legality, institutional support and material advantages. For those whose sexual acts are ranked at the bottom of the pyramid, the individuals who commit them are presumed to be subject to mental illness, disreputability, criminality, restrictions in social and physical mobility, no institutional support followed by economic sanctions. These hierarchies of sexual value, based on religious, psychiatric and popular views, function as any other ideological system where it rationalizes the well-being of those who are perceived as sexually privileged, while depicting the adversity for the sexually deviant. With this background knowledge, Rubin (1998) has formed a theoretical model that she calls The sex hierarchy: The charmed circle vs. The outer limits, in which she portrays how this dichotomous hierarchical sexual value system works. The inner part of the circle mediates the sexuality that is considered good and natural, and ideally should be heterosexual, marital, monogamous, be

reproductive and non-commercial. Further, this good sexuality should also be coupled, relational, within the same generation and occur at home, nor should it involve pornography, objects of fetish, any types of sex toys, or roles other than female and male. Any sex act that deviates from these rules are considered as bad, abnormal or unnatural (Rubin, 1998). Note that Rubin (cf. 1998) in this charmed circle vs. the outer limits, have not incorporated the value of race in relationships, in regard to discussing preferred racial set up in relationships whether the ideal of sexuality is linked to a certain race, or if ideals of sexuality are linked to being

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intraracial or interracial. Critical reflections on this perspective will be discussed later on in this thesis, in relation to the empirical data (see chapter 6).

To further explain how this hierarchy of sexual values works, Rubin (1998) has formed another theoretical model which she calls The hierarchy of sex: The

struggle over where to draw the line. With this, she (Rubin, 1998) problematizes

the need to draw and maintain an imaginary line between the so called good versus the bad sexuality. The religious, psychiatric, political and popular views that are at the base of the discourse on sex, only define a small portion of human sexual capacity as sanctified, safe, healthy, mature, legal or politically correct. This imaginary line differentiates these good behaviours from all the bad

behaviours regarded as erotic or understood as dangerous, infantile, as the work of the devil, psychotpathological or as politically reprehensible. Discussions are further made over where to draw the line in regard to what other sexual activities, if at all any, may be permitted to cross over into the accepted good sexuality (ibid). For example, heterosexual encounters may be various, but is still

acknowledged to exhibit the full range of human experience, as long as it does not violate other rules. On the contrary, all sexual acts on the bad side of the line are considered to be the outmost repulsive and lack emotinal nuance. The worse a sex act is considered, the more it is posed as solely a bad experience (Rubin, 1998).

3 PREVIOUS RESEARCH

In this part I will present some of the previous scientific research done on the topic of interrelationships both internationally and within the Swedish context. Even though this thesis focuses on interracial relationships, it is important to note that the terms used to refer to mixed relationships in previous research varies. Following terms are mentioned in this chapter: inter-, interracial-, interethnic-, intercultural, interfaith-, cross-group relationships and/ or marriages.

3.1 International research on interracial relationships

Increasing migration worldwide has contributed to cultural diversity and intimate unions of people from different countries, religions, races and ethnicities.

Interracial marriages challenge people’s ideas of us and them while at the same time still being controversial or considered as taboo (Osanami Törngren et al., 2016). The actual occurrence of interracial marriage is determined by the actual availability of partners with different nationalities, religion, race or ethnicity, but also depending on whether or not there are formal or informal consequences associated with intermarriages (Osanami Törngren et al., 2016). In some countries where intermarriages have historically been banned, the impact of these sanctions are still profound. Osanami Törngren et al. (2016) describes how the previous research on intermarriages can be categorized into three alignments: 1) patterns of intermarriage such as occurrance of intermarriage, preferences and choices of marital partners 2) intermarriage and migration, and lastly 3) intermarriage and economic integration. However, marriage is one of the most personal and intimate social relationships that an individual might engage in during their lifetime

(Osanami Törngren et al., 2016). Marriage provides an opportunity for individuals to experience intimacy, emotional support and companionship, and it is one of the main places where regular and safer sex occurs, but also where reproduction might take place (Elwert, 2018). Therefore, it is noteworthy to point out that none

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of these previously mentioned alignments focuses on the social, psychological or sexological aspect of intermarriages and instead focuses on experiences that these couples are subjected to. The aspects of sexuality in relation to interethnic

relationships have not had much attention payed to it in the scientific field and this could have to do with taboos surrounding the subject (Buunk & Djikstra, 2017). However, interracial relationships have historically been stereotyped and

sexualized, thus making it even more relevant from a sexological standpoint, to study interracial relationships as a phenomenon affected by the relationship between race and sexuality.

3.1.1 Racialized and sexualized depictions of racial mixing

Depictions of interracial couples often surrounding racialized sexuality, were these couples are never seen as reaching the Western ideals of romantic

relationships, which are marriage and children (Washington, 2012). Washington (2012) describe how interracial relationships through time has been depicted in popular culture as either sexless marriages or sexual relationships never leading to marriage. Interracial couples have therefore been robbed of their happily ever after, or their tales of marrying and having children, which leads Washington (2012) to the conclusion of the discourse of whites being the only people viewed in popular culture in relationships that involve sex, marriage and getting children all together. Interracial relationships therefore continue to be bound by hierarchies of class, gender and race as a reflection of society’s ideas of these couples (ibid). Furthermore, stereotyped terms such as “Jungle Fever” have been used to

describe individuals who choose to enter interracial relationships out of the desire to experience sex with someone of a different race than oneself. These types of myths have been used to justify opposition to interracial romance. Some

academics have even argued that one of the major attractions between black and white couples is sexuality, while other researchers have argued against this myth of interracial sexual obsession. Jungle Fever is conceptualized to have derived from the historical barriers which did not allow white and black people to

participate in sexual relationships with each other (Yancey, 2003). However, little attempt has been made in regard to investigating non-sexual romantic interracial relationships, for example interracial dating and attraction, which Yancey (2003) suggests for future research. This indicates the relevance of studying interracial couples and their experiences of how they are being perceived and treated by their social surroundings.

Racial violence has during many years been used to retaliate against people who have chosen to cross the boundaries of what has been considered racial and sexual propriety (Sutton & Perry, 2009). Racialized images of sexual purity, danger, appetites, desirability and perversion, is all considered to be a part of the performative construction of sexual respectability and disgrace, normalcy and deviance. Sexuality beyond ethnic boundaries is considered to be exotic, but also elusive social contexts where violence has room to flourish (Sutton & Perry, 2009). Minority ethnic groups are often feared, ridiculed and censured due to their presumed sexualities. Male black and minority ethnic sexuality is mostly

constructed as a threatening force that is dangerous to white women and perceived as a threat to the white man. Black and ethnic women on the other hand are also feared and blasphemed but can on the other hand sometimes be desired on the same basis as ethnic men. They are racialized, seen as extraordinary exotic in a way that does not fit the ideal of Western womanhood. Additionally, both black

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and ethnic men and women, whether perceived as over or undersexed, are put in a higher risk when they visibly cross the racialised sexual boundaries by entering intimate interracial unions. On the basis of these stereotypifications of black and ethnic peoples, white women and foremost white men are scared and suspicious of the sexualities of people with other ethnicities (Sutton & Perry, 2009). This white fear of black bodies specifically, is rooted in internal feelings about black bodies, encouraged by the sexual myths about black men and women, either as threatening beings who have the potential for sexual power over whites, or as harmless desired submissives of white Western culture who have long been held to the limited and condescending images of the assumed sexualities of black people. In contrast to previous views on non-white bodies and sexuality,

exotifying bodies of POC implies that engaging in interracial relationships would be some kind of lustful attraction to the exotic other, resulting in racial differences in a relationship being nothing but a mere source of sexual titillation (Sutton & Perry, 2009). Sexualized stereotypifications of black people make it possible for hostile attitudes toward interracial relationships and them being interpreted as deviant due to them being perceived as based on lust and not love, in addition being driven by boundary breaking lust. This hostility towards interracial relationships and interracial sexuality all comes down to the essentialist understanding of racial difference (Sutton & Perry, 2009). Crossing racial

boundaries through this type of intimate relationship is not only seen as something unnatural, but also perceived as a threat to the racial hierarchies, which are based on the beliefs of racial differences. In reference to this, the white race is being put on a pedestal and deemed as superior to other races both intellectually and

culturally, and therefore seen as something worth protecting and preserving (ibid). Historically, the conception amongst the white superiors about the non-whites was that they had not learned how to restrain their sexual desires nor to channel them toward the right people, which meant it was channelled towards people of their own race or ethnic group (Sutton & Perry, 2009). Interracial unions still continue to elicit emotional response from whites as well as from members of minority communities. Opposition toward black-and-white interracial relationships are much higher than those opposing any other interracial marriage (Jacobson & Johnson, 2006). Sutton & Perry (2009) argue that as soon as people decide to act differently than what is expected, they open up the possibility for either being rewarded or censured. Sutton & Perry (2009) conclude that in order to understand how racially sexualised stereotypes affect those in interracial relationships, we must focus our research on collecting thorough information from these actual relationships. In doing so, researchers should avoid objectifying these couples, and instead aim to examine the reality that those interracial relationships live in and what they actually mean to those very people being affected by that certain reality. For future research, Sutton & Perry (2009) suggest that researchers should examine those in interracial relationships or those who have had past experience of them, in order to understand how, where and when and the effects of prejudice and violence against them. This can also lead to understanding of how anti-interracial behaviour looks like, such as getting an image of what perpetrators of hate, prejudice and bias say or do to those in interracial relationships during the stages of abuse (ibid).

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3.1.2 Social challenges for interracial couples

Rodriguez-Garcia et al. (2016) have found that members of intermarriages are subjected to discrimination, especially by their families who may motivate this through feelings of their group identity and unity being at threat. Rodriguez-Garcia et al. (2016) claim that this rejection that the families express is usually based on negative stereotypes and prejudice linked to an intersecting combination of the partner’s origin, visible differences, religion (specifically Islam), gender or social class. Although it might not only be the family’s own prejudice and

preferences that motivate the disapproval, thus it can be motivated by the attitudes observed by the family in the wider society (ibid). Research has found that in-group favouritism, meaning favouring intraracial relationships, could be the reasons behind cross-group relationships facing more hostile and cold treatments from social surroundings. Regarding in-group favouritism, this could be

influenced by partners within the relationship, from the couple’s families and social networks. Interracial and interethnic couples have reported that they lack social support from family, friends and the community in general (De Guzman & Nishina, 2017). Discrimination and stigmatization directed towards cross-group relationships could strain the relationships in ways that same-group couples may not have to endure. This reality may cause some couples to worry about future consequences for a long-term cross-group relationship when it comes to living arrangements and the treatment of future mixed children (De Guzman & Nishina, 2017). Interrelationships with more prominent visible differences leap higher risk to be subjected to discrimination and stigma as a couple (De Guzman & Nishina, 2017). De Guzman & Nishina (2017) suggests that in future studies, researchers should be more open to asking informants if they perceive themselves to be in a cross-group relationship and further in what way they identify this. This addresses common notions of cross-group couples’ similarities and differences as well as enabling assessments of the couple’s perceptions of being in a mixed relationship to get a better image of what actually constitutes a cross-group relationship (ibid). In summary, the importance of studying the social settings surrounding interracial couples, and how these couple experience being perceived and treated within their close and more distant social settings. Furthermore, it puts the emphasize on letting these couples define themselves and in what ways they consider themselves being mixed in regard to race and/ or ethnicity.

3.1.3 From a sexologist’s perspective

In the beginning of the twentieth century most therapeutic experts argued that any mixing of the races was highly unwanted from a biological standpoint. Many marriage educators during this time disapproved of interracial marriages with the argument not being of biological reason, but rather with the argument that people who wished to marry outside of their race had poor mental health, and that those who chose to build an interracial union would suffer severe consequences socially (Celello, 2010). Still to this day, intercultural marriages remain a hot topic

amongst helping professionals as well as in the general public, where the

discussions are focused on race, ethnicity, culture and religion (McFadden, 2001). McFadden (2001) argues that counselling professionals carry the responsibility to prepare individuals to live and work across cultural boundaries. Intermarriages already face prejudice and presumptions about the challenges of such unions. For this reason, McFadden (2001) proclaims that family counsellors need to focus on

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the empowerment traits that interracial couples’ practice and by all means avoid stereotyping these unions. As sexologists, I argue that we need to be educated and aware of the issues surrounding race and sexuality, to better be able to provide adequate professional care to interracial couples seeking counselling.

3.2 Interracial relationships in a Swedish context

There are not many studies conducted on the topic of race and sexuality and more specific on the topic of interracial relationships, within the Nordic context.

Osanami Törngren, a researcher at Malmö University has been bound breaking on this topic within the Swedish context, dominating the field by being the first and almost the only one writing about attitudes and perceptions of race and visible differences in regard to interracial marriage in Sweden (Osanami Törngren, 2016). 3.2.1 The history of race in Sweden

Race is and has been a sensitive topic in Sweden for many years (Elwert, 2018). The background to this is that Sweden played a leading role in the development of race biology, and later on in constructing race as social categories rather than biological. Some researchers argued that Swedish race was to be considered as “the pure race” and therefore should be protected from degeneration by promoting a prohibition of immigration and racial mixing. Sweden even had a governmental institute engaged in racial biology the year 1922 and was the first country to establish such an institute. However, this way of dividing humans in different races turned out to have little meaning quite soon as Sweden dismissed the idea of biological race during the 1950s (Osanami Törngren, 2019). From the ‘60s and onward, Sweden changed its rhetoric and promoted the idea that race belongs to history and is only of importance in other countries, and the term race was suddenly exchanged by the term ethnicity (Elwert, 2018). According to Jonsson Malm & Osanami Törngren (2018) the Swedish Parliament decided to eliminate the concept of race as a ground for discrimination in Swedish law year 2001. The year of 2014 the Swedish parliament again decided that the term ’race’ should be removed from all existing laws were the term still was present. Jonsson Malm & Osanami Törngren (2018) declare that within current Swedish language, the word race is almost completely avoided.

Furthermore, many researchers have fused the meaning of race and ethnicity, but Osanami Törngren (2018) argues that the two terms are distinct in that race is visibly noticeable whereas ethnicity is not always so. While the term race is strongly avoided in Swedish discussions, the use of the term racism is not (Elwert, 2018). In today’s Sweden it is still considered taboo to address issues of race due to the biological connotations of the term and the country’s history of racial hygiene. For many Swedes, this means that the word race is hard to even utter, and there is a discomfort associated with talking about white and non-white Swedes. The term race has further been replaced with the term racialized which refers to a person who is categorized as belonging to a certain racial group due to their visible differences (Osanami Törngren, 2018; Osanami Törngren, 2019). But denying the concept of race does not mean that race and ideas of race perceived through visible differences stop existing in society. Furthermore, the terms ethnicity and culture are often used to describe others who do not look Swedish, rather than to describe Swedes. But in sometimes the term race is used to describe peoples from different geographical areas and the visible differences, mostly skin color, that are associated with those peoples (ibid).

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The image of Sweden as one of the world’s most tolerant country is not coherent with recent studies that have shown that different levels of racism in Sweden has an impact on social life in almost all arenas (The County Government of

Stockholm, 2018). Swedish society acknowledges the existence of racism but does not collect any data on racial origin of the population (Elwert, 2018). The anti-racism proclaimers argue that race does not exist when it comes to humans, and therefore this term should not be used in any regards to human lives (Jonsson Malm & Osanami Törngren, 2018). But today’s Sweden is reluctant to admit that the idea of race still exists in society and that racism and discriminations is a result of this fact (Osanami Törngren, 2019). Instead, many Swedish scholars tend to focus on the idea of ethnicity and culture as a way to explain racism and

discrimination in the country, thus avoiding the discussion of race and visible differences with the belief that race does not exist (ibid).

3.2.2 Visible differences and color-blindness

Noticing race through visible differences is a natural and rational process, but it is the idea of race and the meaning and thoughts connected to the visible and

perceived differences that ought to be problematized (Osanami Törngren, 2011). Jonsson Malm & Osanami Törngren (2018) argues that the terms ethnicity and culture which are not necessarily focused on bodily differences, are continuously contributing to the ’color-blind’ discussion about race. On the other hand, using these terms often means referring to individuals and groups which are of non-white European and non-Western decent. Osanami Törngren (2018) argues that color-blindness as a norm exist in prominent Swedish society, which means an attitude of thinking about race by strong efforts to not see or acknowledge the mere existence of visible differences. Within the Swedish society it is common to act as if skin color or other visible differences between different groups do not matter or exist, when in fact reality shows how different groups are racially signified specifically due to the visible differences that are perceived, proving that skin color does matter. She further argues that skin and hair color are usually used as markers to categorize individuals into socially constructed races and that racial groups are constructed by this as well (ibid). According to Osanami Törngren (2018), race is something that exists as a social reality due to the lives of the people who are categorized as different due to their visible differences, and experience discrimination and racism because of it. Osanami Törngren (2018) states that the norm of color-blindness exists in Sweden and that Swedes are not used to talking about race and racial differences. Osanami Törngren (2019) further argues that the idea of color-blindness is imbedded to such an extent that there are continuous efforts to eliminate the term race in Sweden. More so, research

continuously reveals how visible differences are one of the first things people notice and perceive, together with gender differences. Therefore, color-blindness becomes a means to feed people’s assumptions of being tolerant and not adding importance to visible differences such as skin color, when in fact color-blindess enables people to stay unaware of how race actually impacts people’s daily lives (Osanami Törngren, 2019). Identities such as African, Asian, Middle Eastern and Latin American are developed during interaction with public society, and it is through this interaction that they become aware of visible traits such as skin and hair color. Ethnicity and culture as terms are mostly used when referring to people of color, meaning non-white racial minorities, without actually mentioning racial and visible differences (Osanami Törngren, 2019).

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Osanami Törngren (2011) states that the idea of Swedishness and of what Swedes look like physically and socially, has existed through history and has played a significant role in the construction of Swedishness today. Even though the color-blind ideals exist in both the politic and academic world of Sweden, visible differences seem to matter seeing as though whiteness and racial differences actually shape the definition of Swedishness and non-Swedishness (ibid). Furthermore, Swedishness is perceived to be strongly connected to whiteness (Osanami Törngren, 2016). Jonsson Malm & Osanami Törngren (2018) argues that this fear of using the term race and the fear of speaking about whiteness, white and non-white people creates a situation where there is an inability to understand how these terms can be used to highlight unequal power structures (Jonsson Malm & Osanami Törngren, 2018). Avoiding the discussions on issues of race and the role of visible differences will only allow prejudice and racism to thrive through a color-blind ideology (Osanami Törngren, 2011).

3.2.3 Prevalence of interracial relationships in Sweden

Sweden has been a country of immigration ever since post-war, therefore people of diverse ethnic and racial background are an undeniable part of current Swedish society (Osanami Törngren, 2011). Due to the increasing number of immigrants in Sweden, having interethnic and interracial contacts becomes inevitable in people’s everyday lives. This also means that it is now more prevalent and conventional to choose a partner from a different ethnic and racial background than oneself (Osanami Törngren, 2018). Interracial relationships could be seen as a natural consequence of increased social interaction across racial borders, and their

occurrence are defined by the aspects of opportunity and preference. Additionally, factors that can affect occurrence of interracial relationships are formal sanctions that prohibit such unions, informal sanctions such as norms and attitudes that regard interracial couples, the availability of partners within and outside different groups and the degree of equality in social status (Osanami Törngren, 2011).

However, marriage is one of the most personal and intimate type of social relationships that humans enter into. Unlike other types of social relationships, when it comes to marriage the choice of not interacting across the ethnic and racial boundaries is limited (Elwert, 2018; Osanami Törngren, 2018). Sweden has never had official laws prohibiting intermarriages but has had a history of fear of miscegenation that was articulated and manifested in the early 1900s. The fear of racial mixing in Sweden was present up until the 1970s and racial mixing was seen as one of the biggest threats to Swedish people. This fear of racial mixing has changed over time and so has the definition of who is considered ‘us’ and ‘them’. Although, the idea of what is considered Swedish still remains when it comes to the aspect of intermarriage (Osanami Törngren, 2016).

To this day, research on intermarriage is still scarcely studied in Sweden

(Osanami Törngren, 2018). The studies conducted in Sweden on intermarriage are focused on the number of intermarriages in the country and on analysing who marries whom. Since Swedish statistics do not unveil any information about the ethnic or racial background of individuals entering intermarriages, it is not clear what the actual number of intermarriages that exist in current Swedish society. However, Swedish statistics do reveal a significant increase of intermarriages (Osanami Törngren, 2016; Osanami Törngren, 2018).

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3.2.4 Attitudes toward interracial relationships

Even though interracial marriage is not illegal in Sweden, this does not mean that negative attitudes toward these unions does not exist. People who are living in interracial relationships reveal that most of their everyday problems are not

related to the couple’s relationship, but rather to their relations with people around them (Osanami Törngren, 2011). But for the most part, Swede’s reveal positive attitudes towards building a family across racial and ethnic divisions, and few people oppose intermarriage (Osanami Törngren, 2011). Although, some ethnographic studies show that people who are in interracial relationships often meet resistance from society (Osanami Törngren, 2018). Osanami Törngren (2018) argue that attitudes towards interracial marriage are not solely determined by the idea of cultural differences and argue that race and visible differences matter when it comes to choosing a spouse in Sweden. She contemplates that, failing to talk about race and the role that visible differences play, is to turn one’s back on the effect that visible differences actually have on some groups of people and their social lives (Osanami Törngren, 2018). The perceived visible differences in regard to interracial unions could be seen as in a scale were the more the

partner is perceived as visibly different, the more the relationship is perceived to be mixed. Although, it is important to note that it is not only visible differences that play part in stereotypes and prejudice of interracial marriages (Osanami Törngren, 2011). Hierarchical preferences in regard to ethnic and racial origins of one’s marriage partner still exists in Sweden, and attitudes toward intermarriages are often justified through current notions of ‘us’ and ‘them’ (Osanami Törngren et al., 2016). Intermarriages still challenges people’s ideas of us and them in regard to what belongs together and what does not, which in turn could mean that rejecting interracial relationships could be seen as means to legitimize this

boundary of us and them and further give grounds for racial discrimination and prejudice (ibid).

Men in Sweden tend to have more accepting attitudes toward interracial intimacy and marriages than women (Osanami Törngren, 2011). Gender differences in attitudes toward interracial unions and the existing number of interracial marriages in Sweden might correlate, because according Osanami Törngren (2011) men in Sweden intermarry in a greater extent than women. Majority Swedes can imagine engaging in an interracial relationship and would not mind a family member having such a relationship. Having friends of different racial and ethnic origin has crucial meaning in regard to positive attitudes toward interracial dating, unions and childbearing. Other factors regarding attitudes toward

interracial marriages in Sweden are age, gender and place of upbringing (ibid). However, Osanami Törngren (2011) argues that there is a complicated

relationship between an individual’s attitudes toward interracial relationships and the sense of group position. A consequence of intermarriage is that it weakens cultural salience for future generations, which might be viewed as a threat to the existing group position. This might further be the reason as to why choosing a partner across the ethnic and racial divide is still regarded as taboo. Marrying interracially threatens the stability of racial groups. Swedes are generally

uncomfortable when discussing issues of difference in intermarriages that cannot be deduced to cultural or social differences, but in fact are a result of visible differences (ibid).

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There is a hierarchical preference when it comes to partner choice. Attitudes toward interracial relationships seem to be in compliance with the hierarchical preferences that reflect the degree of perceived differences, with the fear of creating problems and conflicts. Even in regard to discussions about adoptees, majority Swedes tend to discuss the matter of interracial marriages with adoptees in a color-blind way. The popular notion of adoptees being regarded as Swedes is challenged, seeing as majority Swedes prefer marrying adoptees to a lesser extent than marrying Swedes or Scandinavians. Seeing as Swedes have a hard time addressing the visible differences of adoptees, even though they could admit to the understanding that adoptees face discrimination and racism because of their physical deviance from majority population (Osanami Törngren, 2011). In conclusion, adoptees are believed to have crossed the boundary of us and them and are therefore seen as belonging to the majority group and society on the one hand, while on the other hand their visible differences from the majority group result in them being perceived as belonging to minority groups. The case of adoptees fundamentally questions the role of visible differences contra social and religious difference, when choosing a spouse (Osanami Törngren, 2011).

Majority Swedes say that they would be accepting of family members or Swedes in general marrying someone of another origin because this is viewed as

individual freedom. Although, this can also be seen as a color-blind way to put it, seeing as Swedes moves the focus from racial prejudice to the focus of individual choice and preference. This also reveals a projection were Swedes note that others might have opposing opinions on interracial dating, but this not being the case for themselves. In Swedish society, being concerned of other people’s views toward intermarriages and others being against them, seems to affect the individual’s own ideas of such unions (Osanami Törngren, 2011). This can be seen in how Swedes discuss interracial dating contra interracial childbearing, where some have

arguments that when dating it is only about yourself while childbearing involves other people. In conclusion, the ideas of individual choice and the idea of not having a problem with intermarriages, might be projections of other people’s racism, might in fact just be a reflection over reservations toward interracial marriages (ibid). Positive attitudes toward interracial marriages can conflict in relation to awareness of collective attitudes, which can result in endogamous preference. The general view is that interracial marriage is accepted in Swedish society to a lesser extent. Contrast, non-European Swedes report that they can imagine having an interracial relationship to a lesser extent than white-European Swedes (Osanami Törngren, 2011).

In conclusion, Osanami Törngren (2011) argues that majority Swede’s prefer a partner that they perceive as socially and culturally compatible, who does not experience discrimination and racism in society to a great extent and can easily be integrated into Swedish society. In other words, Swedes prefer a partner who is not identified as visibly and socially different from oneself. The role that visible differences play in defining who “we” as Swedes are, might cause the feeling of threat in terms of interracial marriages, seeing as they have the potential to redefine group positions. Some might be against interracial marriages due to their racist convictions, however Osanami Törngren (2011) argues that attitudes toward interracial marriages might not always reflect racism or discrimination. Therefore, interracial marriages are an area of research that needs to be further studied within the Swedish context (Osanami Törngren, 2011).

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3.2.5 Depictions of the sexualized ‘other’

Sexualized images of certain groups can potentially affect preferences for future marital spouses and also attitudes toward interracial marriage. Osanami Törngren (2011) refers to Ambjörnsson who argues that the heteronormative dating market is stratified by skin-color, where white Swedish people are ranked the highest while a dark-skinned African person is ranked low in terms of attraction between Swedish girls and foreign boys. Swedish studies have showed that young Africans in Sweden experience that their possibilty of having long-term and socially

accepted relationships with people of other ethnic background are limited within the Swedish context, and that specifically African men are sexualized by Swedish women (ibid). Måsson is also refered to by Osanami Törngren (2011), and he argues that some Swedish women are sexually attracted to foreign men and that this could lead foreign men to take advantage of Swedish women. Osanami Törngren (2011) points out the importance of taking this into account when analysing attitudes toward intermarriage.

Osanami Törngren (2011, 2016, 2018, 2019) has been bound breaking on the field of studying attitudes toward interracial marriage in Sweden. However, there is a knowledge gap when it comes to studying these couples define themselves and how they experience being perceived and treated by their social surroundings in everyday life. Hopefully this thesis can contribute to filling this gap.

4 METHOD

In this chapter I will present my methodological approach in how I aim to seek understanding of how interracial couples are experiencing that they are being perceived and treated by their immediate and more distant social surroundings in everyday life. I will also address ethical aspects in relations to the study’s

implementation and presentation. The merits and limitations of the method will be discussed in this chapter as well.

4.1 Methodological approach

This study has the purpose of exploring the deeper meaning and seeking

understanding of how interracial couples define themselves as well as how they are experiencing being treated from their close as well as more distant social surroundings, with the background of trying to understand how perceptions of race and sexuality affects people’s lives. The study has its starting point from the couple’s experiences, viewing them as experts of their own contexts, sharing intimate details about the perceptions they face as interracial couples. In order to gain in-depth knowledge of how these couples feel that they are being perceived and treated by their social surroundings, a qualitative study is most appropriate rather than a quantitative approach. According to Larsson (2005), a qualitative method means searching for a description as well as an understanding of another person’s experiences about a particular studied context. Qualitative methods usually describe the studied situation which means that individuals are studied based on their natural overall context (ibid). The main focus on the qualitative approach is to seek knowledge of the subjective experience of different

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meaning of the world and how the individual perceives and interprets her social context. It then builds on these subjective descriptions of the individual’s

experiences of her world, of which the researcher in the qualitative approach can analyse the described experiences as a theoretical or scientific philosophical perspective. This takes into account and increases the linguistic dimensions that arise in the various stories that are designed by people during interviews or observations (Larsson, 2005).

Furthermore, I have chosen to assume an inductive approach. Bryman (2018) argues that qualitative research has an inductive approach to the relationship between theory and empirical data, that is when the researcher chooses applicable theories based on what has been observed in the field of research. In this way, the researcher leaves room for the field to show which theories are best suited to interpret and understand the empirical data. Larsson (2005) argues that the inductive strategy is a more neutral way of studying a phenomenon because it does not assume predetermined views on how the field looks.

Data collection will be conducted through semi-structured interviews with the support of an interview guide. During these interviews, questions about how the couples define themselves and what experiences they have had as an interracial and/ or interethnic couple in relation to their social surroundings, will be asked. The advantages of this form of interviewing is that it has a certain structure, but at the same time leaves room for the informants to share their experiences and opinions. Additionally, it leaves room for me as an interviewer to be able to ask follow-up questions on the descriptions provided by the informants (Aspers, 2007). According to Aspers (2007), this interview method is best regarded as the study aims at describing and explaining a phenomenon. By interview it means that the researcher verbally asks questions to the informant and that the answers are either noted, recorded on tape or otherwise recorded by the researcher. Rosengren & Arvidson (2002) argue that open questions are best suited to interview surveys and that this type of survey is based on the interaction between the interviewer and the interviewee. Furthermore, they argue that data collection should be based on a certain structure and standard (ibid). To prepare for the interviews, I will design an interview guide with relevant topics of conversation, themes and question areas that need to be addressed in connection to the research questions (see Annex 1 and Annex 2). The interview guide will include formulated open sub-questions related to each theme. The interview guide can be described as a checklist for the interview so as not to forget asking any relevant questions. Since I aim to interview couples at the same time, I have to consider the

advantages and challenges of interviewing more than one person at the same time. The reason behind wanting to interview couples, is the expectation of the couples’ answers and their stories shared to have more dimensions to them, as all parties in the relationship contribute into sharing the different aspects to the experiences of the relationship. In this case avoiding the stories being one-sided, leaving

questions of how the other party has experienced perceptions from their social surroundings. The challenge is to make sure that all parties are provided with space to share their feelings, thoughts and experiences, as well as making sure that no party is setting preferential framework over the other/s, in regard to what experiences are considered valid or not, in the relationship. When it comes to the topic of race, it could be perceived as something that is and should be addressed from the POC’s standpoint in the relationship, which might make it difficult for

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the non-POC partner to feel equally entitled to address issues of race without stepping on any toes. Making it more important for me as a researcher to create a safe space where all parties are entitled to share their perspectives and take on the responsibility to initiate a pause or even cancel the interview if this safe space is threatened and conflicts arise.

4.2 Gathering informants and collecting data

The informants consist of people who are in a mixed relationship. I have chosen to let the informants define their relationship, in regard to race and/ or ethnicity, even though there are scientific definitions on these terms that I will need to relate to. The informants have been recruited through by an announced advertisement (see Annex 3) that was posted in different Facebook-groups/ pages. The Facebook groups and pages where the announced advertisement was posted is listed below:

1. Afrogäris (English translation: Afro Girls), which is a closed group. The advertisement was published the 29th_{of November 2018 and was then}

consisting of 2629 members.

2. Kultur för rasifierade (Enligsh translation: Culture for racialized), which is a closed group. The advertisement was published the 29th_{of November}

2018 and was then consisting of 1805 members.

3. Sweden interracial couples & mixed kids, which is an open page. The advertisement was published the 29th_{of November 2018. The page had}

then 166 people liking it and 168 followers.

4. Voice of POC, which is a closed group. The advertisement was published the 21st_{of January 2019 and was then consisting of 2612 members.}

5. Rasifierades Fristad (English translation: The Racialized Sanctuary), which is a closed group. The advertisement was published the 27th_of

January and was then consisting of 348 members.

6. Rasifierade killar – Ett forum för icke vita män (Transinklusivt) (English translation: Racialized Guys – A forum for non-white men (Trans

inclusive)), which is a closed group. The advertisement was published the 24th_{of January 2019 and was then consisting of 180 members. In this case}

the administrator of the group posted the ad for me, since I was denied membership due to me not fitting into the description of the target group. 7. Icke-binär + rasifierad (English translation: Non-binary + racialized),

which is a closed group. The advertisement was published the 25th_of

January 2019 and was then consisting of 31 members.

8. Black Coffee, which is a closed group. The advertisement was published the 27th_{of January 2019 and was then consisting of 3709 members.}

When contacting me, the informants received an information letter (see Annex 4) with more specific information about the project and what the actual participation in the study means for the informant.

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The selection has been based on the informants having experiences of being in an interracial and or interethnic relationship, and the informants have been

interviewed either as a couple or individually depending on whether or not all parties in the relationship have been willing to participate or not. With interracial and/ or interethnic couples in this study, I mean at least two or more people who are part of an intimate committed relationship, where the parties have different racial and/ or ethnic backgrounds. My starting point has been to let the informants define in what way they feel that they fit into this description. The reason being that this study is based on the couple’s own experiences, thus me not wanting to limit the couple’s participation by defining different types of interracial and/ or interethnic constellations and/ or definitions of what a committed relationship looks like. Additionally, I have chosen to only interview people of legal age.

4.3 Implementation

A total of seven informants with experiences of interracial and/ or interethnic relationships have participated by being interviewed for this study. The informants where consisting of two couples were both parties participated and three informants who participated individually. I had three additional people who stated that they and their partners initially were interested in participating in my study, two of these couples later declined before being interviewed, and one never got back to me.

I had a total of five interviews, one interview per couple or individual informant, and they lasted between 16 minutes, to up to 1 hour and 52 minutes. All the interviews were conducted in Swedish. Three of the interviews were conducted through video call, and two of them were through phone call. With the

informant’s consent, all the interviews were audio recorded and transcribed. In regard to consent, in those interviews were more than one informant participated I asked the participants individually if they consented to a) participating in the study and b) that the interview was audio recorded. This was then also repeated when the audio recording was on. The same went for those participating

individually.

I decided that if all the parties did not agree to participate in the study, I would still proceed to interview the party in the relationship who wished to participate. The reason for this was to enable the gathering of empirics as it was difficult to find couples where all parties wished to participate, but where there was one party who remained interested to do so. Note that in the interviews where all parties of the relationship wanted to participate and one of them in or after an interview, chooses to withdraw their consent and participation in the study, that the entire interview would be cancelled and that the informant who still may wish to

continue their participation would also not continue to be interviewed. The reason for this position, was my intention to remain objective and neutral in relation to the couple and that if the interview should continue with one of the parties when the other does not want to, I as an interviewer risk being perceived as taking part. Luckily, this never happened with any informants.

In the presented results and analysis, citations have been de-identified and data that can be linked to individuals has been removed, as has been done in the transcribed material. In the quotes, things like word order have sometimes been edited to facilitate reading and distinctive expressions that can be linked to

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specific individuals have also been removed. I have chosen fictitious names for the informants. Note that all interview material has been translated to English when summarizing the results, which means that citations are translated into spoken English to best reproduce the meaning of the informant’s narratives. I had the interviews start by me asking the informants an open question about how the couple met, how they defined their relationship and how they themselves reflected about being in an interracial and/ or interethnic relationship, before moving on into asking questions about how they have experienced being perceived and treated by their social surroundings.

4.4 Method for processing and analysing empirical data

The transcribed material was thoroughly read several times. Thematic analysis guided the reading (Bryman, 2018). The first reading was guided by the starting point of merely trying to understand what the material is saying and took place without any special emphasis on the study’s question. The central message of the text was summarized and then themes that emerged were recorded. In a second reading, the interviews were read and coded with the study’s questions in mind. Furthermore, Aspers (2007) argues that so-called coding is an appropriate method of assuming analysis of qualitative data. By code is meant how the researcher structured the empirical material collected, suggestively by categorizing, thematizing or attributing the material different characteristics. The codes and themes were then compared between the interviews with the aim to point out similarities and differences in the material or discover findings that were in some way deviating or surprising (Aspers, 2007). In the study, data collection and analysis went on in parallel, thus affecting insights from previous interviews how the next interview was interpreted. The themes that appeared to be most central on the basis of the study’s aim and research questions, have contributed to the

composition of the chapter divisions in the result and analysis section of the report (see chapter 5). The themes have further been analysed on the basis of selected theoretical notions as well as the previous research presented (see chapter 2 and

3). Aspers (2007) argues that the empirical evidence that is produced can never be

regarded as entirely objective, as the researcher's pre-knowledge and theoretical framework is constantly present in the collection of data and in the analysis of data. He emphasizes the importance of having as many notes as possible so that you as a researcher can get into the raw material of the study and thus understand the value of the empirical data (Aspers, 2007).

4.5 Ethical considerations

Bryman (2018) believes that there are four ethical principles that apply to Swedish research, which are requirements of information, consent, confidentiality

utilization. The main point is that informants should be given full information about what it means to participate in the study, that their participation should be voluntary which means that they have the right to refuse their participation in the study at any given time during the course. The informants need to agree to the participation. Personal data or other sensitive information about the informants must be treated with the utmost confidentiality and kept in such a way that unauthorized persons cannot access them (Bryman, 2018). The informants

participating in the study must be able to trust that their identity and personal data are protected in all situations (Henriksson & Månsson, 1996). Furthermore, the

The Tales of Interracial Relationships - How Interracial Couples in Sweden Experience Being Treated in Everyday Life

THE TALES OF INTERRACIAL

RELATIONSHIPS

HOW INTERRACIAL COUPLES IN SWEDEN

EXPERIENCE BEING TREATED IN EVERYDAY

LIFE

THE TALES OF INTERRACIAL

RELATIONSHIPS

HOW INTERRACIAL COUPLES IN SWEDEN

EXPERIENCE BEING TREATED IN EVERYDAY

LIFE

TANIA NJOKI KARANJA

THE TALES OF INTERRACIAL

RELATIONSHIPS

HOW INTERRACIAL COUPLES IN SWEDEN

EXPERIENCE BEING TREATED IN EVERYDAY

LIFE

TANIA NJOKI KARANJA

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1 INTRODUCTION

2 THEORETICAL NOTIONS

3 PREVIOUS RESEARCH

4 METHOD